LIVES 


op 


THE    SIGNERS 


OF    THE 


DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE, 


BY  REV.  CHARLES  A    GOODRICH. 


HARTFORD. 

R.  G.   H.   HUNTINGTON. 
1841. 


Southern  District  of  New-  York,  ss 

BE  IT  REjVlEMBERED,  That  on  the  twenty-fourth  day  of  June,  A.  D.  1829,  in  the 
fifty-third  year  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America,  Charles  A.  Goodrich, 
of  the  said  District,  hath  deposited  in  this  office  the  title  of  a  book,  the  right  whereof  he 
claims  as  author,  in  the  words  following,  to  wit : — "  Lives  of  the  Signers  to 'the  Declaration 
of  Independence.  By  the  Rev.  Charles  A.  Goodrich." 

In  conformity  to  the  act  of  Congress  of  the  United  States,  entitled,  "  an  act  for  the  en 
couragement  of  learning,  by  securing  the  copies  of  maps,  charts,  and  books,  to  the  authors 
and  proprietors  of  sucli  copies,  during  the  time  therein  mentioned."  And  also  to  an  act, 
entitled,  "an act,  supplementary  to  ar  act,  entitled,  an  act  for  the  encouragement  of  learn 
ing,  by  securing  the  copies  of  maps,  charts,  and  books,  to  the  authors  and  proprietors  of 
euch  copies,  during  the  times  therein  mentioned,  and  extending  the  benefits  thereof  to  the 
arts  of  designing,  engraving,  and  etching  historical  and  other  prints." 

FRED.  J.  BETTS, 
Clerk  of  the  Southern  District  ofNew-Y<r-<c. 


0-c 


PREFACE. 


THE  author  has  had  it  in  contemplation  for  several  years,  to  present  to  the 
public  a  work  of  the  following  kind;  but,  until  recently,  he  has  not  had  lei 
sure  to  complete  his  design.  He  was  incited  to  the  undertaking,  by  a  belief 
that  he  might  render  an  important  service  to  his  countrymen,  especially  to 
the  rising  generation,  by  giving  them,  in  a  volume  of  convenient  size,  some 
account  of  the  distinguished  band  of  patriots,  who  composed  the  congress 
of  1776 ;  and  to  whose  energy  and  wisdom  the  colonies,  at  that  time,  owed 
the  declaration  of  their  independent  political  existence.  - 

No  nation  can  dwell  with  more  just  satisfaction  upon  its  annals,  than 
the  American  people.  The  emigrants,  who  settled  the  country,  were  illus 
trious  men;  distinguished  for  their  piety,  wisdom,  energy,  and  fortitude. 
Not  less  illustrious  were  their  descendants,  who  served  as  the  guides  and 
counsellors  of  the  colonies,  or  who  fought  their  battles  during"  the  revolu 
tionary  struggle.  No  one  who  admits  the  intervention  of  a  special  provi 
dence  in  the  affairs  of  nations,  can  hesitate  to  believe,  that  the  statesmen  and 
heroes  of  the  revolution  were  raised  up  by  the  God  of  heaven,  for  the  impor 
tant  and  definite  purpose  of  achieving  the  independence  of  America — of 
rescuing  a  people,  whose  ancestors  had  been  eminently  devoted  to  the  duties 
of  piety,  from  the  thraldom  under  which  they  had  groaned  for  years — and  ol 
presenting  to  the  monarchical  governments  in  the  eastern  hemisphere,  the 
example  of  a  government,  founded  upon  principles  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty. 

For  the  accomplishment  of  such  a  purpose,  the  statesmen  and  heroes  of 
the  revolution  were  eminently  fitted.  They  were  endowed  with  minds  ol 
distinguished  power,  and  exhibited  an  example  of  political  sagacity,  and 
of  high  military  prowess,  which  commanded  the  admiration  of  statesmen  and 
heroes,  throughout  the  world.  Their  patriotism  was  of  a  pure  and  exalted 
character  ;  their  zeal  was  commensurate  with  the  noble  objects  which  they 
had  in  view  ;  and  amid  the  toils,  and  privations,  and  sufferings,  which  they 
were  called  to  endure,  they  exhibited  a  patience  and  fortitude,  rarely  equal 
led  in  the  history  of  the  world. 

Of  the  revolutionary  patriots,  none  present  themselves  with  more  interest 
to  the  rising  generation,  than  those  who  composed  the  congress  of  1776;  and 
upon  whom  devolved  the  important  political  duty  of  severing  the  tics,  which 
bound  the  colonies  to  the  mother  country.  The  lives  of  this  illustrious 
band,  we  here  present  to  our  readers.  Although  the  author  regrets  that  his 
materials  were  not  more  abundant,  he  indulges  the  hope,  that  the  subsequent 
pages  will  not  be  found  devoid  of  interest.  Even  an  unadorned  recital  of 
the  virtues,  which  adorned  the  subjects  of  these  memoirs  ;  the  piety  of  some 
— the  patriotism  and  constancy  and  courage  of  them  all — can  scarcely  fail  of 
imparting  a  useful  lesson  to  our  readers.  The  obligations  to  cherish  their 
memory,  and  to  follow  their  example  will  be  felt ;  nor  can  our  readers  fail 
to  realize  the  debt  of  gratitude  w,e  owe  in  common,  to  that  benignant  pro 
vidence,  who  fitted  these  men  for  the  important  work  which  was  assigned 
them. 

All  the  material  facts,  recorded  in  the  following  pages,  the  author  has 
reason  to  believe  are  authentic,  and  entitled  to  credibility.  Most  of  them 
are  matters  of  public  record.  Some  of  the  sketches  will  indeed  be  found  to 
contain  but  few  incidents ;  because,  in  respect  to  a  portion  of  the  signers, 
but  few  existed  ;  and,  in  respect  to  others,  the  accurate  knowledge  of  them 
has  been  irrevocably  lost.  The  sources  from  which  he  has  drawn  the  materi 
als  of  the  volume  are  too  numerous  to  be  particularly  mentioned  in  this  place; 
yet  he  would  be  doing  injustice,  not  to  express  his  special  obligations  to  the 
authors  of  the  following  works  :  viz.  Fitkiii's  Political  and  Civil  History  of 
the  United  States,  North  American  Review,  Walsh's  Appeal,  Marshall's  Life 


4  PREFACE. 

of  Washington,  Botta's  History  of  the  Revolution,  Allen's  Biographical  and 
Historical  Dictionary,  Biography  of  the  Signers  to  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence,  Thatcher's  Medical  Biography,  Austin's  Life  of  Gerry,  Tudor' a 
Life  of  Otis,  Witherspoon's  Works,  Select  Eulogies,  &c.  &c. 

While  writing1  the  following1  biographical  notices  of  the  signers  to  the 
declaration,  the  author  has  been  struck  with  their  longevity,  as  a  body  of 
men.  They  were  fifty-six  in  number  ;  and  the  average  length  of  their  fives 
was  about  sixty-five  years.  Four  of  the  number  attained  to  the  age  of 
ninety  years,  and  upwards;  fourteen  exceeded  eighty  years;  and  twenty- 
three,  or  one  in  two  and  a  half,  reached  three  score  years  and  ten.  The  lon 
gevity  of  the  New-England  delegation,  was  still  more  remarkable.  Their 
number  was  fourteen,  the  average  of  whose  lives  was  seventy-five  years. 
Who  will  affirm  that  the  unusual  age  to  which  the  signers,  as  a  body,  attain 
ed,  was  not  a  reward  bestowed  upon  them,  for  their  fidelity  to  their  country, 
and  the  trust  which  they  in  general  reposed  in  the  overruling  providence  of 
God.  Who  can  doubt  the  kindness  of  that  Providence  to  the  American 
people,  in  thus  prolonging  the  lives  of  these  men,  till  the  principles  for  which 
they  had  contended,  through  a  long  series  of  years,  had  been  acknowledged, 
and  a  government  had  been  founded  upon  them  ? 

Of  this  venerable  body,  not  a  single  one  survives— They  are  now  no 
more.  "They  are  no  more,  as  in  1776,  bold  and  fearless  advocates  of  inde 
pendence.  They  are  dead.  But  how  little  is  there  of  the  great  and  good 
which  can  die.  To  their  country  they  yet  live,  and  live  for  ever.  They  live, 
in  all  that  perpetuates  the  remembrance  of  men  on  earth;  in  the  recorded 
proofs  of  their  own  great  actions,  in  the  offspring  of  their  intellect,  in  the 
deep  engraved  lines  of  public  gratitude,  and  in  the  respect  and  homage  of 
mankind.  They  live  in  their  example;  and  they  live,  emphatically,  and  will 
live,  in  the  influence  which  their  lives  and  efforts,  their  principles  and 
opinions,  now  exercise,  and  will  continue  to  exercise,  on  the  affairs  of  men, 
not  only  in  our  own  country,  but  throughout  the  civilized  world." 

"It  remains  to  us  to  cherish  their  memory,  arid  emulate  their  virtues,  by 
perpetuating  and  extending  the  blessings  which  they  have  bequeathed.  So 
long  as  we  preserve  our  country,  their  fame  cannot  die,  for  it  is  reflected 
from  the  surface  of  every  thing  that  is  beautiful  and  valuable  in  our  land. 
We  cannot  recur  too  often,  nor  dwell  too  long,  upon  the  lives  and  characters 
of  such  men;  for  our  own  will  take  something  of  their  form  and  impression 
from  those  on  which  they  rest.  If  we  inhale  the  moral  atmosphere  in  which 
they  moved,  we  must  feel  its  purifying  and  invigorating  influence.  If  we 
raise  our  thoug'hts  to  their  elevation,  our  minds  will  be  expanded  and  en 
nobled,  in  beholding  the  immeasurable  distance  beneath  and  around  us. 
1  Can  we  breathe  thcTpure  mountain  air,  and  not  be  refreshed  ;  can  we  walk 
abroad  amidst  the  beautiful  and  the  grand  of  the  works  of  creation,  and  feel 
no  kiaoiiiig  of  devotion  1'  • 


CONTENTS. 


Introduction,        ...........  7 

MASSACHUSETTS  DELEGATION. 

John  Hancock,      ---------  71 

Samuel  Adams,    ----        .......  81 

John  Adams,         ...........  92 

Robert  Treat  Paine,     .......        -        -  112 

Elbridge  Gerry,            ..........  120 

NEW-HAMPSHIRE  DELEGATION. 

Josiah  Bartlett,     ...........  131 

William  Whipple,         ..........  139 

Matthew  Thornton,      ..........  143 

RHODE  ISLAND  DELEGATION. 

Stephen  Hopkins,          ...-..----149 

William  Ellery,            .......        -        -        -  153 

CONNECTICUT  DELEGATION. 

Rog~er  Sherman,           .........  I5g 

Samuel  Hunting-ton,     ........  -169 

William  Williams,        ..........  174 

Oliver  Wolcott,             ..........  179 

NEW-YORK  DELEGATION. 

William  Floyd,    .........  1S3 

Philip  Livingston          --------  igy 

Francis  Lewis,      ..........  193 

Lewis  Morris,        --------...  197 

Henry  Misner,  (See  note,  page  183.) 

NEW-  JERSEY  DELEGATION. 

Richard  Stockton,         ..........  204 

John  Witherspoon,        -        -        -        -        -        .....  211 

Francis  Hopkinson,       ..........  222 

John  Hart,                       -     .  .........  225 

Abraham  Clark,             ......  230 

PENNSYLVANIA  DELEGATION. 

Robert  Morris,       ........                         -  233 

Benjamin  Rush,    .......                                 .  244 


6  CONTENTS. 

Benjamin  Franklin,              »-*.•«.....  2£f 

John  Morton, 282 

George  Clymer,             -                   ...         ......  234 

Jameg  Smith,        -----..._..  291 

George  Taylor,    ------_..._  296 

James  Wilson.       ------....-  300 

George  Ross, 399 

DELAWARE  DELEGATION. 

Cscsar  Rodney,            --.....                 ..  313 

Georg-e  Read,      -- -..320 

Thomas  M'Kean,        ----._..„.  32  J 

MARYLAND  DELEGATION. 

Samuel  Chase,    ----._.__..  333 

William  Paca, 345 

Thomas  Stone,     ---_______.  351 

Charles  Carroll,    -...                 357 

VIRGINIA  DELEGATION. 

George  Wythe, 364 

Richard  Henry  Lee, 372 

Thomas  Jefferson,         --..._.---  380 

Benjamin  Harrison,     ---_..-.-.  405 

Thomas  Nelson,  jun.    -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -        -  410 

Francis  Lightfoot  Lee,         .........  410 

Carter  Braxton, 419 

NORTH  CAROLINA  DELEGATION. 

William  Hooper, 422 

Joseph  Hewes,      -._-_------  427 

John  Penn, 433 

SOUTH  CAROLINA  DELEGATION. 

Edward  Rutledg-e, ...-436 

Thomas  Heyward, 440 

Thomas  Lynch, 443 

Arthur  Middleton, 447 

GEORGL4.  DELEGATION. 

Button  Gwinnett,         ...                 ....                 -  457 

LymanHall, 455 

Georg-e  Walton,            ....                ......  459 


SKETCH  OF  THE  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.    -----        4G1 


INTRODUCTION. 


EBMMARY  OP  EVENTS  WHICH  LED  TO  THE  DECLARATION  OF 
INDEPENDENCE. 

THE  venerated  emigrants  who  first  planted  America,  ana 
most  of  their  distinguished  successors  who  laid  the  founda 
tion  of  our  civil  liberty,  have  found  a  resting  place  in  the 
peaceful  grave.  But  the  virtues  which  adorned  both  these 
generations  ;  their  patience  in  days  of  suffering;  the  courage 
and  patriotic  zeal  with  which  they  asserted  their  rights ;  and 
the  wisdom  they  displayed  in  laying  the  foundations  of  our 
government ;  will  be  held  in  lasting  remembrance. 

It  has,  indeed,  been  said,  that  the  settlement  of  America, 
and  the  history  of  her  revolution,  are  becoming  "a  trite 
theme."  The  remark  is  not  founded  in  truth.  Too  well 
does  the  present  generation  appreciate  the  excellence  of 
those  men,  who  guided  the  destinies  of  our  country  in  days 
of  bitter  trial ;  too  well  does  it  estimate  the  glorious  events, 
which  have  exalted  these  United  States  to  their  present  ele 
vation,  ever  to  be  weary  of  the  pages  which  shall  record  the 
virtues  of  the  one,  and  the  interesting  character  of  the  other. 

The  minuter  portions  of  our  history,  and  the  humbler 
men  who  have  acted  a  part  therein,  must,  perhaps,  pass  into 
oblivion.  But  the  more  important  transactions,  and  the  more 
distinguished  characters,  instead  of  being  lost  to  the  remem 
brance  and  affections  of  posterity,  will  be  the  more  regarded 
and  admired  the  farther  "  we  roll  down  the  tide  of  time.** 
Indeed,  "  an  event  of  real  magnitude  in  human  history,"  a« 
a  recent  literary  journal  has  well  observed,  "  is  never  seen, 
in  all  its  grandeur  and  importance,  till  some  time  after  its  oc 
currence  has  elapsed.  In  proportion  as  the  memory  of  small 


8  INTRODUCTION. 

men,  and  small  things,  is  lost,  that  of  the  truly  great  becomes 
more  bright.  The  contemporary  aspect  of  things  is  often 
confused  and  indistinct.  The  eye,  which  is  placed  too  near 
the  canvass,  beholds,  too  distinctly,  the  separate  touches  of 
the  pencil,  and  is  perplexed  with  a  cloud  of  seemingly  dis 
cordant  tints.  It  is  only  at  a  distance,  that  they  melt  into  a 
harmonious,  living  picture." 

Nor  does  .t  detract  from  the  honour  of  the  eminent  person 
ages,  who  were  conspicuous  in  the  transactions  of  our  ear 
lier  history,  that  they  foresaw  not  all  the  glorious  consequences 
of  their  actions.  Not  one  of  our  pilgrim  fathers,  it  may  be 
safely  conjectured,  had  a  distinct  anticipation  of  the  future 
progress  of  our  country.  Neither  Smith,  Newport,  nor 
Gosnold,  who  lee!  the  emigrants  of  the  south ;  nor  Carver, 
Brewster,  Bradford,  or  Standish,  who  conducted  those  of 
the  north ;  looked  forward  to  results  like  those  which  are 
witnessed  by  the  present  generation.  But  is  the  glory  of 
their  enterprise  thereby  diminished  ?  By  no  means  ;  it  shines 
with  an  intenser  light.  They  foresaw  nothing  with  certainty, 
but  hardships  and  sacrifices.  These,  they  deliberately  and 
manfully  encountered.  They  went  forward  unassured,  that 
even  common  prosperity  would  attend  their  enterprise 
They  breasted  themselves  to  every  shock  ;  as  did  the  vessel 
which  bore  them,  to  the  waves  of  the  ocean. 

Or,  to  take  an  example  which  has  a  more  direct  reference 
to  the  work  before  us ;  it  may  be  fairly  conjectured,  that  not 
a  member  of  the  illustrious  assembly  that  declared  the  Inde 
pendence  of  America,  had  any  adequate  conception  of  the 
great  events  which  were  disclosed  in  the  next  half  century. 
But,  will  this  detract  from  their  merit  in  the  estimation  of 
posterity?  again  we  say,  it  will  enhance  that  merit.  In  the 
great  national  crisis  of  1775,  the  minds  of  the  leading  men  were 
wrought  up  to  the  highest  pitch  of  fervour.  They  glowed 
with  the  loftiest  enthusiasm.  The  future  was,  indeed,  in 
distinct  ;  but  it  was  full  of  all  that  was  momentous.  What 
the  particular  consummation  would  be,  they  could  not  foresee. 
But  conscious  of  their  own  magnanimous  designs,  and  in  a 
humble  reliance  on  divine  providence,  they  pledged  to  each 


INTRODUCTION.  9 

other,  their  lives,  their  fortunes,  and  their  sacred  honour, 
either  to  die  in  the  assertion  of  their  unalienable  rights,  or 
to  establish  American  liberty  upon  a  solid  foundation.  The 
merit  of  these  men,  and  of  all  who  contributed  to  the  happy 
condition  of  our  republic,  should  be  measured,  by  the  gran 
deur  of  the  actual  consequences  of  their  enterprise,  although 
the  precise  extent  of  those  consequences  could  not  then  have 
been  foreseen.* 

In  a  work,  whose  professed  object  is,  to  speak  of  men 
who  lived  and  flourished  in  the  days  of  our  revolutionary 
struggle,  we  have  little  to  do  with  the  motives  which  indu 
ced  the  first  settlers  of  our  country  to  seek  an  asylum  in  what 
was  then  an  unexplored  wilderness.  Nor  is  this  the  place  to 
record  the  thousand  sufferings  which  they  endured,  before 
the  era  of  their  landing ;  or  their  numberless  sorrows  and 
deprivations,  while  establishing  themselves  in  the  rude  land 
of  their  adoption.  The  heroic  and  Christian  virtues  of  our 
fathers  will  occupy  a  conspicuous  page  in  history,  while  the 
world  shall  stand. 

Nor  does  it  belong  to  our  design,  to  enter  minutely  into 
the  early  history  of  the  colonies,  interesting  as  that  history 
is.  An  outline,  only,  will  be  necessary,  to  understand  the 
causes  of  that  memorable  event  in  the  history  of  our  coun 
try —  The  Declaration  of  American  Independence — and  to 
introduce  to  our  more  particular  notice,  the  eminent  rnen 
who  proclaimed  that  independence  to  the  world. 

The  year  1607  is  the  era  of  the  first  settlement  of  the  En 
glish  in  America.  During  the  interval  between  this  date, 
and  the  year  1732,  thirteen  colonies  were  established  ;  Vir 
ginia  being  the  first,  and  Georgia  the  last.  The  others  were 
Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  New-Hampshire,  Rhode  Island, 
New-York,  New-Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland, 
and  the  two  Carolinas. 

In  the  settlement  of  these  colonies,  three  forms  of  govern 
ment  were  established.  These  were  severally  denominated, 
charter,  proprietary,  and  royal  governments.  This  differ 

*  North  American  Review. 

B 


10  INTRODUCTION. 

ence  arose  from  the  different  circumstances  which  attendee 
the  settlement  of  different  colonies,  and  the  diversified  views 
of  the  early  emigrants.  The  charter  governments  were  con 
fined  to  New-England.  The  proprietary  governments  were 
those  of  Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  the  Carolinas,  and  the  Jer- 
sies.  The  twro  former  remained  such,  until  the  American  re 
volution  ;  the  two  latter  became  royal  governments  long  be 
fore  that  period.  In  the  charter  governments,  the  people  en 
joyed  the  privileges  and  powers  of  self  government;  in  the 
proprietary  governments  these  privileges  and  powers  were  ves  t- 
ed  in  the  proprietor,  but  he  was  required  to  have  the  advice, 
assent,  and  approbation  of  the  greater  part  of  the  freemen,  or 
their  deputies ;  in  the  royal  governments,  the  governor  and 
council  were  appointed  by  the  crown,  and  the  people  elect 
ed  representatives  to  serve  in  the  colonial  legislatures.* 

Under  these  respective  forms  of  government,  the  colonists 
might  have  enjoyed  peace,  and  a  good  share  of  liberty,  had 
human  nature  been  of  a  different  character.  But  all  the  co 
lonies  were  soon  more  or  less  involved  in  troubles  of  vari 
ous  kinds,  arising,  in  part,  from  the  indefinite  tenor  of  the 
charter  and  proprietary  grants ;  but  more  than  all,  from  the 
early  jealousy  which  prevailed  in  the  mother  country  with 
respect  to  the  colonies,  and  the  fixed  determination  of  the 
crown  to  keep  them  in  humble  subjection  to  its  authority. 

The  colonies,  with  the  exception  of  Georgia,  had  all  been 
established,  and  had  attained  to  considerable  strength,  with 
out  even  the  slightest  aid  from  the  parent  country.  What 
ever  was  expended  in  the  acquisition  of  territory  from  the 
Indians,  proceeded  from  the  private  resources  of  the  Euro 
pean  adventurers.  Neither  the  crown,  nor  the  parliament 
of  England,  made  any  compensation  to  the  original  masters 
of  the  soil;  nor  did  they  in  any  way  contribute  to  those  im 
provements  which  so  soon  bore  testimony  to  the  industry  and 
intelligence  of  the  planters.  The  settlement  of  the  province 
of  Massachusetts  Bay  alone  cost  200,000/. ; — an  enormous 
sum  at  that  period.  Lord  Baltimore  expended;  40,0007^  i'oi 

«  Pitkin. 


INTRODUCTION.  11 

his  contingent,  in  the  establishment  of  his  colony  in  Mary- 
iand.  On  that  of  Virginia,  immense  wealth  was  lavished ; 
and  we  are  told  by  Trumbull,  that  the  first  ^.planters  of  Con 
necticut  consumed  great  estates  in  purchasing  lands  from  the 
Indians,  and  making  their  settlements  in  that  province,  in  ad 
dition  to  large  sums  previously  expended  in  the  procuring  of 
their  patents,  and  of  the  rights  of  pre-emption.* 

It  is  conceded  by  historians  of  every  party,  that  from  the 
earliest  settlements  in  America,  to  the  period  of  the  revolu 
tion,  the  parent  country,  so  far  as  her  own  unsettled  state 
would  permit,  pursued  towards  those  settlements  a  course 
of  direct  oppression.  Without  the  enterprise  to  establish  co 
lonies  herself,  she  was  ready,  in  the  very  dawn  of  their  exist 
ence,  to  claim  them  as  her  legitimate  possessions,  and  to  pre 
scribe,  in  almost  every  minute  particular,  the  policy  they 
should  pursue.  Her  jealousies,  coeval  with  the  foundation 
of  the  colonies,  increased  with  every  succeeding  year ;  and 
led  to  a  course  of  arbitrary  exactions,  and  lordly  oppressions, 
which  resulted  in  the  rupture  of  those  ties  that  bound  the 
colonies  to  the  parent  country. 

No  sooner  did  the  colonies,  emerging  from  the  feebleness 
and  poverty  of  their  incipient  state,  begin  to  direct  their  at 
tention  to  commerce  and  manufactures,  than  they  were  sub 
jected  by  the  parent  country  to  many  vexatious  regulations, 
which  seemed  to  indicate,  that  with  regard  to  those  subjects, 
they  were  expected  to  follow  that  line  of  policy,  which  she 
in  her  wisdom  should  mark  out  for  them.  At  every  indica 
tion  of  colonial  prosperity,  the  complaints  of  the  commercial 
and  the  manufacturing  interests  in  Great  Britain  were  loud 
and  clamourous,  and  repeated  demands  were  made  upon  the 
British  government,  to  correct  the  growing  evil,  and  to  keep 
the  colonies  in  due  subjection.  "The  colonists,"  said  the 
complainants,  "are  beginning  to  carry  on  trade; — they  will 
soon  be  our  formidable  rivals :  they  are  already  setting  up 
manufactures ; — they  will  soon  set  up  for  independence.' 

To  the  increase  of  this  feverisn  excitement  in  the  parent 

*  Walsh 


INTRODUCTION. 

country,  the  English  writers  of  those  days  contributed  not  a 
little.  As  early  as  1670,  in  a  work,  entitled,  "  Discourse  on 
Trade,"  published  by  Sir  Josiah  Child,  is  the  following  Ian 
guage,  which  expresses  the  prevailing  opinion  of  the  day : 
"  New  England  is  the  most  prejudicial  plantation  to  this  king 
dom" — "of  all  the  American  plantations,  his  majesty  has 
none  so  apt  for  the  building  of  shipping,  as  New-England, 
nor  any  comparably  so  qualified  for  the  breeding  of  seamen, 
not  only  by  reason  of  the  natural  industry  of  that  people, 
but  principally  by  reason  of  their  cod  and  mackerel  fishe 
ries  ;  and,  in  my  poor  opinion,  there  is  nothing  more  prejudi 
cial,  and  in  prospect,  more  dangerous  to  any  mother  kingdom, 
than  the  increase  of  shipping  in  her  colonies,  plantations,  and 
provinces.'''1 

By  another  writer  of  still  more  influence  and  celebrity, 
Dr.  Davenant,  the  idea  of  colonial  dependence,  at  which  Sir 
Josiah  Child  had  hinted,  was  broadly  asserted.  **  Colonies," 
he  writes,  "are  a  strength  to  their  mother  country,  while  they 
are  under  good  discipline ;  while  they  are  strictly  made  to 
observe  the  fundamental  laws  of  the  original  country ;  and 
while  they  are  kept  dependant  on  it.  But,  otherwise,  they 
are  worse  than  members  lopped  from  the  body  politic ;  be 
ing,  indeed,  like  offensive  arms  wrested  from  a  nation,  to  be 
turned  against  it,  as  occasion  shall  serve." 

To  the  colonists,  however,  the  subject  presented  itself  in 
a  very  different  light.  They  had  spontaneously  planted  them 
selves  on  these  shores,  which  were  then  desolate.  They  had 
asked  no  assistance  from  the  government  of  Great  Britain ; 
nor  had  they  drawn  from  her  exchequer  a  single  pound,  du 
ring  all  the  feebleness  and  imbecility  of  their  infancy.  And 
now,  when  they  were  beginning  to  emerge  from  a  state  of 
poverty  and  depression,  which  for  years  they  had  sustained 
without  complaint,  they  very  naturally  supposed  that  they 
had  a  right  to  provide  for  their  own  interests. 

It  was  not  easy  for  them  to  see  by  what  principle  their  re 
moval  to  America  should  deprive  them  of  the  rights  of  En 
glishmen.  It  was  difficult  for  them  to  comprehend  the  justice 
of  restrictions  so  materially  different  from  those  at  "home;" 


INTRODUCTION.  13 

or  why  they  might  not  equally  with  their  elder  brethren  iii 
England,  seek  the  best  markets  for  their  products,  and,  like 
them,  manufacture  such  articles  as  were  within  their  power, 
and  essential  to  their  comfort. 

But  the  selfish  politicians  of  England,  and  her  still  more 
selfish  merchants  and  manufacturers,  thought  not  so.  A  dif 
ferent  doctrine  was  accordingly  advanced,  and  a  different 
policy  pursued.  Acts  were,  therefore,  early  passed,  restrict 
ing  the  trade  with  the  plantations,  as  well  as  with  other  parts 
of  the  world,  to  English-built  ships,  belonging  to  the  subjects 
of  England,  or  to  her  plantations.  Not  contented  with  thus 
confining  the  colonial  export  trade  to  the  parent  country, 
parliament,  in  1663,  limited  the  import  trade  in  the  same 
manner. 

These  acts,  indeed,  left  free  the  trade  and  intercourse  be 
tween  the  colonies.  But  even  this  privilege  remained  to  them 
only  a  short  period.  In  1672,  certain  colonial  products,  trans 
ported  from  one  colony  to  another,  were  subjected  to  duties. 
White  sugars  were  to  pay  five  shillings,  and  brown  sugars 
jne  shilling  and  sixpence,  per  hundred ;  tobacco  and  indigo 
Dne  penny,  and  cotton  wool  a  half-penny,  per  pound. 

The  colonists  deemed  these  acts  highly  injurious  to  their 
interest.  They  were  deprived  of  the  privilege  of  seeking 
the  best  market  for  their  products,  and  of  receiving,  in  ex 
change,  the  articles  they  wanted,  without  being  charged  the 
additional  expense  of  a  circuitous  route  through  England. 
The  acts  themselves  were  considered  by  some  as  a  violation 
of  their  charter  rights  ;  and  in  Massachusetts,  they  were,  for 
a  long  time,  totally  disregarded. 

The  other  colonies  viewed  them  in  the  same  light.  Virgi 
nia  presented  a  petition  for  their  repeal ;  Rhode  Island  de 
clared  them  unconstitutional,  and  contrary  to  their  charter. 
The  Carolinas,  also,  declared  them  not  less  grievous  and 
illegal. 

The  disregard  of  these  enactments  on  the  part  of  the  co 
lonies — a  disregard  which  sprung  from  a  firm  conviction  of 
their  illegal  and  oppressive  character — occasioned  loud  an. I 
clamorous  complaints  in  England.  The  revenue,  it  was  urged 

2 


14  INTRODUCTION. 

would  be  injured ;  and  the  dependance  of  the  colonies  on 
the  parent  country  would,  in  time,  be  totally  destroy 
ed.  A  stronger  language  was,  therefore,  held  towards  the 
colonies,  and  stronger  measures  adopted,  to  enforce  the 
existing  acts  of  navigation.  The  captains  of  his  majesty's 
frigates  were  instructed  to  seize,  and  bring  in,  offenders  who 
avoided  making  entries  in  England.  The  naval  officers  were 
required  to  give  bonds  for  the  faithful  performance  of  their 
duties  ;  the  custom  house  officers  in  America  were  clothed 
with  extraordinary  powers  ;  and  the  governors,  for  neglect 
of  watchfulness  on  these  points,  were  not  only  to  be  removed 
from  office,  and  rendered  incapable  of  the  government  of  any 
colony,  but  also  to  forfeit  one  thousand  pounds. 

A  similar  sensibility  prevailed,  on  the  subject  of  manufac 
tures.  For  many  years  after  their  settlement,  the  colonists 
were  too  much  occupied  in  subduing  their  lands  to  engage  in 
manufactures.  When,  at  length,  they  turned  their  attention 
to  them,  the  varieties  were  few,  and  of  a  coarse  and  imper 
fect  texture.  But  even  these  were  viewed  with  a  jealous  eye. 
In  1699,  commenced  a  systematic  course  of  restrictions  on 
colonial  manufactures,  by  an  enactment  of  parliament,  "  that 
no  wool,  yarn,  or  woollen  manufactures  of  their  American 
plantations,  should  be  shipped  there,  or  even  laden,  in  order 
to  be  transported  thence  to  any  place  whatever." 

Other  acts  followed,  in  subsequent  years,  having  for  their 
object  the  suppression  of  manufactures  in  America,  and  the 
continued  dependance  of  the  colonies  on  the  parent  country. 
In  1719,  the  house  of  commons  declared,  "that  the  erecting 
of  manufactories  in  the  colonies,  tended  to  lessen  their  de 
pendance  upon  Great  Britain."  In  1731,  the  board  of  trade 
reported  to  the  house  of  commons,  "  that  there  are  more 
trades  carried  on,  and  manufactures  set  up,  in  the  provinces 
on  the  continent  of  America,  to  the  northward  of  Virginia, 
prejudicial  to  the  trade  and  manufactures  of  Great  Britain, 
particularly  in  New-England,  than  in  any  other  of  the  Bri 
tish  colonies;"  and  hence  they  suggested,  "  whether  it 
might  not  be  expedient,"  in  order  to  keep  the  colonies  pro 
perly  dependant  upon  the  parent  country,  and  to  render  her 


INTRODUCTION.  15 

manufactures  of  service  to  Great  Britain,  "  to  give  those  co- 
ionies  some  encouragement." 

From  the  London  company  of  hatters  loud  complaints 
were  made  to  parliament,  and  suitable  restrictions  demanded, 
upon  the  exportation  of  hats,  which  being  manufactured  in 
New-England,  were  exported  to  Spain,  Portugal,  and  the 
British  West  India  islands,  to  the  serious  injury  of  their 
trade.  In  consequence  of  these  representations,  the  expor 
tation  of  hats  from  the  colonies  to  foreign  countries,  and 
from  one  plantation  to  another,  was  prohibited ;  and  even 
restraints,  to  a  certain  extent,  were  imposed  on  their  manu 
facture.  In  1732  it  was  enacted,  that  hats  should  neither  be 
shipped,  nor  even  laden  upon  a  horse,  cart,  or  other  carriage, 
with  a  view  to  transportation  to  any  other  colony,  or  to  any 
place  whatever.  Nay,  no  hatter  should  employ  more  than 
two  apprentices  at  once,  nor  make  hats,  unless  he  had  served 
as  an  apprentice  to  the  trade  seven  years ;  and,  finally,  that 
no  black  or  negro  should  be  allowed  to  work  at  the  business 
at  all. 

The  complaints  and  the  claims  of  the  manufacturers  of 
iron  were  of  an  equally  selfish  character.  The  colonists 
might  reduce  the  iron  ore  into  pigs — they  might  convert  it 
Into  bars — it  might  be  furnished  them  duty  free  ;  but  they  must 
have  the  profit  of  manufacturing  it,  beyond  this  incipient 
stage.  Similar  success  awaited  the  representations  and  peti 
tions  of  the  manufacturers  of  iron.  In  the  year  1750,  par 
liament  allowed  the  importation  of  pig  and  bar  iron  from 
the  colonies,  into  London,  duty  free ;  but  prohibited  the 
erection  or  continuance  of  any  mill,  or  other  engine,  for 
slitting  or  rolling  iron,  or  any  plating  forge  to  work  with 
a  tilt-hammer,  or  any  furnace  for  making  steel,  in  the  colo 
nies,  under  the  penalty  of  two  hundred  pounds.  Moreover, 
every  such  mill,  engine,  or  plating  forge,  was  declared  a  com 
mon  nuisance ;  and  the  governors  of  the  colonies,  on  the 
information  of  two  witnesses,  on  oath,  were  directed  to  cause 
the  same  to  be  abated  within  thirty  days,  or  to  forfeit  the 
sum  of  five  hundred  pounds. 

But  if  the  colonists  had  just  reason  to  complain  on  account 


16  INTRODUCTION. 

of  the  above  restrictions  and  prohibitions, — as  being  ex 
tremely  oppressive  in  themselves,  and  a  plain  violation  of 
their  rights ; — some  of  them  were  equally  misused  with  re 
spect  to  their  charters. 

The  charter  governments,  it  has  already  been  observed, 
were  confined  to  the  colonies  of  New-England.  These 
charters  had  been  granted  by  the  crown  in  different  years ;  and, 
under  them,  were  exercised  the  powers  of  civil  government. 

Great  difference  of  opinion  early  existed  between  the 
crown  and  the  colonists,  as  to  the  nature,  extent,  and  obliga 
tions  of  these  instruments.  By  the  crown,  they  were  viewed 
as  constituting  petty  corporations,  similar  to  those  established 
in  England,  which  might  be  annulled  or  revoked  at  pleasure. 
To  the  colonists,  on  the  other  hand,  they  appeared  as  sacred 
and  solemn  compacts  between  themselves  and  the  king; 
which  could  not  be  altered,  either  by  the  king  or  parliament, 
without  a  forfeiture  on  the  part  of  the  colonists.  The  only 
limitation  to  the  legislative  power  conferred  by  these  char 
ters,  was,  that  the  laws  made  under  their  authority  should 
not  be  repugnant  to^hose  of  England. 

Among  the  colonists,  there  prevailed  no  disposition  to 
transcend  the  powers,  or  abuse  the  privileges,  which  had 
been  granted  them.  They,  indeed,  regarded  the  charters  as 
irrevocable,  so  long  as  they  suitably  acknowledged  their  own 
allegiance  to  the  crown,  and  confined  themselves  to  the 
rights  with  Avhich  they  were  invested.  But,  at  length,  the 
king  seems  to  have  repented  of  these  extensive  grants  of 
political  power ;  and  measures  were  adopted  again  to  attach 
the  government  of  the  charter  colonies  to  the  royal  prero 
gative. 

Accordingly,  writs  were  issued  against  the  several  New- 
England  colonies,  at  different  times,  requiring  them  to  sur 
render  these  instruments  into  the  royal  hands.  To  this 
measure  the  strongest  repugnance  every  where  prevailed. 
It  was  like  a  surrender  of  life.  It  was  a  blow  aimed  at  their 
dearest  rights — an  annihilation  of  that  peace  and  liberty, 
which  had  been  secured  to  them  by  the  most  solemn  and  in 
violable  compact. 


INTRODUCTION. 

With  views  and  sentiments  like  these,  the  colonists  suppli 
cated  the  royal  permission,  "  to  remain  as  they  were."  They 
reminded  his  majesty  of  the  sacred  nature  of  their  charters ; 
they  appealed  to  the  laws  which  they  had  passed, — to  the  in 
stitutions  they  had  founded, — to  the  regulations  they  had 
adopted, — in  the  spirit  of  which,  there  was  not  to  be  seen  any 
departure  from  the  powers  with  which  they  were  invested. 
And  they  therefore  humbly  claimed  the  privilege  of  exerci 
sing  these  powers,  with  an  assurance  of  their  unalterable  alle 
giance  to  the  English  crown. 

In  an  address  to  his  majesty,  from  the  colony  of  Massachusetts, 
styled,  "  the  humble  supplication  of  the  general  court  of  the 
Massachusetts  colony  in  New-England,"  the  following  lan 
guage  was  adopted — language  as  honourable  to  the  colonists, 
as  the  sentiments  are  tender  and  affecting.  "  Let  our  govern 
ment  live,  our  patent  live,  our  magistrates  live,  our  laws  and 
liberties  live,  our  religious  enjoyments  live,  so  shall  we  all 
yet  have  further  cause  to  say  from  our  hearts,  let  the  king-  live 
forever ; — and  the  blessings  of  those  ready  to  perish  shall 
come  upon  your  majesty  ;  having  delivered  the  poor  that 
cried,  and  such  as  had  none  to  help  them." 

The  king,  however,  would  listen  to  no  arguments,  and 
would  admit  of  no  appeal.  A  strong  jealousy  had  taken 
possession  of  his  breast,  and  had  as  firmly  seated  itself  in  the 
hearts  of  his  ministry.  The  tree,  planted  by  the  colonists,, 
fostered  by  their  care,  and  watered  by  their  tears,  was  taking 
too  deep  root,  and  spreading  forth  its  branches  too  broadly. 
Its  fall  was  determined  upon,  and  too  successfully  was  the 
axe  applied. 

The  charters  being  in  effect  set  aside  ;  those  of  Rhode  Is 
land  and  Connecticut  being  considered  as  surrendered,  and 
that  of  Massachusetts  having  been  violently  wrested  from 
her;  the  king,  at  that  time  James  II.,  appointed  Sir  Edmund 
Andros  governor-general  of  New-England.  In  December, 
1686,  he  arrived  in  Boston,  and  published  his  commission. 

The  administration  lof  Andros  effected  no  inconsiderable 
change  in  the  condition  of  New-England.     For  sixty  years 
the  people  had  lived  happily,  under  constitutions  and  laws  of 
C  * 


18  INTRODUCTION. 

their  own  adoption.  Amidst  the  trials  and  sufferings  which 
had  fallen  to  their  lot,  while  settling  and  subduing  a  wilder 
ness,  the  privilege  of  self-government  was  one  of  their  chief 
consolations.  But  now,  deprived  of  this  privilege,  and  sub 
jected  to  the  arbitrary  laws,  and  cruel  rapacity  of  Anclros,  a 
deep  gloom  spread  over  the  whole  territory  of  New-England. 

"  One  of  his  first  despotic  acts,"  says  a  late  interesting 
writer,*  "  was  to  place  the  press  under  censorship.  Magis 
trates  alone  were  permitted  to  solemnize  marriages,  and  no 
marriages  were  allowed,  until  bonds,  with  sureties,  were 
given  to  the  governor,  to  be  forfeited,  if  any  lawful  impediment 
should  afterwards  appear.  No  man  could  remove  from  the 
country  without  the  consent  of  the  governor. 

"  Fees  of  office,  particularly  in  matters  of  probate,  were 
exorbitant ; — towns  were  not  permitted  to  hold  meetings  but 
once  a  year,  and  then  for  the  sole  purpose  of  electing  offi 
cers  ; — all  former  grants  of  lands  were  considered  invalid, 
either  because  they  were  rendered  void  by  the  destruction  of 
the  charters  under  which  they  were  made,  or  were  destitute 
of  the  formality  of  a  seal.  The  people  were,  therefore, 
obliged  to  take  out  new  patents  for  their  lands  and  houses, 
and  to  pay  enormous  patent  fees,  or  suffer  them  to  be  grant 
ed  to  others,  and  they  themselves  ejected  from  their  hard 
earned  possessions. 

"In  addition  to  this,  taxes  were  imposed  at  the  will  of  the 
governor-general  and  a  few  of  his  council ;  nor  had  the  poor 
New-Englanders  even  the  privilege  of  complaining,  and  claim 
ing  the  rights  of  Englishmen,  without  being  liable  to  fine  and 
imprisonment.  These  taxes  the  governor  and  council,  by 
their  act,  assessed  upon  the  several  towns,  and  directed  each 
town  to  appoint  a  commissioner,  who,  with  the  select  men, 
was  ordered  to  assess  the  same  on  the  individual  inhabitants. 
The  citizens  of  the  old  town  of  Ipswich,  at  a  meeting  called 
for  the  purpose  of  carrying  this  act  into  effect,  declared,  that, 
"considering  the  said  act  doth  infringe  their  liberty,  as  free 
born  English  subjects  of  his  majesty,  by  interfering  with  the 

*  Pitkin. 


INTRODUCTION.  19 

statute  laws  of  the  land,  by  which  it  is  enacted,  that  no  taxes 
should  be  levied  upon  the  subjects,  without  the  consent  of  an 
assembly  chosen  by  the  freemen  for  assessing  the  same  ;  they 
do,  therefore,  vote,  they  are  not  willing  to  choose  a  commis 
sioner  for  such  an  end,  without  such  privilege  ;  and,  moreo 
ver,  consent  not  that  the  select  men  do  proceed  to  lay  any 
such  rate,  until  it  be  appointed  by  a  general  assembly,  con 
curring  with  the  governor  and  council." 

"  The  minister  of  the  town,  John  Wise,  together  with  John 
Appleton,  John  Andrews,  Robert  Kinsman,  William  Good- 
hue,  and  Thomas  French,  were  active  in  procuring  this  patrio 
tic  resolution  ;  and  for  this,  they  were  immediately  brought 
before  the  governor  and  council  at  Boston  ;  and  soon  after 
tried  before  the  star  chamber  judges,  Dudley,  Stoughton, 
Usher,  and  Randolph,  and  a  packed  jury.  In  his  examination 
before  the  council,  Mr.  Wise,  claiming  the  privilege  of  an 
English  subject,  was  told  by  one  of  the  judges,  '  he  had  no 
more  privilege  left  him,  than  not  to  be  sold  for  a  slave.1 

"  Wise  was  imprisoned  by  the  governor  general  ;  and  the 
judges  refused  him  the  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas 
corpus. 

"  On  their  trial,  they  defended  themselves  under  magna 
charta,  and  the  statutes,  which  solemnly  secured  to  every 
British  subject  his  property  and  estate.  The  judges,  how 
ever,  told  them,  '  they  must  not  think  the  laws  of  England 
followed  them  to  the  ends  of  the  earth,  or  wherever  they 
went;'  and  they  were  in  a  most  arbitrary  manner  con 
demned. 

"  Mr.  Wise  was  suspended  from  his  ministerial  functions, 
fined  50Z.,  and  compelled  to  give  a  bond  of  1000Z.  for  his 
good  behaviour ;  and  the  others  were  also  subjected  to  fines, 
and  obliged  to  give  bonds  of  a  similar  nature." 

Such  is  an  outline  of  the  despotic  acts,  during  the  odious 
administration  of  Andros.  To  these  the  people  of  New- 
England  were  obliged  to  submit,  without  the  prospect  of  any 
alleviation  of  their  condition. 

Relief,  however,  was  near  at  hand.  At  this  important 
crisis  in  the  affairs  of  the  colonies,  an  event  transpired  which 


5SO  INTRODUCTION. 

relieved  them  in  a  measure  from  the  perplexities  in  which 
they  were  involved,  and  from  the  oppressions  under  which 
they  groaned.  The  bigotted  James  II.,  by  his  acts  of  des 
potism,  had  become  justly  odious  to  all  the  subjects  of  his 
realm.  So  great  was  the  excitement  of  public  indignation, 
that  the  king  was  compelled  to  flee,  in  disgrace,  from  the 
kingdom;  and  his  son-in-law,  William,  Prince  of  Orange, 
was  invited  to  assume  the  crown. 

The  news  of  this  event  (1689)  spread  unusual  joy  through 
out  the  colonies.  In  the  height  of  their  animation,  the  in 
habitants  of  Boston  seized  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  with  fifty  of 
his  associates,  and  put  them  in  close  confinement,  until  he 
was  ordered  back  to  Great  Britain.  Connecticut  and  Rhode 
Island  immediately  resumed  their  charters,  and  re-established 
their  former  government.  Massachusetts  soon  after  obtained 
a  new  charter,  which,  however,  failed  to  secure  to  the  colony 
many  rights,  which  they  had  enjoyed  under  the  provisions 
of  the  former  one  ;  but  which  was  finally  accepted  by  a 
majority  of  the  general  court.  Each  of  the  colonies  con 
tinued  to  exercise  its  government  till  the  year  1775.  In 
Rhode  Island,  the  ancient  charter  is  the  only  constitution  at 
the  present  time ;  and  in  Connecticut,  the  charter  was  con 
tinued  until  the  year  1818,  when  a  new  constitution  was 
adopted  by  the  people. 

The  grateful  relief  experienced  by  the  colonies  on  the 
accession  of  William,  was,  however,  of  temporary  continu 
ance.  Through  other  channels,  trouble  and  distress  were  to 
be  conveyed  to  them.  From  the  above  year  (1689)  to  the 
peace  of  Paris  1763,  the  colonies,  from  New-Hampshire  to 
Georgia,  were  engaged  in  almost  unremitting  hostilities  with 
the  aborigines  on  their  borders.  .Their  whole  western  fron 
tier  was  a  scene  of  havoc  and  desolation.  During  this  long 
series  of  years,  they  were  obliged  to  bear  the  "  unworthy  as 
persion,"  as  Dummer  justly  entitles  it,  of  exciting  these  Indian 
wars ;  and  of  acquiring  the  dominion  of  the  Indian  territory 
by  fraud,  as  well  as  by  force. 

To  these  trials  were  added  others,  which  proceeded  from 
the  parent  country.  Disputes  were  frequently  arising,  as 


INTRODUCTION.  21 

heretofore,  between  the  crown  and  the  colonies,  respecting 
the  powers  conferred  by  the  charters.  Claims  were  set  up, 
by  the  king  and  council,  to  the  right  of  receiving  and  hear 
ing  appeals  from  the  colonial  courts,  in  private  suits ;  and, 
at  length,  a  serious  and  protracted  controversy  arose  in  those 
colonies,  whose  governors  were  appointed  by  royal  autho 
rity,  from  a  requisition  of  the  king  that  a  fixed  and  per 
manent  salary  should  be  provided  for  the  representatives  of 
the  crown.  This  was  a  favourite  project  of  the  king,  as  it 
carried  the  show  of  authority  on  the  part  of  the  royal  go 
vernment,  and  of  dependence  on  the  part  of  the  colonies ; 
and  it  was  an  object  of  no  less  importance  to  the  governors 
themselves,  the  most  of  whom  were  sent  to  America  to 
repair  fortunes  which  had  been  ruined  by  extravagance  at 
home. 

The  disputes  on  this  subject,  in  the  province  of  Massa 
chusetts,  lasted  thirty  years.  The  assembly  of  that  colony 
were  ready  to  make  grants  for  the  support  of  their  governors, 
from  year  to  year,  as  they  had  been  accustomed  to  do,  under 
their  charter  government ;  but  no  menaces  could  induce  them 
to  establish  a  permanent  salary.  At  length,  satisfied  that  the 
house  would  never  yield,  the  crown  allowed  their  governors 
to  ratify  temporary  grants. 

Another  grievance  which  the  colonies  suffered  during  this 
period,  and  of  which  they  had  reason  loudly  to  complain, 
was  the  conduct  of  the  parent  country,  in  transporting  to 
America  those  persons,  who  for  their  crimes  had  forfeited 
their  liberty  and  lives  in  Great  Britain.  Various  acts  of  par 
liament  authorized  this  measure  ;  and  hence  the  country  was 
becoming  the  asylum  of  the  worst  of  felons.  The  conduct  of 
the  parent  country,  in  thus  sending  the  pestilential  inmates  of 
her  prisons  to  the  colonies,  met  with  their  strong  and  univer 
sal  abhorrence  ;  nor  was  this  abhorrence  lessened  by  the  rea 
sons  assigned,  beyond  the  waters,  for  the  practice,  viz. 
"  thatin  many  of  his  majesty's  colonies  and  plantations,  there 
was  a  great  want  oi  servants,  who,  by  their  labour  and  indus 
try,  might  be  the  means  of  improving,  and  making  the  said 
colonies  more  useful  to  his  majesty  /" 


'   ' 


23  INTRODUCTION. 

"  Very  surprising,"  remarks  an  independent,  and  even  elo 
quent  writer  of  those  times,  "very  surprising  that  thieves, 
burglars,  pick-pockets,  and  cut-purses,  and  a  horde  of  the 
most  flagitious  banditti  upon  earth,  should  be  sent  as  agreea 
ble  companions  to  us  !  That  the  supreme  legislature  did  intend 
a  transportation  to  America  as  a  punishment,  I  verily  be 
lieve  ;  but  so  great  is  the  mistake,  that  confident  I  am.  they 
are  thereby  on  the  contrary  highly  rewarded.  For  what  can 
be  more  agreeable  to  a  penurious  wretch,  driven  through  ne 
cessity  to  seek  a  livelihood  by  the  breaking  of  houses  and 
robbing  upon  the  king's  highway,  than  to  be  saved  from  the 
halter,  redeemed  from  the  stench  of  a  gaol,  and  transported, 
without  expense  to  himself,  into  a  country,  where,  being  un 
known,  no  man  can  reproach  him  for  his  crimes ;  W7here  la 
bour  is  high,  a  little  of  which  will  maintain  him  ;  arid  wrhere  all 
his  expenses  will  be  moderate  and  low.  There  is  scarce  a  thiei 
in  England  that  would  not  rather  be  transported  than  hanged." 

"  But  the  acts,"  continues  the  same  writer,  "  are  intended  for 
the  better  peopling  of  the  colonies.  And  will  thieves  and 
murderers  conduce  to^  that  end?  what  advantage  can  we  reap 
from  a  colony  of  unrestrainable  renegadoes  ?  will  they  exalt 
the  glory  of  the  crown  ?  or  rather  will  not  the  dignity  of  the 
most  illustrious  monarch  in  the  world  be  sullied  by  a  province 
of  subjects  so  lawless,  detestable,  and  ignorant  ?  can  agricul 
ture  be  promoted,  when  the  wild  boar  of  the  forest  breaks 
down  our  hedges,  and  pulls  up  our  vines  ?  will  trade  flourish, 
or  manufactures  be  encouraged,  where  property  is  made  the 
spoil  of  such,  who  are  too  idle  to  work,  and  wicked  enough 
to  murder  and  steal  ? — How  injurious  does  it  seem  to  fret 
one  part  of  the  dominions  from  the  plagues  of  mankind,  and 
cast  them  upon  another  !  We  want  people,  'tis  true  ;  but  not 
villains,  ready  at  any  time,  encouraged  by  impunity,  and  ha 
bituated,  upon  the  slightest  occasion,  to  cut  a  man's  throat  for 
a  small  part  of  his  property." 

To  this  catalogue  of  grievances,  not  imaginary,  but  real ; 
not  transient,  but  long  continued  ;  not  local,  but  mostly  uni 
versal  ; — many  others  might  be  added,  did  our  limits  permit. 

But  under  all  these  oppressions,  amidst  obstinate  and  va- 


INTRODUCTION.  23 

nous  efforts  of  the  crown,  to  extend  the  royal  prerogative, 
and  to  keep  the  colonies  in  humble  dependence,  they  retained, 
in  general,  a  warm  affection  for  the  parent  country.  They  re 
garded  the  sovereign  as  a  father,  and  themselves  as  children. 
They  acknowledged  their  obligations  of  obedience  to  him,  in 
all  things  which  were  lawful,  and  consistent  with  their  natural 
and  unalienable  rights ;  and  they  appealed  to  him  in  various 
disputes,  which  arose  about  colonial  rights,  limits,  and  juris 
diction. 

It  was  a  characteristic  trait  in  the  colonists  to  provide  for 
their  own  defence.  They  had  been  taught  to  do  this  by  the 
neglect  of  the  parent  country,  from  the  very  days  of  their  in 
fancy — even  before  the  problem  was  solved,  whether  the 
country  should  longer  continue  the  domain  of  pagan  dark 
ness,  or  the  empire  of  cultivated  mind.  They  might,  indeed 
justly  have  claimed  the  assistance  and  protection  of  the  land 
of  their  birth,  but  seldom  did  they  urge  their  rights.  On  the 
contrary,  their  treasuries  were  often  emptied,  and  the  blood 
of  their  yeomanry  shed,  in  furnishing  assistance  to  the  parent 
country.  In  her  contests,  and  her  wars,  they  engaged  with  all 
the  enthusiasm  of  her  native  sons  ;  and  persevered  with  aH 
the  bravery  of  soldiers  trained  to  the  art  of  war. 

The  testimony  to  be  adduced  in  support  of  these  statements, 
is  more  ample  than  we  have  space  to  devote  to  it.  "  When 
ever,"  said  a  conspicuous  member  of  parliament,  some  years 
after  the  peace  of  1763,  "whenever  Great  Britain  has  de 
clared  war,  the  colonies  have  taken  their  part :  They  were 
engaged  in  King  William's  wars,  and  Queen  Anne's  wars, 
even  in  their  infancy.  They  conquered  Arcadia,  in  the  last 
century,  for  us  ;  and  we  then  gave  it  up.  Again,  in  Queen 
Anne's  war,  they  conquered  Nova  Scotia,  which  from  that 
time  has  belonged  to  Great  Britain.  They  have  been  engaged 
in  more  than  one  expedition  to  Canada,  ever  foremost  to  par 
take  of  honour  and  danger  with  the  mother  country. 

"  Well,  sir,  what  have  we  done  for  them  ?  Have  we  coiv- 
quered  the  country  for  them,  from  the  Indians  ?  Have  we 
cleared  it?  Have  we  drained  it  ?  Have  we  made  it  habita 
ble  ?  What  have  we  done  for  them  ?  I  believe  precisely 


24  INTRODUCTION. 

nothing  at  all,  but  just  keeping  watch  and  ward  over  their 
trade,  that  they  should  receive  nothing-  but  fr om  ourselves,  at 
our  own  price. 

"  I  will  not  positively  say,  that  we  have  spent  nothing ; 
though  I  don't  recollect  any  such  article  upon  our  journals  ; 
I  mean  any  national  expense  in  setting  them  out  as  colonists. 
The  royal  military  government  of  Nova  Scotia  cost,  indeed, 
not  a  little  sum;  above  500,000/.  for  its  plantations  and  its 
first  years.  Had  your  other  colonies  cost  any  thing  similar, 
either  in  their  outset  or  support,  there  would  be  something  to 
say  on  that  side  ;  but  instead  of  that,  they  have  been  left  to 
themselves,  for  one  hundred,  or  one  hundred  and  fifty  years, 
upon  the  fortune  and  capital  of  private  adventurers,  to  en 
counter  every  difficulty  and  danger.  What  towns  have  we 
built  for  them  ?  What  forests  have  we  cleared  ?  What  country 
have  we  conquered  for  them  from  the  Indians  ?  Name  the 
officers — name  the  troops — the  expeditions — their  dates. — 
Where  are  they  to  be  found?  Not  on  the  journals  of  this 
kingdom.  They  are  no  where  to  be  found. 

"  In  all  the  wars,  which  have  been  common  to  us  and  them, 
they  have  taken  their  full  share.  But  in  all  ttueir  own  dangers, 
in  the  difficulties  belonging  separately  to  their  situation,  in 
all  the  Indian  wars,  which  did  not  immediately  concern  us, 
we  left  them  to  themselves,  to  struggle  their  way  through. 
For  the  whim  of  a  minister,  you  can  bestow  half  a  million  to 
build  a  town,  and  to  plant  a  royal  colony  of  Nova  Scotia  ;  a 
greater  sum  than  you  have  bestowed  upon  every  other  colony 
together. 

"  And,  notwithstanding  all  these,  which  are  the  real  facts, 
now  that  they  have  struggled  through  their  difficulties,  and 
begin  to  hold  up  their  heads,  and  to  shew  an  empire,  which 
promises  to  be  foremost  in  the  world,  we  claim  them,  and 
theirs,  as  implicitly  belonging  to  us,  without  any  conside 
ration  of  their  own  rights.  We  charge  them  with  ingrati* 
tude,  without  the  least  regard  to  truth,  just  as  if  this  kingdom 
had  for  a  century  and  a  half  attended  to  no  other  subject ;  as 
if  all  our  revenue,  all  our  power,  all  our  thought,  had  been 
bestowed  upon  them,  and  all  our  national  debt  had  been  con- 


INTRODUCTION.  25 

t»  acted  in  the  Indian  wars  of  America  ;  totally  forgetting  the 
subordination  in  commerce  and  manufactures  in  which  we 
have  bound  them,  and  for  which,  at  least,  we  owe  them  help 
towards  their  protection. 

"  Look  at  the  preamble  of  the  act  of  navigation,  and  every 
other  American  act,  and  see  if  the  interest  of  this  country  is 
not  the  avowed  object.  If  they  make  a  hat,  or  a  piece  of 
steel,  an  act  of  parliament  calls  it  a  nuisance ;  a  tilting  ham 
mer,  a  steel  furnace,  must  be  abated  in  America,  as  a  nui 
sance.  Sir,  I  speak  from  facts.  I  call  your  books  of  statutes 
and  journals  to  witness." 

Of  an  equally  high  and  honourable  character,  is  the  testi 
mony  of  Pounal,  one  of  the  royal  governors  in  America.  "  I 
profess,"  said  he,  in  1765,  "  an  affection  for  the  colonies,  be 
cause,  having  lived  amongst  those  people  in  a  private  as  well 
as  in  a  public  character,  I  know  them  ;  I  know  that  in  their 
private,  social  relations,  there  is  not  a  more  friendly,  and  in 
their  political  ones,  a  more  zealously  loyal  people,  in  all  his 
majesty's  dominions.  When  fairly  and  openly  dealt  with, 
there  is  not  a  people  who  have  a  truer  sense  of  the  necessary 
powers  of  government.  They  would  sacrifice  their  dearest 
interests  for  the  honour  and  prosperity  of  their  mother  coun 
try.  I  have  a  right  to  say  this,  because  experience  has  given 
me  a  practical  knowledge,  and  this  impression  of  them. 

"  The  duty  of  a  colony  is  affection  for  the  mother  country. 
Here  I  may  affirm,  that  in  whatever  form  and  temper  this 
affection  can  lie  in  the  human  breast,  in  that  form,  by  the 
deepest  and  most  permanent  affection,  it  ever  did  lie  in  the 
breast  of  the  American  people.  They  have  no  other  idea  of 
this  country,  than  as  their  home  ;  they  have  no  other  word 
by  which  to  express  it ;  and  till  of  late,  it  has  constantly  been 
expressed  by  the  name  of  home.  That  powerful  affection, 
the  love  of  our  native  country,  which  operates  in  every  breast, 
operates  in  this  people  towards  England,  which  they  consider 
as  their  native  country ;  nor  is  this  a  mere  passive  impres 
sion,  a  mere  opinion  in  speculation — it  has  been  wrought  up 
in  them  to  a  vigilant  and  active  zeal  for  the  service  of  this 
country." 

D  2 


#0  INTRODUCTION. 

This  affection  for  the  parent  country,  and  devotedness  tn 
her  interests  ;  this  promptness  to  assist  her,  though  unassisted 
by  her  themselves ;  this  liberality  in  emptying  their  treasuries, 
and  shedding  their  blood,  were  felt  and  cherished  by  the  colo 
nies,  before,  and  for  years  after,  the  peace  of  1763.  They 
continued  to  be  thus  cherished,  and  thus  manifested,  until 
exactions  and  oppressions  "  left  not  a  hook  to  hang  a  doubt 
on,"  that  they  must  either  passively  submit  to  the  arbitrary 
impositions  of  a  jealous  and  rapacious  parent,  or  rise  in 
defence  of  those  rights,  which  had  been  given  to  them  by  the 
God  of  nature,  in  common  with  his  other  children. 

The  peace  of  1763,  while  it  secured  to  Great  Britain  all  the 
country  east  of  the  Mississippi,  and  annihilated  the  French 
power  in  America,  restored  peace  to  the  colonies,  and  put  an 
end  to  the  calamities  of  a  French  and  Indian  war,  by  which 
they  had  been  harrassed  for  nearly  a  century.  The  joy  con 
sequent  upon  an  event  so  auspicious,  was  universal  and  sincere. 
But  that  joy  was  soon  to  be  diminished  by  the  agitation  of  the 
question,  in  England,  as  to  the  taxation  of  the  colonies. 

The  project  of  laying  internal  taxes  upon  the  American 
provinces,  and  drawing  a  revenue  from  them,  had  been  sug 
gested  to  the  ministry,  during  the  administrations  of  Sir  Ro 
bert  Walpole  and  Mr.  Pitt.  But  to  these  wise  and  sagacious 
statesmen  it  appeared  to  be  a  measure  of  doubtful  right,  and 
of  still  more  doubtful  policy.  "  I  will  leave  the  taxation  of 
the  Americans,"  said  Walpole,  "  for  some  of  my  successors, 
who  may  have  more  courage  than  I  have,  and  are  less  friendly 
to  commerce  than  I  am." 

After  the  termination  of  the  French  war,  the  consideration 
of  the  subject  was  renewed,  and  that  moment  seized  as  a  fa 
vourable  one,  to  commence  the  operation  of  the  system. 
During  the  war,  a  heavy  debt  had  been  incurred  by  Great 
Britain,  for  the  benefit  and  protection,  as  it  was  said,  of  the 
American  colonies.  It  was,  therefore,  no  more  than  an  act 
of  justice,  that  they  should  assist  in  the  payment  of  that  debt. 

In  the  winter  of  1764,  Lord  Grenville,  who  had  recently 
been  elevated  to  the  premiership,  announced  to  the  agents  of 
the  colonies,  then  in  England,  his  intention  of  drawing  a  re- 


INTRODUCTION.  27 

• 

venue  from  them,  and  that,  for  this  purpose,  he  should  propose, 
in  the  ensuing  session  of  parliament,  a  duty  on  stamps. 

This  intention  of  the  minister  being  communicated  to  the 
colonies,  the  whole  country  immediately  caught  the  alarm. 
Not  only  among  private  citizens,  but  also  among  public  and 
corporate  bodies,  the  same  feeling  of  indignation  prevailed  ; 
the  same  opinion  of  the  injustice  and  unconstitutional  charac 
ter  of  the  proposed  measure  was  expressed,  and  the  same  dis 
position  to  resist  it  exhibited. 

The  house  of  representatives,  in  Massachusetts,  in  the  fol 
lowing  June,  declared,  "  That  the  sole  right  of  giving  and 
granting  the  money  of  the  people  of  that  province,  was 
vested  in  them,  or  their  representatives  ;  and  that  the  imposi 
tion  of  duties  and  taxes  by  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain, 
upon  a  people  not  represented  in  the  house  of  commons,  is 
absolutely  irreconcilable  with  their  rights.  That  no  man  can 
justly  take  the  property  of  another,  without  his  consent;  upon 
which  original  principles,  the  power  of  making  laws  for  levy 
ing  taxes,  one  of  the  main  pillars  of  the  Dtitish  constitution,  is 
evidently  founded." 

Petitions,  from  several  of  the  colonies,  were  immediately 
prepared,  and  forwarded  to  their  agents  in  England,  to  be 
presented  at  the  approaching  meeting  of  parliament,  when 
the  contemplated  measure  was  to  be  brought  forward.  The 
language  of  these  petitions,  though  respectful,  was  in  accord 
ance  with  the  spirit  which  pervaded  the  country.  They 
acknowledged  the  right  of  parliament  to  regulate  trade,  but 
would  not  for  a  moment  admit  the  existence  of  a  right  in  the 
mother  country,  to  impose  duties  for  the  purpose  of  a  revenue. 
They  did  not  claim  this  exemption  as  a  privilege  ;  they 
founded  it  on  a  basis  more  honourable  and  solid  ;  it  was  chal 
lenged  as  their  indefeasible  right. 

The  above  petitions  reached  England  in  season,  and  were 
offered  to  the  acceptance  and  consideration  of  parliament : 
Bi^t  no  intreaties  of  the  agents,  c<puld  induce  that  body  even  to 
receive  them ;  on  the  twofold  ground,  that  the  petitioners  ques 
tioned  the  right  of  parliament  to  pass  the  contemplated  bill ; 
and,  moreover,  it  was  an  ancient  standing  rule  of  the  house. 


38  INTRODUCTION. 

"  that  no  petition  should  be  received  against  a  money  bill.1' 
In  the  house  of  commons,  the  bill  passed,  by  the  large  ma 
jority  of  250  to  50.  In  the  house  of  lords,  the  vote  was  nearly 
unanimous  ;  and  on  the  22d  of  March,  (1765,)  it  received  the 
royal  sanction. 

By  the  act  thus  passed,  duties  were  imposed  not  only  on 
most  of  the  written  instruments  used  in  judicial  and  com 
mercial  proceedings  ;  but  also  upon  those  which  were  neces 
sary  in  the  ordinary  transactions  of  the  colonies.  Deeds,  in 
dentures,  pamphlets,  newspapers,  advertisements,  almanacs, 
and  even  degrees  conferred  by  seminaries  of  learning,  were 
among  the  enumerated  articles  on  which  a  tax  was  laid. 

The  discussions  on  the  above  bill,  before  its  final  passage, 
were  unusually  animated.  The  principle  involved  in  it  was 
felt  to  be  important,  both  by  its  friends  and  opposers ;  and 
the  measure  was  seen  to  be  pregnant  with  consequences  of  the 
most  serious  nature.  "It  may  be  doubted,"  says  an  historian,* 
"  whether,  upon  any  other  occasion,  either  in  times  past  or 
present,  there  has  be^n  displayed  more  vigour  or  acuteness  of 
intellect,  more  love  of  country,  or  of  party  spirit,  or  greater 
splendour  of  eloquence,  than  in  these  debates.  fNor  was  the 
shock  of  opinion  less  violent  without  the  walls  of  Westmin 
ster.  All  Europe,  it  may  be  said,  and  especially  the  commer 
cial  countries,  were  attentive  to  the  decision  of  this  important 
question." 

The  principal  supporters  of  the  bill  were  Lord  Grenville 
and  Charles  Townshend.  Unfortunately  for  the  colonies,  Mr. 
Pitt,  their  constant  friend,  was  absent ;  being  confined  to  his 
bed  by  sickness.  The  principal  opposers,  were  Gen.  Conway, 
Alderman  Beckford,  Col.  Barre,Mr.  Jackson,  and  Sir  William 
Meredith.  The  two  first  of  these  opposed  the  measure  on 
the  ground  that  parliament  had  no  right  to  tax  the  colonies  ; 
the  others  contended  that  it  was  not  expedient. 

In  the  conclusion  of  one  of  his  speeches  on  the  bill,  Mr. 
Townshend  exclaimed:  "And  now,  will  these  Americans, 
planted  by  our  care,  nourished  up  by  our  indulgence,  until  they 

*  Botta. 


INTRODUCTION.  29 

are  grown  to  a  degree  of  strength  and  importance,  and  protected 
by  our  arms,  will  they  grudge  to  contribute  their  mite  to  re 
lieve  us  from  the  heavy  burden  we  lie  under  ?" 

The  honourable  member  had  no  sooner  taken  his  seat,  than 
Col.  Barre  rose,  and  replied  :  "  They  planted  by  your  care. 
No,  your  oppression  planted  them  in  America.  They  fled 
from  your  tyranny,  to  a  then  uncultivated  and  inhospitable 
country,  where  they  were  exposed  to  almost  all  the  hardships, 
to  which  human  nature  is  liable,  and  among  others,  to  the 
cruelties  of  a  savage  foe;  the  most  subtle,  and  I  will  take  upon 
me  to  say,  the  most  formidable,  of  any  people  upon  the  face  of 
God's  earth  ;  and  yet  actuated  by  principles  of  true  English 
liberty,  they  met  all  hardships  with  pleasure,  compared  with 
those  they  suffered  in  their  own  country,  from  the  hands  of 
those  who  should  have  been  their  friends. 

"  They  nourished  by  your  indulgence  !  They  grew  by  your 
neglect  of  them.  As  soon  as  you  began  to  take  care  of  them, 
that  care  was  exercised  in  sending  persons  to  rule  them  in  one 
department  and  another,  who  were  deputies  of  deputies  to 
some  members  of  this  house,  sent  to  prey  upon  them  ;  men, 
whose  behaviour,  on  many  occasions,  has  caused  the  blood  of 
those  sons  of  liberty  to  recoil  within  them  ;  men  promoted  to 
the  highest  seats  of  justice,  some,  to  my  knowledge,  were  glad 
by  going  to  a  foreign  country,  to  escape  being  brought  to  a 
bar  of  justice  in  their  own. 

"  They  protected  by  your  arms  !  They  have  nobly  taken 
up  arms  in  your  defence ;  have  exerted  their  valour,  amidst  their 
constant  and  laborious  industry,  for  the  defence  of  a  country 
whose  frontier  was  drenched  in  blood,  while  its  interior  parts 
yielded  all  its  little  savings  to  your  emolument. 

"And  believe  me,  that  same  spirit  of  freedom  which  actuated 
that  people  at  first,  will  accompany  them  still.  But  prudence 
forbids  me  to  explain  myself  further. 

"  God  knows,  I  do  not,  at  this  time,  speak  from  party  heat. 
However  superior  to  me,  in  general  knowledge  and  experi 
ence,  the  respectable  body  of  this  house  may  be,  yet  I  claim 
to  know  more  of  America  than  most  of  you,  having  seen  and 
been  conversant  in  that  country.  The  people,  I  believe,  are  as 

3* 


30  INTRODUCTION. 

truly  loyal  as  any  subjects  the  king  has  ;  but  a  people  jealous 
of  their  liberties,  and  who  will  vindicate  them,  if  ever  they 
should  be  violated — but  the  subject  is  too  delicate — I  will  say 
no  more." 

For  this  unpremeditated  appeal,  pronounced  with  an  energy 
and  an  eloquence  fitted  to  the  high  occasion,  the  house 
was  not  prepared.  For  some  minutes,  the  members  remained 
motionless,  as  if  petrified  by  surprise.  But  the  opposition  at 
length  rallied.  Their  pride  could  not  allow  of  retreat.  The 
measure  was  again  urged,  the  question  was  taken,  and  the  bill 
adopted. 

No  act  of  the  British  government  could  have  been  more  im 
politic  ;   and  none  ever  excited,   in  the  colonies,  a  more  uni 
versal  alarm.     It  gave  birth  to  feelings,  which  could  never  be 
suppressed,  and  aroused  those  intestine  commotions  in  Ame 
rica,  which,  after  kindling  a  civil  war,  and  involving  all  Europe 
in  its  calamities,  terminated  in  the  total  disjunction  from  the 
British  empire,  of  one  of  its  fairest  portions. 

After  the  arrival  of  the  news  that  the  stamp  act  had  been 
adopted  in  parliament,  the  first  public  body  that  met  was 
the  assembly  of  Virginia.  Towards  the  close  of  the  session, 
about  the  last  of  May,  the  following  resolutions  were  in 
troduced  into  the  house  of  burgesses,  by  Patrick  Henry  ;  a 
lawyer,  at  that  time  a  young  man,  but  highly  distinguished 
for  the  strength  of  his  intellect,  and  the  power  of  his  elo 
quence. 

"  Resolved,  that  the  first  adventurers  and  settlers  of  this  his 
majesty's  colony  and  dominions  of  Virginia,  brought  with 
them,  and  transmitted  to  their  posterity,  and  all  others  his 
majesty's  subjects,  since  inhabiting  in  this  his  majesty's  co 
lony,  all  the  privileges  and  immunities  that  have  at  any  time 
been  held,  enjoyed,  and  possessed,  by  the  people  of  Great 
Britain. 

"  Resolved,  that  by  the  two  royal  charters  granted  by  King 
James  I.  the  colonists  aforesaid  are  declared  entitled  to  all 
privileges  of  faithful,  liege,  and  natural  born  subjects,  to  all 
intents  and  purposes,  as  if  they  had  been  abiding  and  born 
within  the  realms  of  England. 


INTRODUCTION.  31 

"  Resolved,  that  his  majesty's  most  liege  people  of  this  his 
most  ancient  colony,  have  enjoyed  the  right  of  being  thus 
governed  by  their  own  authority,  in  the  article  of  taxes  and 
internal  police,  and  that  the  same  have  never  been  forfeited, 
nor  any  other  way  yielded  up,  but  have  been  constantly  re 
cognised  by  the  king  and  people  of  Great  Britain. 

"  Resolved,  therefore,  that  the  general  assembly  of  this  co 
lony,  together  with  his  majesty,  or  his  substitute,  have,  in  their 
representative  capacity,  the  only  exclusive  right  and  power  to 
lay  taxes  and  impositions  upon  the  inhabitants  of  the  colony ; 
and  that  any  attempt  to  vest  such  a  power  in  any  person  or 
persons  whatever,  other  than  the  general  assembly  afore 
said,  is  illegal,  unconstitutional,  and  unjust ;  and  has  a 
manifest  tendency  to  destroy  British  as  well  as  American  free 
dom." 

The  debate  on  these  resolutions  was  animated,  and  even  vio 
lent.  Nothing  like  them  had  ever  transpired  in  America. 
They  evinced  a  settled  purpose  of  resistance  ;  and  conveyed 
to  the  ministry  of  Great  Britain  a  lesson,  which  had  they  read 
with  unprejudiced  minds,  might  have  saved  them  the  fruitless 
struggle  of  a  seven  years  war.  There  were  those,  in  the  house 
of  burgesses,  who  strongly  opposed  the  resolutions  ;  but  the 
bold  and  powerful  eloquence  of  Henry  bore  them  down,  and 
carried  the  resolutions  through.  In  the  heat  of  debate,  be 
boldly  asserted,  that  the  king  had  acted  the  part  of  a  tyrant; 
and  alluding  to  the  fate  of  other  tyrants,  he  exclaimed,  "  Caesar 
had  his  Brutus,  Charles  I.  his  Cromwell,  and  George  III." — 
here  pausing  a  moment,  till  the  cry  of  "  treason,  treason," 
resounding  from  several  parts  of  the  house,  had  ended — he 
added — "  may  profit  by  their  example  ;  if  this  be  treason,  make 
the  most  o-f  it." 

The  above  resolutions  had  no  sooner  passed,  than  they  found 
their  way  into  the  papers  of  the  day,  and  were  circulated  widely 
and  rapidly  through  the  colonies.  They  were  received  with 
enthusiasm  ;  and  served  to  raise  still  higher  the  indignant 
feelings  which  pervaded  the  country. 

Before  these  resolutions  had  reached  Massachusetts,  the 
house  of  representatives  of  that  colony  had  declared  the  ex- 


O»  INTRODUCTION. 

pediency  of  a  congress,  composed  of  commissioners  from  the 
several  colonies,  "  to  consult  together  on  the  present  cir 
cumstances  of  the  colonies  ; — the  acts  of  parliament  laying 
duties  and  taxes  upon  them  ;  and  to  consider  of  a  general 
and  humble  address  to  his  majesty  and  the  parliament  for 
relief." 

The  measure  thus  proposed  by  Massachusetts,  on  being 
communicated  to  the  several  colonies,  was  received  with 
cordial  approbation  by  most  of  them  ;  and  on  the  7th  of  Oc 
tober,  1765,  commissioners  from  the  colonies  of  Massachu 
setts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New-York,  New-Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, Delaware,  Maryland,  and  South  Carolina,  metat 
New-York,  on  the  important  and  responsible  business  assign 
ed  them. 

This  congress,  the  first  that  was  ever  held  in  America, 
published,  as  the  result  of  their  deliberation,  a  declaration  of 
the  rights  and  grievances  of  the  colonists  ;  and  agreed  upon  a 
memorial  to  the  house  of  lords,  and  a  petition  to  the  king  and 
commons. 

In  their  declaration,  they  acknowledged  their  allegiance  to 
his  majesty,  and  their  willingness  to  render  clue  honour  to  the 
"ightfu?  authority  of  parliament ;  but  they  claimed  that  they 
had  interests,  rights,  and  liberties,  as  the  natural  born  sub 
jects  of  his  majesty,  and  that,  as  they  could  not  be  represent 
ed  in  parliament,  that  body  had  no  right  to  impose  taxes 
upon  them  without  their  consent.  They  declared  the  stamp 
act,  and  other  acts  of  parliament,  "  to  have  a  manifest  tenden 
cy  to  subvert  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  colonists." 

The  address  and  petition,  agreed  to  by  this  congress,  were 
at  this  time  signed  by  the  commissioners  from  six  colonies 
only.  But  their  proceedings  were  warmly  approved  in  every 
quarter  of  the  country  ;  and  at  a  subsequent  date,  received  the 
sanction  of  the  assemblies,  not  only  of  South  Carolina,  Con 
necticut,  and  New- York,  but  of  those  colonies  which  had  not 
been  represented  in  the  congress. 

While  the  highest  assemblies  were  thus  bearing  their  official 
and  solemn  testimony  against  the  oppressive  and  unconstitu 
tional  acts  of  the  British  parliament;  the  people,  in  every  sec 


INTRODUCTION.  33 

tion  of  the  country,  and  especially  in  the  principal  towns,  were 
manifesting  their  abhorrence  of  those  measures,  in  a  different, 
but  not  less  decisive  way. 

On  the  morning  of  the  14th  of  August,  two  effigies  were  dis 
covered  hanging  on  the  branch  of  an  old  elm,  near  the  south 
entrance  of  Boston.  One  of  these  represented  a  stamp  office; 
the  other,  a  jack  boot,  out  of  which  rose  a  horned  head,  which 
appeared  to  be  looking  round. 

The  singularity  of  this  spectacle  soon  attracted  the  notice 
of  great  numbers;  and  before  evening,  the  collection  amounted 
to  a  multitude.  The  images  were  then  taken  down, placed  upon 
a  bier,  and  carried  in  procession  with  imposing  solemnity. 
At  a  distance,  in  the  rear,  thefnultitude  followed,  shouting — 
"  liberty  and  prosperity  forever — no  stamps  !"  Arriving  in 
front  of  a  house,  owned  by  one  Oliver,  which  was  supposed  to 
be  a  stamp  office,  they  levelled  it  to  the  ground;  and  proceed 
ing  to  his  place  of  residence,  they  beheaded  his  effigy,  and 
broke  in  the  windows  of  his  house.  Oliver  himself  effected  a 
timely  escape  ;  but  his  fences,  the  furniture  of  his  house,  and 
its  dependencies,  were  destroyed.  It  was  midnight  before  the 
multitude  dispersed. 

In  the  morning  of  the  next  day,  the  people  re-assembled, 
and  were  proceeding  to  a  repetition  of  their  excesses ; 
but  upon  hearing  that  Oliver  had  sent  his  resignation  to 
England,  they  desisted,  and  repairing  to  the  front  of  his  house, 
they  gave  three  cheers,  and  quietly  returned  to  their  homes. 

A  volume  would  scarcely  suffice,  to  give  a  full  recital  of  all 
the  commotions  which  were  excited  by  the  stamp  act,  in  the 
single  province  of  Massachusetts.  But  these  disorders  were 
far  from  being  confined  to  such  circumscribed  limits.  A  spi 
rit  of  resistance  pervaded  the  country.  The  very  atmosphere 
seemed  pregnant  with  revolt.  Even  sobriety  was  found  off 
her  guard,  in  the  tumultuous  crowd  ;  and  old  age  felt  some 
thing  of  the  impulses  of  younger  days. 

On  the  first  day  of  November,  the  stamp  act  was  to  go  into 
operation.     As  it   drew  near,   the    feelings  of  the  colonists 
became  more  and  more  intense  ;  less  popular  noise  and  cla 
mour  were,  perhaps,  to  be  heard;  but  a  deep  and  settled  hos 
E 


34  INTRODUCTION. 

tility  to  the  act  had  taken  possession  of  every  breast.  On  the 
5th  of  October,  the  ships  which  brought  the  stamps  appeared  in 
sight  of  Philadelphia,  near  Gloucester  Point :  The  vessels  in  the 
harbour  immediately  hoisted  their  colours  half  mast  high  ;  the 
bells  on  the  churches  were  muffled  ;  and  during  the  rest  of  the 
day  were  tolled,  in  token  of  a  profound  and  general  mourning. 

On  the  10th  of  September,  the  stamps,  designed  for  Boston, 
arrived  at  that  place.  By  order  of  the  governor,  they  were 
conveyed  to  the  castle,  where  they  could  be  defended  by  the 
artillery,  should  occasion  require.  At  length,  the  1st  of  No 
vember  arrived.  The  day  in  many  places  was  ushered  in 
with  marks  of  funeral  ceremony.  Business  was  suspended, 
and  shops  and  stores  were  closed.  But  at  this  time,  not  N 
single  sheet  of  all  the  bales  of  stamps,  which  had  been  sent 
from  England,  could  have  been  found  in  the  colonies  of  New- 
England,  of  New-York,  New-Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland, 
and  the  two  Carolinas.  They  had  either  been  committed  to 
the  flames,  had  been  reshipped  to  England,  or  were  safely 
guarded  by  the  opposition,  into  whose  hands  they  had  fallen, 
A  general  suspension,  or  rather  a  total  cessation,  of  all  business, 
which  required  stamped  paper,  was  the  consequence.  The 
printers  of  newspapers  only,  observes  an  historian,  continued 
their  occupation  ;  alleging  for  excuse,  that  if  they  had  done 
otherwise,  the  people  would  have  given  them  such  an  admo 
nition,  as  they  little  coveted.  None  would  receive  the  gazettes 
coming  from  Canada,  as  they  were  printed  on  stamped  paper. 
The  courts  of  justice  were  shut;  even  marriages  were  no  longer 
celebrated  ;  and,  in  a  word,  an  absolute  stagnation  in  all  the 
relations  of  social  life  was  established.* 

The  mother  country  could  not  long  remain  in  ignorance  of 
the  spirit  which  prevailed,  and  the  disturbances  which  had 
been  excited  in  the  colonies,  by  the  oppressive  acts  of  parlia 
ment;  and  the  stamp  act  in  particular.  The  minds  of  all  classes 
in  that  country  were  deeply  affected  ;  but  as  different  interests 
swayed,  different  opinions  were  entertained  and  expressed. 

The  merchants,  anticipating  a  loss  on  the  credit  given  to  the 

*  Botta. 


INTRODUCTION.  35 

Americans,  were  disposed  to  censure  the  extraordinary  course 
of  parliament.  The  manufacturers  were  not  less  loud  in  their 
complaint,  since,  as  the  orders  for  their  wares  were  discon 
tinued,  ruin  stared  them  in  the  face.  A  deep  despondency 
pervaded  the  minds  of  some  ;  a  lofty  indignation  took  posses 
sion  of  others.  By  one  class,  the  colonies  were  extravagantly 
extolled ;  by  another,  they  were  as  pointedly  condemned. 
By  some,  they  were  praised  for  their  manly  independence  and 
bold  decision  ;  by  others,  they  were  accused  of  ingratitude, 
turbulence,  and  rebellion. 

Fortunately  for  the  interests  both  of  the  colonies  and  of 
Great  Britain,  about  this  time,  a  change  took  place  in  the  ad 
ministration  of  England,  by  which  several  of  the  friends  of 
America  came  into  power.  The  Marquis  of  Rockingham, 
one  of  the  wealthiest  noblemen  of  the  kingdom,  and  highly 
esteemed  for  the  endowments  of  his  mind,  and  the  sincerity  of 
his  character,  was  appointed  first  lord  of  the  treasury,  in  the 
room  of  Lord  Grenville;  Mr.  Dowdeswell  was  made  Chancel 
lor  of  the  Exchequer  ;  Lord  Winchester  took  the  place  of  the 
Duke  of  Bedford,  as  president  of  the  council ;  and  the  Seals 
were  given  to  the  young  Duke  of  Grafton  and  General  Con- 
way,  who  so  nobly  defended  the  cause  of  the  Americans,  on  the 
motion  in  parliament  to  tax  them. 

During  the  session  of  the  parliament  of  1766,  the  subject  of 
the  late  disturbances  in  the  colonies  was  brought  forward,  by 
the  new  administration,  and  the  expediency  of  repealing  the 
odious  enactments  was  strongly  urged.  Petitions,  from  various 
quarters,  were  presented,  to  the  same  effect.  Many  of  the 
merchants  and  manufacturers  of  the  kingdom  were  deeply  affect 
ed  by  the  new  regulations  concerning  America.  An  immense 
quantity  of  British  manufactures  were  perishing  in  the  ware 
houses  ;  while  artisans  and  seamen  were  deprived  of  employ 
ment  and  support. 

To  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act,  its  original  advocates  were 
strongly  opposed,  and  they  marshalled  all  their  strength  to 
prevent  it.  In  the  first  rank  stood  George  Grenville,  the  late 
prime  minister.  In  the  debate  on  the  subject  of  repeal,  among 
other  things,  he  said,  "much  against  their  will,  the  ministers 


36  INTRODUCTION. 

have  laid  before  this  house,  the  disturbances  and  audacious 
enormities  of  the  Americans ;  for  they  began  in  July,  and  now 
we  are  in  the  middle  of  January  ;  lately  they  were  only  oc 
currences;  they  are  now  grown  to  disturbances,  tumults,  and 
riots.  I  doubt  they  border  on  open  rebellion;  and  if  the  doc 
trine  I  have  heard  this  day,  be  confirmed,!  fear  they  will  lose 
that  name,  to  take  that  of.  revolution." — "When  I  proposed 
to  tax  America,  I  asked  the  house,  if  any  gentleman  would 
object  to  the  right  1  I  repeatedly  asked  it;  and  no  man 
would  attempt  to  deny  it.  And  tell  me,  when  the  Americans 
were  emancipated?  When  they  want  the  protection  of  this 
kingdom,  they  are  always  very  ready  to  nsk  it.  This  protection 
has  always  been  granted  them,  in  the  fullest  manner;  and  now 
they  refuse  to  contribute  their  mite  towards  the  public  expen 
ses.  For  let  not  gentlemen  deceive  themselves,  with  regard 
to  the  rigour  of  the  tax  ;  it  would  not  suffice  even  for  the  ne 
cessary  expenses  of  the  troops  stationed  in  America  :  but  a 
pepper-corn  in  acknowledgment  of  the  right  is  of  more  value, 
than  millions  without.  Yet,  notwithstanding  the  slightness 
of  the  tax,  and  the  urgency  of  our  situation,  the  Americans 
grow  sullen,  and  instead  of  concurring  in  assisting  to  meet 
expenses  arising  from  themselves,  they  renounce  your  autho 
rity,  insult  your  officers,  and  break  out,  I  might  almost  say, 
into  open  rebellion. 

"  There  was  a  time  when  they  would  not  have  proceeded 
thus  ;  but  they  are  now  supported  by  the  artifice  of  these 
young  gentlemen  ;  inflammatory  petitions  are  handed  about 
against  us,  and  in  their  favour.  Even  within  this  house,  in 
this  sanctuary  of  the  laws,  sedition  has  found  its  defenders. 
Resistance  to  the  laws  is  applauded  ;  obstinacy  encoura 
ged  ;  disobedience  extolled;  rebellion  pronounced  a  virtue." 

In  reply  to  Grenville,  William  Pitt,  now  venerable  for  his 
age,  and  still  more  venerable  for  the  important  services  which 
he  had  rendered  his  country,  rose  and  said  :  "  I  know  not 
whether  I  ought  most  to  rejoice,  that  the  infirmities  which  have 
been  wasting,  for  so  long  a  time,  a  body,  already  bowed  by  the 
weight  of  years,  of  late  suspending  their  ordinary  violence, 
should  have  allowed  me,  this  day,  to  behold  these  walls,  and 


INTRODUCTION.  37 

to  discuss,  in  the  presence  rf  this  august  assembly,  a  subject 
of  such  high  importance,  and  which  so  nearly  concerns  the 
safety  of  our  country  ;  or  to  grieve  at  the  rigour  of  destiny, 
in  contemplating  this  country,  which,  within  a  few  years  had 
arrived  at  such  a  pinnacle  of  splendour  and  majesty,  and  be 
come  formidable  to  the  universe  from  the  immensity  of  its 
power,  now  wasted  by  an  intestine  evil,  a  prey  to  civil  discords, 
and  madly  hastening  to  the  brink  of  the  abyss,  into  which 
the  united  force  of  the  most  powerful  nations  of  Europe 
struggled  in  vain  to  plunge  it.  Would  to  heaven,  that  my 
health  had  permitted  my  attendance  here,  when  it  was  first 
proposed  to  tax  America !  If  my  feeble  voice  should  not 
have  been  able  to  avert  the  torrent  of  calamities,  which  has 
fallen  upon  us,  and  the  tempest  which  threatens  us,  at 
least  my  testimony  would  have  attested,  that  I  had  no  part  in 
them. 

"  It  is  now  an  act  that  has  passed  ;  I  would  speak  with 
decency  of  every  act  of  this  house,  but  I  must  beg  the  indul 
gence  of  the  house  to  speak  of  it  with  freedom.  There  is  an 
idea  in  some,  that  the  Americans  are  virtually  represented  in 
this  house  ;  but  I  would  fain  know  by  what  province,  county, 
city,  or  borough,  they  are  represented  here  ?  No  doubt  by 
some  province,  county,  city,  or  borough,  never  seen  or  known 
by  them,  or  their -ancestors,  and  which  they  never  will  see  or 
know. 

"  The  commons  of  America,  represented  in  their  several 
assemblies,  have  ever  been  in  possession  of  the  exercise  of 
this,  their  constitutional  right,  of  giving  and  granting  their 
own  money.  They  would  have  been  slaves  if  they  had  not 
enjoyed  it. 

"  I  come  not  here,  armed  at  all  points  with  law  cases,  and 
acts  of  parliament,  with  the  statute  book  doubled  down  in  dog's 
ears,  as  my  valiant  adversary  has  done.  But  I  know,  at  least, 
if  we  are  to  take  example  from  ancient  facts,  that,  even  under 
the  most  arbitrary  reigns,  parliaments  were  ashamed  of  taxing 
a  people  without  their  consent,  and  allowed  them  representa 
tives  ;  and  in  our  own  times,  even  those  who  send  no  mem 
bers  to  parliament,  are  all  at  least  inhabitants  of  Great  Bri- 

4 


38  INTRODUCTION. 

tain  Many  have  it  in  their  option  to  be  actually  represented- 
They  have  connexions  with  those  that  elect,  and  they  have 
influence  over  them.  Would  to  heaven  that  all  were  better 
represented  than  they  are !  It  is  the  vice  of  our  constitu 
tion  ;  perhaps  the  day  will  arrive,  and  I  rejoice  in  the  hope, 
when  the  mode  of  representation,  this  essential  part  of  our 
organization,  and  principal  safeguard  of  our  liberty,  will  be 
carried  to  that  perfection  which  every  good  Englishman  must 
desire. 

"  I  hear  it  said  that  America  is  obstinate,  America  is  almost 
in  open  rebellion.  I  rejoice  that  America  has  resisted.  Three 
millions  of  people,  so  dead  to  all  the  feelings  of  liberty  as 
voluntarily  to  submit  to  be'slaves,  would  have  been  fit  instru 
ments  to  make  slaves  of  ourselves.  The  honourable  member 
has  said  also,  for  he  is  fluent  in  words  of  bitterness,  that  Ame 
rica  is  ungrateful  :  he  boasts  of  his  bounties  towards  her  ; 
but  are  not  these  bounties  intended,  finally,  for  the  benefit  of 
this  kingdom  ?  And  how  is  it  true,  that  America  is  ungrate 
ful  ?  Does  she  not  voluntarily  hold  a  good  correspondence 
with  us  ?  The  profits  to  Great  Britain,  from  her  commerce 
with  the  colonies,  are  two  millions  a  year.  This  is  the  fund 
that  carried  you  triumphantly  through  the  last  war.  The  es 
tates  that  were  rented  at  two  thousand  pounds  a  year,  seventy 
years  ago,  are  at  three  thousand  at  present.  You  owe  this  to 
America.  This  is  the  price  she  pays  for  your  protection.  I 
omit  the  increase  of  population  in  the  colonies  ;  the  migration 
of  new  inhabitants  from  every  part  of  Europe  ;  and  the  ulte 
rior  progress  of  American  commerce,  should  it  be  regulated 
by  judicious  laws.  And  shall  we  hear  a  miserable  financier 
come  with  a  boast  that  he  can  fetch  a  pepper-corn  into  the 
exchequer  to  the  loss  of  millions  to  the  nation  ?  The  gentle 
man  complains  that  he  has  been  misrepresented  in  the  public 
prints.  I  can  only  say,  it  is  a  misfortune  common  to  all  that 
fill  high  stations,  and  take  a  leading  part  in  public  affairs. 
He  says,  also,  that  when  he  first  asserted  the  right  of  parlia 
ment  to  tax  America,  he  was  not  contradicted.  I  know  not 
how.  it  is,  but  there  is  a  modesty  in  this  house,  which  does  not 
choose  to  contradict  a  minister.  If  gentlemen  do  not  get  the 


INTRODUCTION.  39 

better  of  this  modesty,  perhaps  the  collective  body  may  begin 
to  abate  of  its  respect  for  the  representative.  A  great  dea. 
has  been  said  without  doors,  and  more  than  is  discreet,  of  the 
power,  of  the  strength  of  America.  But,  in  a  good  cause,  or. 
a  sound  bottom,  the  force  of  this  country  can  crush  America 
to  atoms  ;  but  on  the  ground  of  this  tax,  when  it  is  wished  to 
prosecute  an  evident  injustice,  I  am  one  who  will  lift  my  hands 
and  my  voice  against  it. 

"  In  such  a  cause,  your  success  would  be  deplorable,  and 
victory  hazardous.  America,  if  she  fell,  would  fall  like  the 
strong  man.  She  would  embrace  the  pillars  of  the  state,  and 
pull  down  the  constitution  along  with  her.  Is  this  your  boasted 
peace  ? — not  to  sheath  the  sword  in  its  scabbard,  but  to  sheath 
it  in  the  bowels  of  your  countrymen  ?  Will  you  quarrel  with 
yourselves,  now  the  whole  house  of  Bourbon  is  against  you  ? 
While  France  disturbs  your  fisheries  in  Newfoundland,  em 
barrasses  your  slave  trade  with  Africa,  and  withholds  from 
your  subjects  in  Canada  their  property,  stipulated  by  treaty  ? 
While  the  ransom  for  the  Manillas  is  denied  by  Spain,  and  its 
gallant  conqueror  traduced  into  a  mean  plunderer  ?  The 
Americans  have  not  acted  in  all  things  with  prudence  ana 
temper.  They  have  been  wronged.  They  have  been  driven 
to  madness  by  injustice.  Will  you  punish  them  for  the  mad 
ness  you  have  occasioned  ?  Rather  let  prudence  and  benig 
nity  come  first  from  the  strongest  side.  Excuse  their  errors; 
learn  to  honour  their  virtues.  Upon  the  whole,  I  will  beg 
leave  to  tell  the  house  what  is  really  my  opinion.  I  consider 
it  most  consistent  with  our  dignity,  most  useful  to  our  liberty, 
and  in  every  respect  the  safest  for  this  kingdom,  that  the 
stamp  act  be  repealed,  absolutely,  totally,  and  immediately 
At  the  same  time,  let  the  sovereign  authority  of  this  country 
over  the  colonies  be  asserted  in  as  strong  terms  as  can  be. 
devised,  and  oe  made  to  extend  to  every  point  of  legislation 
whatsoever  ;  that  we  may  bind  their  trade,  confine  their  ma 
nufactures,  and  exercise  every  power  whatsoever,  except  that 
of  taking  their  money  out  of  their  pockets  without  their  con 
sent." 

The  impression  made  by  this   speech   of  Mr.   Pitt,  pro- 


40  INTRODUCTION. 

nounced,  as  it  tvas,  with  a  firm  and  solemn  tone,  was  deep  and 
effectual.  Much  resentment  was,  indeed,  manifested  by  all 
on  account  of  the  excesses  committed  by  the  Americans  ;  but 
conviction  had  settled  on  the  minds  of  a  majority  of  parlia 
ment,  that  at  least  a  partial  retrocession  on  their  part  was  ne 
cessary.  Accordingly,  on  the  putting  of  the  question,  Februa 
ry  22d,  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act  was  carried  in  the  house 
by  a  majority  of  265  to  167.  The  vote  in  the  house  of  peers 
was  155  to  61.  On  the  19th  of  March,  the  act  of  repeal  re 
ceived  the  royal  assent. 

Thus  was  put  at  rest,  for  a  time,  a  question  which  had 
deeply  agitated  not  only  the  colonies  of  America,  but  England 
itself;  and  had  excited  much  attention  throughout  continental 
Europe.  But  it  is  more  than  probable,  that  even  at  this  time 
the  repealing  act  would  not  have  passed,  had  it  not  been  ac 
companied  by  a  declaratory  act,  that  the  parliament  had  the 
right  to  make  laws  and  statutes  to  bind  the  colonies  in  all 
cases  whatsoever. 

The  joy  produced  throughout  England  at  this  result,  was 
greater  than  could  have  been  anticipated,  and  no  demonstra 
tions  were  omitted  which  could  testify  the  public  sense  of  the 
^indness  of  the  king,  and  the  wisdom  of  the  parliament.  The 
flags  of  the  ships  were  spread  in  token  of  felicitation  ;  a 
general  illumination  of  the  city  of  London  was  made  ;  salutes 
were  fired ;  and  bonfires  kindled  in  every  quarter. 

But  it  \vas  in  America  that  a  still  higher  joy  prevailed,  and 
still  greater  demonstrations  of  that  joy  were  made.  In  the 
house  of  representatives  in  Massachusetts,  a  vote  of  gratitude 
to  the  king,  and  of  thanks  to  Mr.  Pitt,  the  Duke  of  Grafton, 
and  others,  was  passed.  By  the  house  of  burgesses  in  Virgi 
nia,  it  wras  resolved  to  erect  a  statue  in  honour  of  the  king, 
and  an  obelisk  in  honour  of  all  those,  whether  of  the  house 
of  peers  or  of  commons,  who  had  distinguished  themselves 
in  favour  of  the  rights  of  the  colonies. 

In  the  midst  of  this  joy,  the  declaratory  act,  above  men 
tioned,  appears  to  have  been  little  regarded.  The  extent  and 
inadmissible  character  of  its  principles  for  a  time  remained 
unscrutinised.  It  was  considered  as  appended  to  the  act  of 


INTRODUCTION.  41 

repeal,  to  soften  the  prejudices  of  the  opposition,  and  to  save 
national  honour  from  the  imputation  of  being  too  greatly  tar 
nished.  But,  in  reality,  it  was  designed  as  the  recognition  of 
a  principle  which  the  British  politicians  were  unwilling  to 
relinquish,  and  which  they  might  in  time  have  occasion  to 
apply. 

It  is  not,  moreover,  to  be  concealed,  that  universal  and  sin 
cere  as  was  the  joy  of  the  Americans,  consequent  on  the  re 
peal  of  the  stamp  act ;  the  same  cordiality  was  n^ver  felt  by 
the  colonies,  as  before  the  late  disturbances.  A  strong  dis 
gust — a  deep  resentment,  had  fixed  itself  in  the  hearts  of 
many  ;  and  a  secret  wish  began  to  be  felt,  that  the  yoke  were 
entirely  removed.  Perhaps,  even  at  this  early  day,  the  hope 
was  indulged,  that  the  time  would  arrive,  when  this  wish 
would  become  a  reality. 

In  July,  1766,  the  administration  of  the  Marquis  of  Rock- 
ingham  was  dissolved,  and  a  new  one  formed,  under  the  direc 
tion  of  Mr.  Pitt.  Unfortunately  it  was  composed  of  men  of 
different  political  principles,  and  attached  to  different  parties. 
The  Duke  of  Grafton  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  treasury; 
Lord  Shelburne  was  joined  with  General  Conway  as  one  of  the 
secretaries  of  state  ;  Charles  Tovvnshend  was  made  chancel 
lor  of  the  exchequer,  Camden,  lord  chancellor,  Pitt,  now  crea 
ted  Earl  of  Chatham,  had  the  privy  seal,  and  Lord  North  and 
George  Cooke  were  joint  pay-masters. 

If  the  prejudices  of  many  in  the  colonies  were  not  yet 
done  away,  much  more  was  this  the  fact  with  the  ex-minister 
Grenville,  and  his  adherents  in  England.  Disappointed  as 
to  the  popularity  of  his  administration,  and  remembering  as 
one  cause  of  it,  his  measures  against  America,  he  was  ready 
to  call  into  view,  on  every  occasion,  her  obstinacy  and  ingra 
titude,  and  to  enter  anew  upon  efforts  to  tax  the  colonies. 

To  him,  therefore,  is  attributed  the  plan  which,  under  the 
last  formed  administration,  was  brought  forward  in  the  par 
liament  of  1767,  to  impose  taxes  upon  the  colonies.  The 
articles  enumerated  in  the  bill,  upon  which  duties  were  laid, 
were  glass,  paper,  paste  board,  white  and  red  lead,  painters 
colours,  and  tea. 

F  4* 


42  INTRODUCTION. 

Mr.  Pitt,  during  the  discussion  of  this  bill,  was  confined  by 
indisposition,  and  hence,  unable  to  raise  his  voice  against  it. 
Without  much  opposition,  it  passed  both  houses,  and  on  the 
29th  of  June,  received  the  royal  assent.  At  the  same  time 
were  passed  two  other  acts  ; — the  one  establishing  a  new 
board  of  custom-house  officers  in  America;  and  the  other  re 
straining  the  legislature  of  the  province  of  New- York  from 
passing  any  act  whatever,  until  they  should  furnish  the  king's 
troops  with  several  required  articles. 

These  three  acts  reached  America  at  the  same  time,  and 
again  excited  universal  alarm.  The  first  and  second  were 
particularly  odious.  The  new  duties,  it  was  perceived,  were 
only  a  new  mode  of  drawing  money  from  the  colonies,  and 
the  same  strong  opposition  to  the  measure  was  exhibited, 
which  had  prevailed  against  the  stamp  act.  Several  of  the 
colonies,  through  their  colonial  assemblies,  expressed  their 
just  abhorrence  of  these  enactments,  and  their  determination 
never  to  submit  to  them. 

Soon  after  the  establishment  of  the  new  board  of  custom 
house  officers,  at  Boston,  under  the  above  act,  a  fit  occasion 
presented  itself,  for  an  expression  of  the  public  indignation. 
This  was  the  arrival  at  that  port,  in  May,  1668,  of  the  sloop 
Liberty,  belonging  to  Mr.  Hancock,  and  laden  with  wines  from 
Madeira. 

During  the  night,  the  most  of  her  cargo  was  unladen,  and 
put  into  stores  ;  on  the  following  day  the  sloop  was  entered 
at  the  custom  house,  with  a  few  pipes  only.  A  discovery 
being  made  of  these  facts,  by  the  custom-house  officers,  the 
vessel  was  seized,  and  by  their  order  removed  along  side  of 
the  Romney,  a  ship  of  war,  then  in  the  harbour. 

The  conduct  of  the  custom-house  officers  in  this  transac 
tion  roused  the  indignant  feelings  of  the  Bostonians,  who  un 
warrantably  attacked  the  houses  of  the  officers,  and  even 
assaulted  their  persons.  No  prosecutions,  however,  could  be 
sustained,  from  the  excited  state  of  public  feeling. 

Finding  themselves  no  longer  safe  in  the  town,  the  officers 
prudently  sought  protection  on  board  the  Romney,  and  sub 
sequently  retired  to  Castle  Williams. 


INTRODUCTION.  43 

The  public  excitement  was  soon  after  increased,  by  the  ar 
rival  in  the  harbour  of  two  regiments  of  troops,  under  the 
command  of  Colonel  Dalrymple.  These  were  designed  to 
assist  the  civil  magistrates  in  the  preservation  of  peace,  and 
the  custom-house  officers  in  the  execution  of  their  functions. 
Both  these  regiments  were  encamped  within  the  town — the 
one  on  the  commons,  the  other  in  the  market  hall  and  state 
house. 

This  measure  of  the  governor,  under  order  of  the  British 
ministry,  was  eminently  fitted  to  rouse  the  public  indignation 
to  the  highest  pitch.  To  be  thus  watched,  as  if  in  a  state  of 
open  rebellion — to  see  their  common  a  place  of  encampment 
— and  their  halls  of  justice,  with  the  chambers  of  their  as 
sembly,  thronged  with  armed  soldiers,  was  more  than  the  in 
habitants  were  willing  to  endure.  Frequent  quarrels  and 
collisions  occurred  between  the  citizens  and  soldiers,  which 
every  day  threatened  to  terminate  in  bloodshed. 

During  the  session  of  parliament  in  1770,  the  Duke  of 
Grafton,  first  lord  of  the  treasury,  resigned,  and  was  succeeded 
in  that  office  by  the  afterwards  celebrated  Lord  North.  In 
March,  this  latter  gentleman  introduced  a  bill  abolishing 
the  duties  imposed  by  the  act  of  1767,  on  all  the  articles 
except  tea.  This  partial  suspension  of  the  duties  served  to 
soften  the  feelings  of  the  Americans  in  a  degree ;  but  the 
exception  in  relation  to  tea,  it  was  quite  apparent,  was  de 
signed  as  a  salvo  to  the  national  honour,  and  as  an  evidence 
which  the  British  ministry  were  unwilling'to  relinquish,  of  the 
right  of  parliament  to  tax  the  colonies. 

The  above  relaxation  in  respect  to  certain  duties  was,  how 
ever,  unaccompanied  by  any  other  indications  of  a  more  kindly 
feeling  towards  the  colonies.  The  troops  were  still  continued 
in  Boston,  and  the  acts  of  trade  enforced  with  singular  strict 
ness.  At  length,  on  the  evening  of  the  5th  of  March,  1770,  in 
a  quarrel  between  a  party  of  soldiers  and  citizens,  eleven  of 
the,  latter  were  killed  or  wounded,  by  a  guard,  under  command 
of  a  Captain  Preston. 

The  news  of  this  rencontre  was  spread  in  every  direction 
over  the  city — the  bells  were  rung,  the  alarm  of  "fire"  was 


44  INTRODUCTION. 

given,  the  drums  were  beat,  and  the  citizens  every  where 
called  to  arms.  Thousands  soon  assembled,  and  demanded 
the  removal  of  the  troops  from  the  town.  With  the  assu 
rance  that  the  affair  should  be  settled  to  their  satisfaction  in  the 
morning,  they  were  induced  to  retire.  When  the  morning  came, 
however,  Hutchinson,  the  lieutenant  governor,  for  a  long 
time  refused  to  order  the  removal  of  the  troops,  and  was  only 
driven  to  this  measure,  by  evidence  too  strong  to  be  doubted, 
that  his  own  personal  safety  depended  upon  it. 

The  men  who  were  killed,  were  regarded  as  martyrs  in  the 
cause  of  liberty  ;  and  at  their  interment  no  mark  of  public 
sympathy  or  appropriate  funeral  ceremony  was  omitted.  The 
anniversary  of  this  tragical  event,  which  was  called  "  the 
Boston  massacre,"  was  long  observed  with  great  solemnity, 
and  gave  occasion  to  warm  and  patriotic  addresses,  well 
adapted  to  excite  a  revolutionary  spirit. 

Captain  Preston  and  his  guard  were  arraigned  before  a 
judicial  tribunal;  but  for  the  honour  of  the  colony  they  were 
all  acquitted,  except  two,  who  were  found  guilty  of  man 
slaughter.  For  this  acquittal,  the  prisoners,  as  well  as  the 
colony,  were  indebted  to  the  independent  zeal  and  powerful 
eloquence  of  John  Adams  and  Josiah  Quincy,  Jun.  than  whom 
none  were  warmer  friends  to  the  colony,  or  had  acted  a  more 
conspicuous  part  against  the  imperious  demands  of  the  British 
ministry.  Odious  to  the  community  as  the  prisoners  were, 
these  honest  and  intrepid  champions  appeared  in  their 
defence,  and  proved  to  the  world,  that  while  Americans 
could  resist  the  usurpations  of  a  tyrannical  ministry,  they 
could  also  stand  forth,  when  justice  required,  for  the  pro 
tection  and  defence  of  their  irresponsible  servants. 

Allusion  has  been  made  to  the  requirement  of  his  British 
majesty,  in  former  years,  that  the  colonies  should  provide  for 
the  support  of  the  royal  governors  by  a  permanent  salary,  and 
their  refusal  to  yield  to  the  royal  wishes.  In  the  year  1772,  it 
was  officially  announced  to  the  assembly  of  Massachusetts, 
that  provision  had  been  made  for  the  payment  of  their  gover 
nor's  salary  by  tiie  crown,  independent  of  any  grant  from 
them.  The  former  dispute  on  this  subject  had  given  birth  to 


INTRODUCTION,  45 

many  angry  feelings  ;  but  language  can  scarcely  describe  the 
excitement  occasioned  by  the  renewal  of  the  subject,  and  the 
application  of  the  revenue  of  the  colony  to  the  above  purpose, 
independent  of  the  assembly.  The  house  of  representatives 
immediately  declared  the  appropriation  an  infraction  of  their 
charter — a  dangerous  innovation,  and  the  preliminary  to  a 
despotic  administration  of  government. 

While  this  dispute  was  going  forward  in  Massachusetts,  a 
bold  opposition  to  the  measures  of  the  British  ministry  ap 
peared  (June,  1772)  in  the  colony  of  Rhode  Island.  A  British 
armed  schooner,  called  the  Gaspee,  had  been  stationed  in  that 
colony  to  assist  the  board  of  customs  in  the  execution  of  the 
revenue  and  trade  laws.  Desirous  of  displaying  his  authority, 
and  of  humbling  the  pride  of  the  colonists,  the  captain  obliged 
the  masters  of  packets,  navigating  the  bay,  to  lower  their 
colours  on  passing  the  schooner ;  and,  in  case  of  refusal, 
would  chase  them,  and  fire  upon  them.  To  a  requirement  so 
humiliating,  a  master  of  one  of  the  Providence  packets  refused 
to  submit,  and  was  chased  by  the  schooner,  which  venturing 
too  far  inland,  ran  aground. 

Intelligence  of  her  situation  was  immediately  communicated 
to  the  inhabitants  of  Providence ;  and  several  who  were 
characterized  for  a  love  of  daring  enterprise,  repaired  to  the 
spot.  Under  cover  of  night,  they  took  the  vessel  by 
force,  and  burnt  her  to  the  water's  edge.  Such  a  bold  opposi 
tion  to  the  laws,  was  not  suffered  to  pass  unnoticed.  But 
although  commissioners  were  appointed  to  investigate  the 
affair,  and  a  reward  of  500/.  was  offered  for  a  discovery  of  the 
offenders,  all  efforts  to  detect  them  were  futile. 

The  opposition  to  the  royal  provision  for  the  salary  of  the< 
governor,  which  we  noticed  in  a  preceding  paragraph,  was 
not  confined  to  the  assembly  of  Massachusetts.  Numerous 
meetings  were  called  in  the  various  towns  of  the  provinces,  in 
relation,  as  well  to  this  particular  measure,  as  to  other  oppres 
sive  acts  of  the  British  parliament. 

In  these  meetings,  the  town  of  Boston  took  the  lead.  A 
committee  was  appointed  to  address  the  several  towns  in  the 
colony,  and  to  urge  upon  them  the  importance  of  an  unani- 


46  INTRODUCTION. 

mous  expression  of  their  feelings  with  regard  to  the  conduct 
of  the  British  ministry.  "  We  have  abundant  reason  to  appre 
hend,"  said  this  committee,  in  their  address,  "  that  a  plan  of 
despotism  has  been  concerted,  and  is  hastening  to  a  comple 
tion;  the  late  measures  of  the  administration  have  a  direct 
tendency  to  deprive  us  of  every  thing  valuable  as  men,  as 
Christians,  and  as  subjects,  entitled  to  the  rights  of  native 
Britons." — "We  are  not  afraid  of  poverty,"  said  they,  in  con 
clusion, — "  but  we  disdain  slavery.  Let  us  consider,  we  are 
struggling  for  our  best  birth  rights  and  inheritance ;  which, 
being  infringed,  renders  all  our  blessings  precarious  in  their 
enjoyment,  and  trifling  in  their  value." 

The  proceedings  of  the  assembly,  and  of  the  towns  in  Mas 
sachusetts,  were  communicated  to  the  house  of  burgesses  in 
Virginia,  in  March  of  1773.  Similar  sentiments  prevailed  in 
that  ancient  and  patriotic  colony.  It  was  apparent  to  that  body, 
and  began  to  be  a  prevailing  opinion  throughout  the  coun 
try,  that  to  remain  much  longer  in  that  particular  state,  was 
impossible.  The  future  was  indeed  indistinct.  But  the  wild 
confusion  of  the  elements  gave  indications  of  an  approaching 
storm.  A  portentous  cloud  hung  over  the  country.  It  was 
the  part  of  wisdom,  at  least,  to  think  of  preparation,  and  to 
ascertain  in  what  attitude  things  stood  in  different  sections  of 
the  country,  together  with  the  support  the  directing  officers 
might  expect,  should  the  threatening  tempest  actually  burst. 

With  these  views,  no  doubt,  the  house  of  burgesses  in  Vir 
ginia,  on  the  12th  of  March,  1773,  passed  the  following  reso 
lutions  : 

"  Be  it  resolved,  that  a  standing  committee  of  correspon- 
.dence  and  inquiry  be  appointed,  to  consist  of  eleven  persons, 
to  wit :  the  honourable  Peyton  Randolph,  Esquire,  Robert 
Carter  Nicholas,  Richard  Bland,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Benja 
min  Harrison,  Edmund  Pendleton,  Patrick  Henry,  Dudley 
Diggs,  Dabney  Carr,  Archibald  Gary,  and  Thomas  Jeffeison, 
Esquires,  any  six  of  whom  to  be  a  committee,  whose  business 
it  shall  be  to  obtain  the  most  early  and  authentic  intelligence 
of  such  acts  and  resolutions  of  the  British  parliament,  or  pro 
ceedings  of  administration,  as  may  relate  to,  or  affect  the  British 


INTRODUCTION.  47 

colonies  ;  and  to  keep  up  and  maintain  a  correspondence  and 
communication  with  our  sister  colonies,  respecting  these  im 
portant  considerations,  and  the  result  of  their  proceedings  from 
time  to  time  to  lay  before  the  house." 

Upon  the  recommendation  of  Virginia,  similar  committees 
of  correspondence  and  inquiry  were  appointed  by  the  differ 
ent  colonial  assemblies  ;  and  a  confidential  interchange  of 
opinions  was  thus  kept  up  between  the  colonies.  Great  unity 
of  sentiment  was  the  consequence;  and  the  value  of  the 
measure  was  fully  developed,  in  the  struggle  which  afterwards 
ensued  between  the  colonies  and  the  parent  country. 

By  a  series  of  direct  oppressions,  and  through  the  resident 
officers  of  the  crown,  the  hostility  of  the  people  of  Massachu 
setts  had  become  a  settled  principle  ;  and  about  this  time,  it 
received  additional  strength,  from  the  discovery  and  publication 
of  certain  letters,  addressed  to  a  member  of  parliament,  in  the 
years  1768  and  1769,  by  Mr.  Hutchinson  the  governor,  and 
Mr.  Oliver  the  chief  justice  of  the  province. 

The  existence  o-f  these  letters  was  communicated  to  Dr. 
Franklin,  who  at  that  time  resided  in  England,  by  a  gentleman 
of  his  acquaintance,  with  the  assurance  that  they  contained 
statements  calculated  to  prejudice  the  ministry  and  parlia 
ment  against  the  people  of  Massachusetts,  and  to  widen  the 
breach  between  the  two  countries  ;  and  that  they  moreover 
recommended  the  employment  offeree  to  reduce  the  colonies 
to  order  and  obedience. 

The  letters  were,  at  length,  shown  by  this  gentleman  to  Dr. 
Franklin,  who  obtained  copies  of  them  to  be  sent  to  America, 
only  upon  the  express  condition,  that  they  should  be  confi 
dentially  shown  to  a  few,  and  should  not  be  again  copied. 

On  their  arrival  in  America,  they  were  confidentially  shown 
to  the  "  few ;"  but  it  was  scarcely  possible  that  they  should  not 
be  made  the  subject  of  conversation.  By  some  means,  the 
existence  of  such  letters  became  known,  beyond  the  original 
intention;  and  so  intense  was  the  curiosity  excited  by  the 
subject,  that  on  the  2d  of  June,  1773,  some  of  them  were  com 
municated  by  Samuel  Adams  to  the  assembly  of  Massachusetts, 


48  INTRODUCTION. 

then  sitting  with  closed  doors,  under  the  restriction  that  they 
should  not  be  copied  or  published. 

Notwithstanding  the  above  restrictions,  the  contents  of  the 
letters  were  so  extraordinary  and  so  fully  evidential  of  a  design 
to  subvert  the  constitution  of  the  province  by  the  introduc 
tion  of  arbitrary  power,  that  the  house,  upon  further  delibera 
tion,  directed  the  whole  to  be  published.  They  were  induced 
to  this  course,  by  the  fact,  that  several  copies  had  got  into 
circulation,  from  which  it  might  be  inferred,  that  the  consent 
of  the  original  owner  had  been  obtained  for  that  purpose. 

The  letters  contained  exaggerated  statements  and  delibe 
rate  misrepresentations  of  occurrences  in  the  colony,  and 
recommended  an  alteration  of  the  charter  of  Massachusetts, 
together  with  the  institution  of  an  order  of  patricians.  They 
even  hinted  at  the  expediency  of  "  taking  off  some  of  the 
original  incendiaries.''1 

The  governor,  unable  to  deny  his  own  signature,  presented 
the  poor  excuse  that  they  were  "  confidential  letters,"  and 
were  written  without  any  such  object  as  was  ascribed  to  them. 
But  now,  "  proof  was  heaped  upon  the  shoulders  of  demon 
stration,"  that  Hutchinson,  Oliver,  and  their  adherents,  had 
attempted  to  alienate  the  affections  of  the  king  and  ministry 
from  the  colonies.  The  house  of  representatives,  in  an  address 
to  the  king,  broadly  asserted  this  fact ;  and  solicited,  though 
in  vain,  that  Hutchinson  and  Oliver  might  be  removed  from 
their  places  forever. 

During  these  transactions  in  America,  a  plan  was  devising 
by  the  British  ministry,  to  introduce  tea  into  the  colonies. 
The  duty  on  this  article,  as  already  noticed,  had  been  re 
tained,  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  the  supremacy  of  par 
liament,  and  its  right  to  impose  taxes.  Little  of  the  article, 
however,  had  been  imported  into  the  country  from  Great 
Britain  ;  the  people  having  firmly  resolved  not  to  submit  to 
the  payment  of  the  duty.  In  consequence  of  a  strict  adhe 
rence  to  this  resolution,  the  teas  of  the  East  India  Company 
had  accumulated  in  their  warehouses  ;  and  legislative  aid 
became  necessary  to  relieve  them  of  their  embarrassments. 


INTRODUCTION.  49 

In  1773,  the  minister  introduced  a  bill  into  parliament, 
allowing  the  company  to  export  their  teas  to  America,  with  a 
drawback  of  all  the  duties  paid  in  England.  By  this  regula 
tion,  tea  would  in  fact  become  cheaper  in  America  than  in 
Great  Britain,  and  it  was  expected  that  this  consideration 
would  induce  the  Americans  to  pay  the  small  duty  upon  it. 

On  the  passage  of  this  bill,  the  company  made  a  shipment  of 
large  quantities  of  tea  to  Charleston,  Philadelphia,  New-York, 
and  Boston.  Before  its  arrival,  the  resolution  had  been  formed 
by  the  inhabitants  of  those  places,  that,  if  possible,  it  should 
not  even  be  landed.  That  cargo  destined  for  Charleston  was, 
indeed,  landed  and  stored  ;  but  was  not  permitted  to  be  offer 
ed  for  sale.  The  vessels  which  brought  tea  to  Philadelphia 
and  New- York,  were  compelled  to  return  to  England  with 
their  cargoes,  without  even  having  made  an  entry  at  the  cus 
tom-house. 

It  was  designed  by  the  leading  patriots  of  Boston  to  make 
a  similar  disposition  of  the  cargoes  which  were  expected  at 
that  place  ;  but  on  its  arrival,  the  consignees  were  found  to  be 
the  relations,  or  friends,  of  the  governor,  and  they  could  not 
be  induced  to  resign  their  trust.  Several  town  meetings  were 
held  on  the  subject,  and  spirited  resolutions  passed,  that  no 
considerations  would  induce  the  inhabitants  to  permit  the 
landing  of  the  tea.  Orders  were  at  the  same  time  given  to  the 
captains  to  obtain  clearances  at  the  custom-house,  without  the 
usual  entries  ;  .but  this  the  collector  pertinaciously  refused. 

It  was  in  this  state  of  things,  that  the  citizens  of  Boston 
again  assembled,  to  determine  what  measures  to  adopt.  Du 
ring  the  discussions  had  on  the  posture  of  affairs,  and  while 
a  captain  of  a  vessel  was  gone  to  wait  upon  the  governor,  for 
the  last  time,  to  request  a  passport,  Josiah  Quincy,  Jun.  rose,  and 
addressed  the  assembly  in  the  following  eloquent  style :  "  It  is 
not  the  spirit  that  vapours  within  these  walls,  that  must  stand 
us  in  stead.  The  exertions  of  this  day  will  call  forth  events, 
which  will  make  a  very  different  spirit  necessary  for  our  sal 
vation.  Look  to  the  end.  Whoever  supposes,  that  shouts 
and  hosannas  will  terminate  the  trials  of  the  day,  entertains  a 
cnildish  fancy.  We  must  be  grossly  ignorant  of  the  impor- 
G  5 


50  INTRODUCTION. 

tance  and  value  of  the  prize,  for  which  we  contend  ;  we  must 
be  equally  ignorant  of  the  powers  of  those  who  have  com 
bined  against  us  ;  we  must  be  blind  to  that  malice,  inveteracy 
and  insatiable  revenge,  which  actuate  our  enemies,  public  and 
private,  abroad  and  in  our  bosoms,  to  hope  we  shall  end  this 
controversy  without  the  sharpest,  sharpest  conflicts ;  to  flatter 
ourselves,  that  popular  resolves,  popular  harangues,  popular 
acclamations,  and  popular  vapour,  will  vanquish  our  fears. 
Let  us  consider  the  issue.  Let  us  look  to  the  end.  Let  us 
weigh  and  consider,  before  we  advance  to  those  measures  which 
must  bring  on  the  most  trying-  and  terrible  struggle  this 
country  ever  saw." 

The  captain  of  the  vessel  at  length  returned,  to  say  that 
the  governor  refused  the  requested  passport.  The  meeting 
was  immediately  dissolved.  A  secret  plan  had  been  formed 
to  mingle  the  tea  with  the  waters  of  the  ocean.  Three  dif 
ferent  parties  soon  after  sallied  out,  in  the  costume  of  Mo 
hawk  Indians,  and  precipitately  made  their  way  to  the  wharves. 

At  the  same  time,  the  citizens  were  seen  in  crowds  direct 
ing  their  course  to  the  same  place,  to  become  spectators  of  a 
scene,  as  novel  as  the  enterprise  was  bold.  Without  noise, 
without  the  tumult  usual  on  similar  occasions,  the  tea  was 
taken  from  the  vessel,  by  the  conspirators,  and  expeditiously 
offered  as  an  oblation  "  to  the  watery  God." 

Nothing  could  exceed  the  surprise  of  the  British  ministry, 
on  learning  the  issue  of  their  plan  to  introduce  tea  into  the 
colonies.  Their  indignation  was  particularly  severe  against  the 
inhabitants  of  Boston,  for  their  "  violent  and  outrageous  con 
duct."  In  the  following  March,  1774,  the  whole  affair  was 
presented  to  parliament  by  Lord  North,  and  a  determination 
was  formed  to  punish  both  the  citizens  of  Boston,  and  the  in 
habitants  of  the  colony. 

Accordingly,  abill  was  soon  introduced  into  the  house  of  com 
mons,  usually  called  the  "  Boston  port  bill"  which  prohibited 
the  landing  or  shipping  of  any  goods  at  that  port,  after  the 
first  of  June  following.  By  a  second  act,  which  followed,  the 
charter  of  the  colony  was  so  altered,  as  to  make  the  appoint 
ment  of  the  council,  justices,  judges,  sheriffs,  and  even  jurors, 


INTRODUCTION.  51 

Dependent  upon  the  king  or  his  agent ;  and  restraining  all 
town  meetings,  except  the  annual  meeting,  without  leave  of 
the  governor  in  writing,  with  a  statement  of  the  special  busi 
ness  of  the  meeting.  To  these  enactments  a  third  was  added, 
authorising  the  governor,  with  the  advice  of  the  council,  to 
send  any  person  for  trial  to  any  other  colony,  or  to  Great 
Britain,  who  should  be  informed  against,  or  indicted  for  any 
act  done  in  violation  of  the  laws  01  the  revenue. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  Boston  port  bill,  which  was  brought 
over  by  a  new  governor,  General  Gage,  the  citizens  of  Bos 
ton,  in  an  assembly  which  was  convened  to  consider  the  sub 
ject,  declared,  "  that  the  impolicy,  injustice,  inhumanity,  and 
cruelty  of  the  act,  exceeded  all  their  powers  of  expression ; 
and,  therefore,"  said  they,  "  we  leave  it  to  the  consciences  of 
others,  and  appeal  to  God  and  the  world." — At  the  same  time 
they  adopted  the  following  resolution  :  "  That  if  the  other 
colonies  come  into  a  joint  resolution  to  stop  all  importations 
from,  and  exportations  to  Great  Britain,  and  every  part  of  the 
West  Indies,  till  the  act  be  repealed,  the  same  would  prove 
the  salvation  of  North  America  and  her  liberties." 

Copies  of  these  proceedings  were  immediately  circulated 
through  the  colonies.  A  universal  sympathy  for  the  inhabi 
tants  of  Boston  was  expressed.  In  Virginia,  this  sympathy 
was  manifested  by  the  house  of  burgesses,  in  the  observance 
of  the  1st  of  June,  the  day  the  port  of  Boston  was  to  be 
shut,  as  a  "  day  of  fasting,  humiliation,  and  prayer." 

Arrangements  having  been  made  for  the  meeting  of  the 
second  continental  congress,  on  the  5th  of  September,  1774, 
that  body  assembled  at  Philadelphia.  All  the  colonies  were 
represented,  except  Georgia.  Peyton  Randolph,  a  delegate 
from  Virginia,  was  elected  president,  and  Charles  Thompson, 
a  citizen  of  Philadelphia,  was  chosen  secretary. 

The  attention  of  this  celebrated  congress  was  at  an  early 
date  turned  towards  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  and  the 
city  of  Boston  ;  and  the  following  resolutions  were  adopted, 
expressive  of  the  sympathy  they  felt  for  that  colony,  in  its  dis 
tress,  and  the  high  sense  which  the  congress  entertained  of 
the  wisdom  and  fortitude  which  the  colony  exhibited.  "  Tins 


52  INTRODUCTION. 

assembly  deeply  feels  the  sufferings  of  their  countrymen  in  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  under  the  operation  of  the  late  unjust, 
cruel,  and  oppressive  acts  of  the  British  parliament ;  at  the 
same  time,  they  most  thoroughly  approve  the  wisdom  and  for 
titude  with  which  opposition  to  these  wicked  ministerial 
measures  has  hitherto  been  conducted  ;  and  they  earnestly 
recommend  to  their  brethren  a  perseverance  in  the  same  firm 
and  temperate  conduct,  trusting  that  the  effect  of  the  united 
efforts  of  North  America,  in  their  behalf,  will  carry  such  con 
viction  to  the  British  nation,  of  the  unwise,  unjust,  and  ruinous 
policy  of  the  present  administration,  as  quickly  to  introduce 
better  men  and  wiser  measures." 

Congress  further  addressed  a  letter  to  General  Gage,  ear 
nestly  praying  him  to  put  a  stop  to  the  hostile  preparations 
which  he  had  commenced,  especially  the  fortifications  around 
Boston,  as  the  surest  means  of  maintaining  public  tranquillity 
in  that  quarter,  and  preventing  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war. 
At  the  same  time,  they  urged  upon  the  citizens  of  that  town  all 
the  forbearance  within  their  power;  that  they  should  "  conduct 
themselves  peaceably  towards  his  excellency,  General  Gage, 
and  his  majesty's  troops  stationed  in  Boston,  as  far  as  could 
possibly  be  consistent  with  the  immediate  safety  and  security 
of  the  town." 

Congress  next  proceeded  to  publish  a  declaration  of  rights. 
These  rights  were  set  forth  in  the  following  articles: 

"  1.  That  they  are  entitled  to  life,  liberty,  and  property  ; 
and  they  have  never  ceded  to  any  foreign  power  whatever,  a 
right  to  dispose  of  either,  without  their  consent. 

"  2.  That  our  ancestors,  who  first  settled  these  colonies, 
were,  at  the  time  of  their  emigration  from  their  mother  coun 
try,  entitled  to  all  the  rights,  liberties,  and  immunities  of  free 
and  natural  born  subjects  within  the  realm  of  England. 

"  3.  That  by  such  emigration,  they  by  no  means  forfeited, 
surrendered,  or  lost  any  of  those  rights,  but  that  they  were, 
and  their  descendants  now  are,  entitled  to  the  exercise  and 
enjoyment  of  such  of  them,  as  their  local  and  other  circum 
stances  enable  them  to  exercise  and  enjoy. 

«*  4.  That  the  foundation  of  English  liberty,  and  of  all  free 


INTRODUCTION.  53 

governments,  is  a  right  in  the  people  to  participate  in  their 
legislative  council  ;  and  as  the  English  colonists  are  not  re 
presented,  and,  from  their  local  and  other  circumstances,  can 
not  properly  be  represented  in  the  British  parliament,  t  ey 
are  entitled  to  as  free  and  exclusive  power  of  legislation,  in 
their  several  provincial  legislatures,  where  their  right  of  rep 
resentation  can  alone  be  preserved,  in  all  cases  of  taxation 
and  internal  policy,  subject  only  to  the  negative  of  their  sove 
reign,  in  such  a  manner  as  has  been  heretofore  used  and  ac 
customed.  But  from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  and  a  regard 
to  the  mutualinterest  of  both  countries,  we  cheerfully  consent 
to  the  operation  of  such  acts  of  the  British  parliament  as  are 
bona  fide  restrained  to  the  regulation  of  our  external  com 
merce,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  commercial  advanta 
ges  of  the  whole  empire  to  the  mother  country,  and  the  com 
mercial  benefits  of  its  respective  members;  excluding  every 
idea  of  taxation,  internal  or  external,  for  raising  a  revenue,  on 
the  subjects  in  America,  without  their  consent. 

"  5.  That  the  respective  colonies  are  entitled  to  the  com 
mon  law  of  England,  and  more  especially,  to  the  great  and 
inestimable  privilege  of  being  tried  by  their  peers  of  the 
vicinity,  according  to  the  course  of  that  law. 

"6.  That  they  are  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  such  of  the 
English  statutes  as  existed  at  the  time  of  their  colonization  ; 
and  which  they  have  by  experience  respectfully  found  to  be 
applicable  to  their  several  local  and  other  circumstances. 

"  7.  That  these  his  majesty's  colonies,  are  likewise  entitled 
to  all  the  immunities  and  privileges,  granted  and  confirmed 
to  them  by  royal  charters,  or  secured  by  their  several  codes 
of  provincial  laws. 

"  8.  That  they  have  a  right  peaceably  to  assemble,  con 
sider  of  their  grievances,  and  petition  the  king ;  and  all  prose 
cutions,  prohibitory  proclamations,  and  commitments  for  the 
same,  are  illegal. 

"  9.  That  the  keeping  a  standing  army  in  these  colonies  in 
times  of  peace,  without  the  consent  of  the  legislature  of  that 
colony,  in  which  such  an  army  is  kept,  is  against  law. 

"  10.  It  is  indispensably  necessary  to  good  government, 
5* 


INTRODUCTION. 


rendered  essential  by  the  English  constitution,  that  the  con 
stituent  branches  of  the  legislature  be  independent  of  each 
other ;  that,  therefore,  the  exercise  of  legislative  power,  in 
several  colonies,  by  a  council  appointed  during  pleasure  by 
the  crown,  is  unconstitutional,  dangerous,  and  destructive  to 
the  freedom  of  American  legislation." 

In  relation  to  the  above  particulars,  they  expressed  them 
selves  in  the  following  language  : 

"  All  and  each  of  which,  the  aforesaid  deputies,  in  behalf  of 
themselves  and  their  constituents,  do  claim,  demand,  and  in 
sist  on,  as  their  indubitable  rights  and  liberties,  which  cannot 
be  legally  taken  from  them,  altered,  or  abridged,  by  any  powei 
whatever,  without  their  consent  by  their  representatives  in 
their  several  provincial  legislatures." 

It  was  also  deemed  of  importance  to  adopt  measures  to  stop 
commercial  intercourse  with  Great  Britain.  An  agreement 
was,  therefore,  entered  into,  to  suspend  all  importation  of 
merchandise  from  Great  Britain  and  its  dependencies,  from 
the  1st  of  December,  1774  ;  and,  unless  the  wrongs  of  which 
the  Americans  complained  should  be  redressed,  to  suspend 
in  like  manner  all  exportation  from  the  10th  of  September, 
1775,  with  the  single  exception  of  rice. 

At  the  same  time  it  was  urged  upon  the  colonies  to  adopt 
a  system  of  rigid  economy ;  to  encourage  industry,  and  to 
promote  agriculture,  arts,  and  manufactures,  and  especially 
the  manufacture  of  wool. 

Having  attended  to  these  important  concerns,  congress 
closed  their  session  on  the  26th  of  October,  after  adopting 
addresses  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  to  the  king,  and  to 
the  French  inhabitants  of  Canada. 

The  congress  which  then  terminated  its  session,  has  justly 
been  celebrated  from  that  time  to  the  present,  and  its  celebrity 
will  continue  while  wisdom  finds  admirers,  and  patriotism  is 
regarded  with  veneration.  The  tone  and  temper  of  their  various 
resolutions,  the  style  of  their  addresses,  and  the  composition 
of  the  several  public  papers,  contributed,  in  every  particular, 
to  excite  the  admiration  of  the  world.  Born  and  educatea 
in  the  wilds  of  a  new  world,  unpractised  in  the  arts  of  polity, 


INTRODUCTION.  55 

most  of  them  unexperienced  in  the  arduous  duties  of  legisla 
tion,  differing  in  religion,  manners,  customs,  and  habits,  as  they 
did  in  their  views  of  the  nature  of  their  connexion  with  Great 
Britain  : — that  such  an  assembly,  so  constituted,  should  dis 
play  so  much  wisdom,  sagacity,  foresight,  and  knowledge  of 
the  world;  such  skill  in  argument;  such  force  of  reasoning  ; 
such,  firmness  and  soundness  of  judgment;  so  profound  an  ac 
quaintance  with  the  rights  of  men;  such  genuine  patriotism; 
and,  above  all,  such  unexampled  union  of  opinion,  was  indeed 
a  political  phenomenon  to  which  history  has  -furnished  no 
parallel.*  Both  at  home  and  abroad,  they  were  spoken  of  in 
terms  of  the  highest  admiration.  Abroad,  the  Earl  of  Chat 
ham,  in  one  of  his  brilliant  speeches,  remarked  of  them  : — 
"  History,  my  lords,  has  been  my  favourite  study,  and  in  the 
celebrated  writings  of  antiquity  have  I  often  admired  the 
patriotism  of  Greece  and  Rome;  but,  my  lords,  I  must  declare 
and  avow,  that  in  the  master  tales  of  the  world,  I  know  not 
the  people,  or  the  senate,  who,  in  such  a  complication  of  diffi 
cult  circumstances,  can  stand  in  preference  to  the  delegates 
of  America  assembled  in  general  congress  at  Philadelphia." 
At  home,  they  were  celebrated  by  a  native  and  popular  bard,f 
in  an  equally  elevated  strain: 

"  Now  meet  the  fathers  of  this  western  clime  ; 

Nor  names  more  noble  graced  the  rolls  of  fame, 

When  Spartan  firmness  braved  the  wrecks  of  time, 

Or  Rome's  bold  virtues  fann'd  the  heroic  flame. 

Not  deeper  thought  the  immortal  sage  inspired, 

On  Solon's  lips  when  Grecian  senates  hung1 ; 
Nor  manlier  eloquence  the  bosom  fired, 

When  genius  thundered  from  the  Athenian  tongue." 

While  this  congress  were  in  session,  nearly  all  the  colonies 
had  taken  measures  to  call  provincial  assemblies,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  better  securing  their  ancient  rights  of  government. 
In  Massachusetts,  the  people  had  determined  to  hold  a  pro 
vincial  congress  on  the  15th  of  October,  which  induced  Gene 
ral  Gage,  with  a  view  to  prevent  the  intended  meeting,  to 

*  Allen.  t  M'Fing-al. 


56  INTRODUCTION. 

convoke  the  general  court  of  the  province  at  Salem,  on  the 
5th.  of  the  same  month.  Before  the  arrival  of  this'latter  day, 
however,  he  issued  his  proclamation,  forbidding  that  assembly. 
The  members,  nevertheless,  convened  on  the  appointed  day, 
and  adjourned  to  Concord,  where,  after  electing  John  Han 
cock  for  their  president,  they  further  adjourned  to  meet  at 
Cambridge,  on  the  17th  instant.  At  the  latter  place,  they 
proceeded  to  exercise  the  powers  of  government,  and  to  take 
the  necessary  measures  for  placing  the  province  in  a  state  of 
defence.  They  appointed  a  committee  of  safety,  and  a  com 
mittee  of  supplies.  One  fourth  of  the  militia  were  ordered  to 
be  enlisted  as  minute  men,  to  be  frequently  drilled,  and  held 
in  readiness  for  service  at  a  minute's  warning. 

In  other  colonies  also,  before  the  close  of  the  year,  the 
note  of  preparation  was  heard.  The  horizon  every  day  be 
came  more  lowering ;  and  as  its  darkness  thickened,  the 
activity  and  vigilance  of  the  colonists  increased. 

The  British  parliament  met  on  the  29th  of  November. 
The  moderation  evinced  by  the  congress  at  Philadelphia  had 
encouraged  the  mass  of  the  American  people  to  hope,  that 
on  the  meeting  of  that  body,  conciliatory  measures  would  be 
adopted,  so  as  to  restore  peace  and  harmony  between  the  two 
countries.  Similar  sentiments  were  entertained  by  the 
friends  of  America,  in  England.  They  saw  nothing  in  the 
proceedings  of  the  American  congress,  in  their  resolutions, 
manifestoes,  or  addresses,  to  which  an  Englishman,  proud  of 
his  birthright,  could  justly  object.  It  now  remained  with  the 
British  government  to  adopt  a  plan  of  reconciliation,  or  to 
lose  the  affections  of  the  colonies  forever. 

The  tone  of  his  majesty's  speech,  on  the  opening  of  the 
session,  was  unexpectedly  lofty,  and  gave  little  encourage 
ment  to  the  hopes  of  reconciliation.  After  alluding  to  the 
spirit  of  disobedience  which  was  abroad  in  his  American 
colonies,  and  to  the  daring  resistance  to  law  which  charac 
terized  the  people  of  Massachusetts,  he  informed  parliament 
of  his  firm  determination  to  resist  every  attempt  to  impair  the 
supreme  authority  of  parliament,  throughout  the  dominions 
of  the  crown. 


INTRODUCTION.  57 

To  the  mind  of  Lord  Chatham,  no  object,  at  this  time, 
seemed  more  important,  than  the  restoration  of  peace  between 
the  two  countries.  The  period  had  arrived,  when  a  reconci 
liation  must  take  place,  if  ever  such  an  event  could  be  effected. 
Hence,  on  the  assembling  of  parliament,  after  the  usual  recess, 
January  20th,  1775,  when  the  minister  had  laid  the  papers 
relating  to  America  before  the  house,  Lord  Chatham  rose,  and 
moved,  "  that  an  humble  address  be  presented  to  his  majesty, 
to  direct  the  removal  of  his  majesty's  troops  from  Boston,  in 
order  to  open  the  way  towards  a  settlement  of  the  dangerous 
troubles  in  America." 

"  My  lords,"  says  Chatham,  "  these  papers  from  America, 
now  laid  by  the  administration  for  the  first  time  before  your 
lordships,  have  been,  to  my  knowledge,  five  or  six  weeks  in 
the  pocket  of  the  minister.  And  notwithstanding  the  fate  of 
this  kingdom  hangs  upon  the  event  of  this  great  controversy, 
we  are  but  this  moment  called  to  a  consideration  of  this  im 
portant  subject. 

"  My  lords,  I  do  not  wish  to  look  into  one  of  these  papers. 
I  know  their  contents,  well  enough,  already.  I  know,  that 
there  is  not  a  member  in  this  house,  but  is  acquainted  with 
their  purport,  also.  There  ought,  therefore,  to  be  no  delay 
in  entering  upon  this  matter.  We  ought  to  proceed  to  it  im 
mediately.  We  ought  to  seize  the  first  moment  to  open  the 
door  of  reconciliation.  The  Americans  will  never  be  in  a 
temper  or  state  to  be  reconciled — they  ought  not  to  be — till 
the  troops  are  withdrawn.  The  troops  are  a  perpetual  irrita 
tion  to  those  people  ;  they  are  a  bar  to  all  confidence,  and  all 
cordial  reconcilement. 

"  The  way,"  he  said,  "  must  be  immediately  opened  for 
reconciliation.  It  will  soon  be  too  late.  I  know  not  who 
advised  the  present  measures  ;  I  know  not  who  advises  to 
a  perseverance  and  enforcement  of  them  ;  but  this  I  will  say, 
that  whoever  advises  them,  ought  to  answer  for  it  at  his 
utmost  peril.  I  know  that  no  one  will  avow  that  he  advised, 
or  that  he  was  the  author  of  these  measures  ;  every  one  shrinks 
from  the  charge.  But  somebody  has  advised  his  majesty  to 
these  measures,  and  if  he  continues  to  hear  such  evil  coun- 
H 


58  INTRODUCTION. 

sellors,  his  majesty  will  be  undone.  His  majesty  may,  indeed, 
wear  his  crown,  but  the  American  jewel  out  of  it,  it  will  not 
be  worth  the  wearing.  What  more  shall  I  say  ?  I  must 
not  say,  the  king  is  betrayed  ;  but  this  I  will  say,  the  nation 
is  ruined.  What  foundation  have  we  for  our  claims  over 
America  ?  What  is  our  right  to  persist  in  such  cruel  and 
vindictive  measures,  against  that  loyal,  respectable  people  ? 

"  My  lords,  deeply  impressed  with  the  importance  of 
taking  some  healing  measures,  at  this  most  alarming,  dis 
tracted  state  of  our  affairs,  though  bowed  down  with  a  cruel 
disease,  I  have  crawled  to  this  house,  to  give  you  my  best 
counsel  and  experience  :  and  my  advice  is,  to  beseech  his 
majesty  to  withdraw  his  troops.  This  is  the  best  I  can  think 
of.  It  will  convince  America,  that  you  mean  to  try  her  cause, 
in  the  spirit,  and  by  the  laws  of  freedom  and  fair  inquiry,  and 
not  by  codes  of  blood.  How  can  she  now  trust  you,  with 
the  bayonet  at  her  breast  ?  She  has  all  the  reason  in  the 
world,  now,  to  believe  you  mean  her  death  or  bondage. 
Thus  entered  on  the  threshold  of  this  business,  I  will  knock 
at  your  gates  for  justice,  without  ceasing,  unless  inveterate 
infirmities  stay  my  hand.  My  lords,  I  pledge  myself  never 
to  leave  this  business.  I  will  pursue  it  to  the  end  in  every 
shape.  I  will  never  fail  of  my  attendance  on  it,  at  every  step 
and  period  of  this  great  matter,  unless  nailed  down  to  my 
bed  by  the  severity  of  disease.  My  lords,  there  is  no  time 
to  be  lost ;  every  moment  is  big  with  dangers.  Nay,  while 
I  am  now  speaking,  the  decisive  blow  may  be  struck,  and 
millions  involved  in  the  consequences.  The  very  first  drop 
of  blood  will  make  a  wound,  that  will  not  easily  be  skmned 
over.  Years,  perhaps  ages,  will  not  heal  it :  it  will  be  im- 
medicabile  vulnus  :  a  wound  of  that  rancorous,  malignant, 
corroding,  festering  nature,  that  in  all  probability,  it  will 
mortify  the  whole  body.  Let  us  then,  my  lords,  set  to  this 
business  in  earnest !  not  take  it  up  by  bits  and  scraps,  as 
formerly,  just  as  exigencies  pressed,  without  any  regard  to 
general  relations,  connexions,  and  dependencies.  I  would 
not,  by  any  thing  I  have  said,  my  lords,  be  thought  to  encou 
rage  America  to  proceed  beyond  the  right  line.  I  reprobate 


INTRODUCTION.  59 

all  acts  of  violence  by  her  mobility.  But  when  her  inherent 
constitutional  rights  are  invaded,  those  rights  she  has  an  equita 
ble  claim  to  enjoy  by  the  fundamental  laws  of  the  English  con 
stitution,  and  which  are  engrafted  thereon  by  the  unalterable 
laws  of  nature ;  then  I  own  myself  an  American,  and  feeling  my 
self  such,  shall  to  the  verge  of  my  life  vindicate  those  rights 
against  all  men,  who  strive  to  trample  upon,  or  oppose  them." 

This  motion  of  Lord  Chatham,  offered  not  less  from  a  re 
gard  to  the  welfare  of  England,  than  from  a  conviction  of  her 
impolitic  and  cruel  oppression  of  the  colonists,— and  sup 
ported  by  all  the  eloquence  of  which  that  distinguished  ora 
tor  was  master,  was,  nevertheless,  rejected  by  a  large  majori 
ty.  Although  thus  defeated,  he  was  still  determined,  if  pos 
sible,  to  save  his  country  from  the  evils  which  his  prophetic 
glance  saw  in  certain  prospect,  unless  they  should  be  timely 
averted.  Hence,  shortly  afterwards,  he  introduced  into  par 
liament  his  conciliatory  bill.  While  this  bill  maintained  the 
dependence  of  the  colonies  upon  the  imperial  crown,  and  the 
right  of  parliament  to  make  laws  to  bind  them  in  all  cases, 
touching  the  general  interests  of  the  British  empire,  it  declared 
that  that  body  had  no  right  to  tax  the  colonies  without  their 
consent. 

To  such  a  proposition  the  ministry  were  not  prepared  to 
listen.  They  were  determined  to  admit  no  bill,  which  had 
for  its  object  the  relinquishment  of  any  of  their  favourite  doc 
trines,  or  which,  by  implication,  should  impeach  the  wisdom 
or  justice  of  the  course  they  had  pursued.  Nay,  they  had 
now  formed  their  plan,  and  were  prepared  to  announce  it. 
Coercion  was  to  be  their  motto,  until,  in  the  spirit  of  sub 
mission,  America  should  lay  herself  down  at  their  feet. 

In  accordance  with  the  above  declaration,  a  bill  was  soon 
after  passed  by  the  parliament,  restricting  the  trade  of  the 
colonies  of  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  New-Hampshire,  and 
Rhode  Island,  to  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  and  the  West  Indies, 
and  prohibiting  their  carrying  on  any  fisheries  on  the  banks  of 
Newfoundland,  and  other  places  for  a  limited  time.  The 
same  restrictions  were  soon  after  extended  to  all  the  colo 
nies,  represented  in  the  congress  at  Philadelphia,  with  the 


60  INTRODUCTION. 

exception  of  New- York  and  North  Carolina.     By  these  re 
strictions,  it  was  thought  to  starve  the  colonies  into   obedi 
ence   and  submission,  from    a  mistaken  apprehension  that 
the  people  were  dependent  upon  the  fisheries  for  their  sup 
port. 

It  was  a  general  understanding  among  the  colonists,  that 
hostilities  should  not  be  commenced  by  them.  It  was,  indeed, 
apparent,  that  the  day  of  blood  was  not  far  distant,  but  that 
blood  was  to  be  first  shed  by  the  hands  of  the  English.  In 
the  mean  time,  they  were  not  inactive  in  the  work  of  prepa 
ration.  The  munitions  of  war  were  collected  and  stored  al 
different  points,  as  necessity  and  safety  seemed  to  require. 
Among  the  places  of  deposite  in  Massachusetts,  were  Wor 
cester  and  Concord,  and  thither  considerable  stores  of  arms 
and  provisions  had  been  conveyed. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  vigilance  of  General  Gage  was  not 
abated.  Excited  by  the  loyalists,  who  had  persuaded  him 
that  he  would  find  no  resistance  from  the  cowardice  of  the 
patriots,  he  resolved  to  send  a  few  companies  to  Concord, 
in  a  secret  manner,  to  seize  the  military  stores  deposited 
there  ;  and  either  to  transport  them  to  Boston,  or  to  destroy 
them.  Accordingly,  on  the  evening  of  the  18th  of  April,  1775, 
a  detachment  moved  from  Boston  for  this  purpose,  and  the 
next  day  occurred  the  memorable  battle  of  Lexington,  in 
which  the  British  were  the  aggressors,  by  first  firing  on  the 
militia  collected  at  that  place. 

The  details  of  this  opening  scene  of  the  revolutionary  war 
are  too  well  known,  to  require  a  recital  in  this  place.  Re 
pulsed,  harassed,  and  fatigued,  the  British,  with  no  inconsi 
derable  loss,  returned  to  Boston,  after  having  accomplished 
their  object. 

The  provincial  congress  of  Massachusetts  was,  at  this  time, 
in  session  at  Watertown,  ten  miles  distant  from  Boston.  They 
immediately  resolved  that  a  levy  of  thirteen  thousand  men 
should  be  made.  At  the  same  time,  the  treasurer  was  directed 
to  borrow  100,0007.  for  the  use  of  the  province  ;  and  they  de 
clared  the  citizens  were  absolved  from  all  obligations  of  obe 
dience  to  Governor  Gage.i  As  the  news  of  the  battle  of 


INTRODUCTION.  61 

Lexington  spread  round  the  country,  a  universal  ardour  in 
flamed  the  minds  of  the  inhabitants  ;  and  shortly  after,  were 
assembled,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Boston,  thirty  thousand 
men,  ready,  should  occasion  require,  to  do  justice  to  them 
selves  and  their  country. 

In  this  critical  state  of  public  affairs,  congress  again  assem 
bled  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  10th  of  May.  An  official  account 
of  the  late  aggressions  of  his  majesty's  troops  in  Massachu 
setts,  was  soon  after  laid  before  them  ;  upon  which  it  M7as 
unanimously  resolved  to  place  the  colonies  in  a  state  of  de 
fence.  To  the  colony  of  New-York,  which  had  solicited  the 
advice  and  direction  of  congress,  in  anticipation  of  the  speedy 
arrival  of  foreign  troops,  they  recommended  a  course  of  action 
entirely  on  the  defensive.  They  were,  however,  advised  to 
remove  all  military  stores,  and  to  provide  a  place  of  re 
treat  for  their  women  and  children ;  to  hold  themselves  in 
readiness  for  the  protection  of  the  city;  and,  in  the  event  of 
hostilities,  to  meet  the  enemy  with  promptness  and  decision. 

To  some  of  the  members  of  congress,  it  appeared  desirable 
to  make  yet  another  attempt  at  reconciliation  with  the  British 
government.  Justice,  indeed,  required  no  such  advance;  and 
by  many  the  measure  was  considered  only  as  a  work  of  supe 
rerogation.  They  were  willing,  however,  while  raising  the 
sword  with  one  hand,  to  extend  the  olive  branch  with  the 
other  ;  and,  though  driven  to  the  necessity  of  forcibly  vindi 
cating  their  rights,  they  were  still  disposed  to  secure  them, 
if  possible,  by  a  firm  remonstrance.  Yielding,  therefore,  to 
the  pacific  wishes  of  several  members,  they  prepared  an  ad 
dress  to  the  king,  by  way  of  solemn  appeal,  and  a  second  ad 
dress  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain. 

Towards  the  king,  they  yet  used  the  language  of  loyalty 
and  affection  ;  and  assured  him,  notwithstanding  the  injuries 
they  had  sustained,  and  the  grievous  oppressions  under  which 
they  were  suffering,  they  still  wished  for  peace  ;  and  if  re 
dressed  in  respect  to  their  wrongs,  and  secured  in  the  just 
rights  of  subjects,  they  would  manifest  towards  him  all  the 
affection  and  devotion  which  a  sovereign  could  require. 

In  their  address  to  the  inhabitants  of  Great  Britain,  after 

6 


O*  INTRODUCTION. 

recapitulating  former  injuries,  and  stating  more  recent  acts  of 
hostility,  they  ask  :  "  Can  the  descendants  of  Britain  tamely 
submit  to  this?  No,  we  never  will ;  while  we  revere  the  me 
mory  of  our  gallant  and  virtuous  ancestors,  we  never  can  sur 
render  those  glorious  privileges  for  which  they  fought,  bled, 
and  conquered.  Admit  that  your  fleets  and  armies  can  destroy 
our  towns,  and  ravage  our  coasts  :  these  are  inconsiderable 
objects,  things  of  no  moment,  to  men  whose  bosoms  glow 
with  the  ardour  of  liberty.  We  can  retire  beyond  the  reach 
of  your  navy,  and,  without  any  sensible  diminution  of  the 
necessaries  of  life,  enjoy  a  luxury  which,  from  that  period,  you 
will  want — the  luxury  of  being  free."  They  again  repel  the 
charge  of  aiming  at  independence  : 

"  Our  enemies,"  say  they,  "  charge  us  with  sedition.  In 
what  does  it  consist  ?  In  our  refusal  to  submit  to  unwarrant 
able  acts  of  injustice  and  cruelty?  If  so,  show  us  a  period  in 
your  history  in  which  you  have  not  been  equally  seditious. 

"We  are  accused  of  aiming  at  independence  ;  but  how  is 
this  accusation  supported  ?  By  the  allegations  of  your  minis 
ters,  not  by  our  actions.  Abused,  insulted,  and  contemned, 
what  steps  have  we  pursued  to  obtain  redress  ?  We  have 
carried  our  dutiful  petitions  to  the  throne.  We  have  applied 
to  your  justice  for  relief.  We  have  retrenched  our  luxury, 
and  withheld  our  trade. 

"  The  advantages  of  our  commerce  were  designed  as  a  com 
pensation  for  your  protection  :  when  you  ceased  to  protect, 
for  what  were  we  to  compensate  ? 

"  What  has  been  the  success  of  our  endeavours  ?  The  cle 
mency  of  our  sovereign  is  unhappily  diverted  ;  our  petitions 
are  treated  with  indignity  ;  our  prayers  answered  by  insults. 
Our  application  to  you  remains  unnoticed,  and  leaves  us  the 
melancholy  apprehension  of  your  wanting  either  the  will,  or 
the  power,  to  assist  us." 

After  reminding  them,  that  the  loss  of  liberty  in  America 
would  only  be  a  prelude  to  its  loss  in  Great  Britain,  they  con 
clude  :  "  A  cloud  hangs  over  your  head  and  ours ;  ere  this 
reaches  you,  it  may  probably  burst  upon  us  ;  let  us  then,  (be 
fore  the  remembrance  of  former  kindness  is  obliterated,)  once 


INTRODUCTION.  63 

more  repeat  these  appellations,  which  are  ever  grateful  to  our 
ears  ;  let  us  entreat  heaven  to  avert  our  ruin,  and  the  destruc 
tion  that  threatens  our  friends,  brethren,  and  countrymen,  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic." 

Having  thus  done  all  which  the  most  scrupulous  conscience 
could  demand,  congress  proceeded  to  adopt  measures  to  place 
the  country  in  a  proper  attitude  of  defence,  by  organizing  an 
army,  and  appointing  the  necessary  military  officers.  On  the 
15th  of  June,  George  Washington,  by  the  united  voice  of 
congress,  was  appointed  commander-in-chief  of  the  army 
then  raised,  or  to  be  raised,  for  the  defence  of  American  li 
berty. 

Washington  was,  at  that  time,  a  member  of  congress,  and 
in  a  measure  prepared  to  decide  on  the  important  question  of 
acceptance.  On  the  day  following,  he  appeared  in  the  house, 
and,  standing  in  his  place,  said,  that  he  thanked  congress  for 
the  honour  they  had  conferred  upon  him  ;  but  that  he  felt 
great  distress,  from  a  consciousness  that  his  abilities  and  mi 
litary  experience  were  not  equal  to  the  extensive  and  impor 
tant  tiust;  "however,  as  the  congress  desire  it,  I  will  enter 
upon  the  momentous  duty,  and  exert  every  power  I  possess 
in  their  service,  and  for  the  support  of  the  glorious  cause.  I 
beg  they  will  accept  my  most  cordial  thanks  for  this  distin 
guished  testimony  of  their  approbation. 

"  But  lest  some  unlucky  event  should  happen,  unfavourable 
to  my  reputation,  I  beg  it  may  be  remembered  by  every  gen 
tleman  in  the  room,  that  I  this  day  declare,  with  the  utmost 
sincerity,  I  do  not  think  myself  equal  to  the  command  I  am 
honoured  with. 

"  As  to  pay,  sir,  I  beg  leave  to  assure  the  congress,  that  as 
no  pecuniary  consideration  could  have  tempted  me  to  accept 
this  arduous  employment,  at  the  expense  of  my  domestic  ease 
and  happiness,  I  do  not  wish  to  make  any  profit  from  it;  I  will 
keep  an  exact  account  of  my  expenses.  These,  I  doubt  not, 
they  will  discharge,  and  that  is  all  I  desire." 

During  the  winter  of  1776,  the  subject  of  a  DECLARATION 
OF  INDEPENDENCE,  occupied  the  attention  of  many  men  in 
all  parts  of  the  country.  The  ablest  pens  also  were  employed 


64  INTRODUCTION. 

on  this  momentous  subject.  The  propriety  and  necessity  of 
the  measure  was  enforced  in  the  numerous  gazettes,  and  in 
pamphlets.  Among  the  latter,  Common  Sense,  from  the 
popular  pen  of  Thomas  Paine,  produced  a  wonderful  effect 
in  the  different  colonies  in  favour  of  independence.  Influen 
tial  individuals  urged  it  as  a  step  absolutely  necessary  to  pre 
serve  the  rights  and  liberties  of  America,  and  effectually 
secure  her  happiness  and  prosperity. 

In  the  ensuing  spring,  several  of  the  colonies,  by  means  of 
their  assemblies,  expressed  their  sentiments  in  favour  of  in 
dependence,  and  instructed  their  delegates  in  the  general  con 
gress  to  propose  to  that  respectable  body,  to  declare  the 
united  colonies  free  and  independent  states. 

On  the  seventh  of  June,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  one  of  the 
delegates  from  Virginia,  brought  the  great  question  of  indepen 
dence  before  the  house,  by  submitting  the  following  resolu 
tion  :  "  That  these  united  colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to 
be,  free  and  independent  states  ;  that  they  are  absolved  from 
all  allegiance  to  the  British  crown,  and  that  all  political  con 
nexion  between  them  and  the  state  of  Great  Britain  is,  and 
ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved." 

This  resolution  was  postponed  until  the  next  day,  when  it 
was  debated  in  committee  of  the  whole.  On  the  10th,  it  was 
adopted  by  a  bare  majority  of  the  colonies.  To  give  time  for 
greater  unanimity,  the  resolution  was  postponed  in  the  house, 
until  the  first  of  July.  In  the  mean  time,  a  committee,  consist 
ing  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  John  Adams,  Dr.  Franklin,  Mr.  Sher 
man,  and  R.  R.  Livingston,  was  appointed  to  prepare  a 
declaration  of  independence.  The  committee  thus  appointed, 
selected  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  as  a  sub-committee. 
The  draft  made  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  was  the  one  reported  to 
congress.  It  was  discussed  on  the  second,  and  third,  and 
fourth  days  of  the  month,  in  committee  of  the  whole  ;  and  on 
the  last  of  those  days,  being  reported  from  that  committee,  it 
received  the  final  approbation  and  sanction  of  congress.  It 
was  ordered  at  the  same  time,  that  copies  be  sent  to  the  seve 
ral  states,  and  that  it  be  proclaimed  at  the  head  of  the  army. 
The  declaration  thus  published,  did  not  bear  the  names  of  the 


INTRODUCTION.  65 

members,  for  as  yet  it  had  not  been  signed  by  them.  It  was 
authenticated,  like  other  papers  of  the  congress,  by  the  signa 
tures  of  the  president  and  secretary.  On  the  19th  of  July, 
as  appears  by  the  secret  journal,  congress  "  Resolved,  That 
the  declaration,  passed  on  the  fourth,  be  fairly  engrossed  on 
parchment,  with  the  title  and  style  of  *  The  unanimous  decla 
ration  of  the  thirteen  United  States  of  America  ;'  and  that  the 
same,  when  engrossed,  be  signed  by  every  member  of  con 
gress."  And  on  the  second  day  of  August  following,  the 
declaration  being  engrossed  and  compared  at  the  table,  was 
signed  by  the  members. 

The  declaration  thus  adopted,  and  which  gave  birth  to  a 
new  empire,  was  as  follows  : 

"  WHEN,  in  the  course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  ne 
cessary  for  one  people  to  dissolve  the  political  bands  which 
have  connected  them  with  another,  and  to  assume,  among 
the  powers  of  the  earth,  the  separate  and  equal  station  to 
which  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  nature's  God  entitle  them, 
a  decent  respect  to  the  opinions  of  mankind,  requires  that 
they  should  declare  the  causes  which  impel  them  to  the 
separation. 

"  We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident : — that  all  men 
are  created  equal,  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator 
with  certain  unalienable  rights ;  that  among  these  are  life, 
liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  That  to  secure  these 
rights,  governments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their 
just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed ;  that  when 
ever  any  form  of  government  becomes  destructive  of  these 
ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  to  abolish  it,  and 
to  institute  a  new  government,  laying  its  foundation  on  such 
principles,  and  organizing  its  powers  in  such  form,  as  to 
them  shall  seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happi 
ness.  Prudence,  indeed,  will  dictate,  that  governments  long 
established  should  not  be  changed  for  light  and  transient 
causes  ;  and  accordingly  all  experience  hath  shown,  that 
mankind  are  more  disposed  to  suffer  while  evils  are  suffera- 
I  6* 


66  INTRODUCTION. 

l)le,  than  to  right  themselves  by  abolishing  the  forms  to  which 
they  are  accustomed.  But  when  along  train  of  abuses  and 
usurpations,  pursuing  invariably  the  same  object,  evinces  a 
design  to  reduce  them  under  absolute  despotism,  it  is  their 
right,  it  is  their  duty,  to  throw  oiF  such  government,  and  to 
provide  new  guards  for  their  future  security.  Such  has 
been  the  patient  sufferance  of  these  colonies ;  and  such  is 
now  the  necessity  which  constrains  them  to  alter  their 
former  systems  of  government.  The  history  of  the  present 
king  of  Great  Britain,  is  a  history  of  repeated  injuries  and 
usurpations,  all  having  in  direct  object  the  establishment  of 
an  absolute  tyranny  over  these  states.  To  prove  this,  let 
facts  be  submitted  to  a  candid  world. 

"  He  has  refused  his  assent  to  laws  the  most  wholesome 
and  necessary  for  the  public  good. 

"He  has  forbidden  his  governors  to  pass  laws  of  immediate 
and  pressing  importance,  unless  suspended  in  their  operation, 
till  his  assent  should  be  obtained ;  and  when  so  suspended, 
he  has  utterly  neglected  to  attend  to  them.  He  has  refused 
to  pass  other  laws  for  the  accommodation  of  large  districts 
of  people,  unless  those  people  would  relinquish  the  right  oi 
representation  in  the  legislature — a  right  inestimable  to  them, 
and  formidable  to  tyrants  only. 

"  He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies  at  places  unusual, 
uncomfortable,  and  distant  from  the  repository  of  their  pub 
lic  records,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  fatiguing  them  into  com 
pliance  with  his  measures. 

"  He  has  dissolved  representative  houses  repeatedly,  for 
opposing,  with  manly  firmness,  his  invasions  on  the  rights  of 
the  people. 

"  He  has  refused,  for  a  long  time  after  such  dissolutions,  to 
cause  others  to  be  elected  ;  whereby  the  legislative  powers, 
incapable  of  annihilation,  have  returned  to  the  people  at 
large,  for  their  exercise,  the  state  remaining,  in  the  mean 
time,  exposed  to  all  the  dangers  of  invasion  from  without, 
and  convulsions  within. 


INTRODUCTION.  67 

"  He  has  endeavoured  to  prevent  the  population  of  these 
states,  for  that  purpose  obstructing  the  laws  for  naturaliza 
tion  of  foreigners ;  refusing  to  pass  others  to  encourage  their 
migration  hither,  and  raising  the  conditions  of  new  appropria 
tions  of  lands. 

"  He  has  obstructed  the  administration  of  justice,  by  re 
fusing  his  assent  to  laws  for  establishing  judiciary  powers. 

"  He  has  made  judges  dependent  on  his  will  alone,  for  the 
tenure  of  their  offices,  and  the  amount  and  payment  of  their 
salaries. 

"  He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  new  offices  ;  and  sent 
hither  swarms  of  officers,  to  harass  our  people,  and  eat  out 
their  substance. 

"  He  has  kept  among  us,  in  times  of  peace,  standing  ar 
mies,  without  the  consent  of  our  legislatures. 

"  He  has  affected  to  render  the  military  independent  of, 
and  superior  to,  the  civil  power. 

"  He  has  combined  with  others  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdic 
tion  foreign  to  our  constitution,  and  unacknowledged  by 
our  laws  ;  giving  his  assent  to  their  acts  of  pretended  legis 
lation  : 

"  For  quartering  large  bodies  of  armed  troops  among  us  : 

"  For  protecting  them,  by  a  mock  trial,  from  punishment 
for  any  murders  which  they  should  commit  on  the  inhabi 
tants  of  these  states : 

"  For  cutting  off  our  trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world  : 

"  For  imposing  taxes  on  us  without  our  consent : 

"  For  depriving  us,  in  many  cases,  of  the  benefits  of  trial 
by  jury  : 

"  For  transporting  us  beyond  seas  to  be  tried  for  pretend 
ed  offences : 

"  For  abolishing  the  free  system  of  English  laws  in  a 
neighbouring  province,  establishing  therein  an  arbitrary  go 
vernment,  and  enlarging  its  boundaries,  so  as  to  render  it  at 
once  an  example  and  fit  instrument  for  introducing  the  same 
absolute  rule  into  these  colonies  : 


68  INTRODUCTION. 

"For  taking  away  our  charters,  abolishing  our  most 
valuable  laws,  and  altering,  fundamentally,  the  forms  of  our 
governments : 

"For  suspending  our  own  legislatures,  and  declaring 
themselves  invested  with  power  to  legislate  for  us  in  all  cases 
whatsoever. 

"  He  has  abdicated  government  here,  by  declaring  us  out 
of  his  protection,  and  waging  war  against  us. 

"  He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravaged  our  coasts,  burnt 
our  towns,  and  destroyed  the  lives  of  our  people. 

"  He  is  at  this  time  transporting  large  armies  of  foreign 
mercenaries  to  complete  the  works  of  death,  desolation,  and 
tyranny,  already  begun,  with  circumstances  of  cruelty  and 
perfidy,  scarcely  paralleled  in  the  most  barbarous  ages,  and 
totally  unworthy  the  head  of  a  civilized  nation. 

"  He  has  constrained  our  fellow-citizens,  taken  captive  on 
the  high  seas,  to  bear  arms  against  their  country,  to  become 
the  executioners  of  their  friends  and  brethren,  or  to  fall 
themselves  by  their  hands. 

"  He  has  excited  domestic  insurrections  amongst  us,  and 
has  endeavoured  to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our  frontiers 
the  merciless  Indian  savages,  whose  known  rule  of  warfare 
is  an  undistinguished  destruction  of  all  ages,  sexes,  and  con 
ditions. 

"  In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions  we  have  petitioned 
for  redress  in  the  most  humble  terms  :  our  repeated  petitions 
have  been  answered  only  by  repeated  injury.  A  prince, 
whose  character  is  thus  marked  by  every  act  which  may 
define  a  tyrant,  is  unfit  to  be  the  ruler  of  a  free  people. 

"  Nor  have  we  been  wanting  in  attentions  to  our  British 
brethren.  We  have  warned  them,  from  time  to  time, 
of  attempts  by  their  legislature  to  extend  an  unwarrantable 
jurisdiction  over  us.  We  have  reminded  them  of  the  cir 
cumstances  of  our  emigration  and  settlement  here.  We 
have  appealed  to  their  native  justice  and  magnanimity,  and 
we  have  conjured  them  by  the  ties  of  our  common  kindred 


INTRODUCTION.  69 

to  disavow  these  usurpations,  which  would  inevitably  inter 
rupt  our  connexions  and  correspondence.  They  too  have 
been  deaf  to  the  voice  of  justice  and  of  consanguinity.  We 
must,  therefore,  acquiesce  in  the  necessity  which  denounces 
our  separation,  and  hold  them,  as  we  hold  the  rest  of  man 
kind — enemies  in  war,  in  peace  friends. 

"  We,  therefore,  the  representatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  in  general  congress  assembled,  appealing  to  the 
Supreme  Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude  of  our  inten 
tions,  do,  in  the  name  and  by  the  authority  of  the  good  peo 
ple  of  these  colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  declare,  that 
these  united  colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and 
independent  states  ;  that  they  are  absoVed  from  all  alle 
giance  to  the  British  crown,  and  that  all  political  connexion 
between  them  and  the  state  of  Great  Britain  is,  and  ought  to 
be,  totally  dissolved ;  and  that,  as  free  and  independent 
states,  they  have  full  power  to  levy  war,  conclude  peace, 
contract  alliances,  establish  commerce,  and  to  do  all  other 
acts  and  things,  which  independent  states  may  of  right  do. 
And  for  the  support  of  this  declaration,  with  a  firm  reliance 
on  the  protection  of  Divine  Providence,  we  mutually  pledge 
to  each  other  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred 
tionour." 


THE 


MASSACHUSETTS   DELEGATION. 


JOHN  HANCOCK, 
SAMUEL  ADAMS, 
JOHN  ADAMS, 
ROBERT  TREAT  PAINE, 
ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 


JOHN  HANCOCK. 

THE  events  leading  to  the  declaration  of  independence, 
which  have  been  rapidly  passed  in  review,  in  the  preceding 
pages,  have  brought  us  to  the  more  particular  notice  of  those 
distinguished  men,  who  signed  their  names  to  that  instrument, 
and  thus  identified  themselves  with  the  glory  of  this  Ameri 
can  republic. 

If  the  world  has  seldom  witnessed  a  train  of  events  of  a 
more  novel  and  interesting  character,  than  those  which  led 
to  the  declaration  of  American  independence,  it  has,  perhaps, 
never  seen  a  body  of  men,  placed  in  a  more  difficult  and  res 
ponsible  situation,  than  were  the  signers  of  that  instrument. 
And  certainly,  the  world  has  never  witnessed  a  more  brilliant 
exhibition  of  political  wisdom,  or  a  brighter  example  of  firm 
ness  and  courage. 

The  first  instant  the  American  colonies  gave  promise  of 
future  importance  and  respectability,  the  jealousy  of  Great  Bri 
tain  was  excited,  and  the  counsels  of  her  statesmen  were  em 
ployed  to  keep  them  in  humble  subjection.  This  was  the  object, 
when  royalty  grasped  at  their  charters  ;  when  restrictions 


72  MASSACHUSETTS    DELEGATION. 

were  laid  upon  their  commerce  and  manufactures  ;  when,  by 
taxation,  their  resources  were  attempted  to  be  withdrawn,  and 
the  doctrine  inculcated,  that  it  was  rebellion  for  them  to  think 
and  act  for  themselves. 

It  was  fortunate  for  the  Americans,  that  they  understood 
their  own  rights,  and  had  the  courage  to  assert  them.  But 
even  at  the  time  of  the  declaration  of  independence,  just  as 
was  the  cause  of  the  colonies,  it  was  doubtful  how  the  contest 
would  terminate.  The  chance  of  eventual  success  was  against 
them.  Less  than  three  millions  of  people  constituted  their 
population,  and  these  were  scattered  over  a  widely  ex 
tended  territory.  They  were  divided  into  colonies,  which 
nad  no  political  character,  and  no  other  bond  of  union  than 
common  sufferings,  common  danger,  and  common  necessities. 
They  had  no  veteran  army,  no  navy,  no  arsenals  filled  with 
the  munitions  of  war,  and  no  fortifications  on  their  extended 
coast.  They  had  no  overflowing  treasuries  ;  but  in  the  out 
set,  were  to  depend  upon  loans,  taxation,  and  voluntary  con 
tributions. 

Thus  circumstanced,  could  success  in  such  a  contest  be  rea 
sonably  anticipated  ?  Could  they  hope  to  compete  with  the 
parent  country,  whose  strength  was  consolidated  by  the  lapse 
of  centuries,  and  to  whose  wealth  and  power  so  many  mil 
lions  contributed  ?  That  country  directed,  in  a  great  measure, 
the  destinies  of  Europe  :  her  influence  extended  to  every 
quarter  of  the  world.  Her  armies  were  trained  to  the  art  of 
war  ;  her  navy  rode  in  triumph  on  every  sea  ;  her  statesmen 
were  subtle  and  sagacious  ;  her  generals  skilful  and  practised. 
And  more  than  all,  her  pride  was  aroused  by  the  fact,  that  all 
Europe  was  an  interested  spectator  of  the  scene,  and  was 
urging  her  forward  to  vindicate  the  policy  she  had  adopted, 
and  the  principles  which  she  had  advanced. 

But  what  will  not  union  and  firmness,  valour  and  patriotism, 
accomplish?  What  will  not  faith  accomplish?  The  colonies 
were,  indeed,  aware  of  the  crisis  at  which  they  had  arrived. 
They  saw  the  precipice  upon  which  they  stood.  National 
existence  was  at  stake.  Life,  and  liberty,  and  peace,  were  at 
hazard ;  not  only  those  of  the  generation  which  then  existed, 


JOHN    HANCOCK.  73 

but  of  the  unnumbered  millions  which  were  yet  to  be  born. 
To  heaven  they  could,  with  pious  confidence,  make  their 
solemn  appeal.  They  trusted  in  the  arm  of  HIM,  who  had 
planted  their  fathers  in  this  distant  land,  and  besought  HIM  to 
ijuide  the  men,  who  in  his  providence  were  called  to  preside 
over  their  public  councils. 

It  was  fortunate  for  them,  and  equally  fortunate  for  the 
cause  of  rational  liberty,  that  the  delegates  to  the  congress  of 
1776,  were  adequate  to  the  great  work  which  devolved  upon 
them.  They  were  not  popular  favourites,  brought  into  notice 
during  a  season  of  tumult  and  violence ;  nor  men  chosen  in 
times  of  tranquillity,  when  nothing  is  to  be  apprehended  from 
a  mistaken  selection.  "  But  they  were  men  to  whom  others 
might  cling  in  times  of  peril,  and  look  up  to  in  the  revolu 
tion  of  empires  ;  men  whose  countenances  in  marble,  as  on 
canvass,  may  be  dwelt  upon  by  after  ages,  as  the  history  of 
the  times."  They  were  legislators  and  senators  by  birth, 
raised  up  by  heaven  for  the  accomplishment  of  a  special  and 
important  object ;  to  rescue  a  people  -groaning  under  oppres 
sion  ;  and  with  the  aid  of  their  illustrious  compeers,  destined 
to  establish  rational  liberty  on  a  new  basis,  in  an  American 
republic. 

They,  too,  well  knew  the  responsibility  of  their  station, 
and  the  fate  which  awaited  themselves,  if  not  their  country, 
should  their  experiment  fail.  They  came,  therefore,  to  the 
question  of  a  declaration  of  independence,  like  men  who 
had  counted  the  cost ;  prepared  to  rejoice,  without  any 
unholy  triumph,  should  God  smile  upon  the  transaction  ; 
prepared  also,  if  defeat  should  follow,  to  lead  in  the  way  to 
martyrdom. 

A  signature  to  the  declaration  of  independence,  without 
reference  to  general  views,  was,  to  each  individual,  a  personal 
consideration  of  the  most  momentous  import.  It  would  be 
regarded  in  England  as  treason,  and  expose  any  man  to  the 
halter  or  the  block.  The  only  signature,  which  exhibits  in 
dications  of  a  trembling  hand,  is  that  of  Stephen  Hopkins,  vvhc 
had  been  afflicted  with  the  palsy.  In  this  work  of  treason, 
John  Hancock  led  the  way,  as  president  of  the  congress,  and  by 

x  r 


76  MASSACHUSETTS    DELEGATION. 

warrantable.  But  the  transaction  contributed  greatly  to  bring 
him  into  notice,  and  to  increase  his  popularity. 

This,  and  several  similar  occurrences,  served  as  a  pretext  to 
the  governor  to  introduce  into  Boston,  not  long  after,  several 
regiments  of  British  troops  ;  a  measure  which  was  fitted  more 
than  all  others  to  irritate  the  inhabitants.  Frequent  colli 
sions,  as  might  be  expected,  soon  happened  between  the  sol 
diers  and  the  citizens,  the  former  of  whom  were  insolent,  and 
the  latter  independent.  These  contentions  not  long  after 
broke  out  into  acts  of  violence.  An  unhappy  instance  of  this 
violence  occurred  on  the  evening  of  the  5th  of  March,  1770, 
at  which  time,  a  small  party  of  British  soldiers  was  assailed 
by  several  of  the  citizens,  with  balls  of  snow,  and  other 
weapons.  The  citizens  were  fired  upon  by  order  of  the  com 
manding  officer :  a  few  were  killed,  and  several  others  were 
wounded. 

Although  the  provocation,  in  this  instance,  was  given  by 
the  citizens,  the  whole  town  was  simultaneously  aroused  to 
seek  redress.  At  the  instigation  of  Samuel  Adams,  and  Mr. 
Hancock,  an  assembly  of  the  citizens  was  convened  the  fol 
lowing  day,  and  these  two  gentlemen,  with  some  others,  were 
appointed  a  committee  to  demand  of  the  governor  the  re 
moval  of  the  troops.  Of  this  committee,  Mr.  Hancock  was 
the  chairman. 

A  few  days  after  the  above  affray,  which  is  usually  termed 
"  the  Boston  massacre,"  the  bodies  of  the  slain  \Vere  buried 
with  suitable  demonstrations  of  public  grief.  In  commemo 
ration  of  the  event,  Mr.  Hancock  was  appointed  to  deliver  an 
address.  After  speaking  of  his  attachment  to  a  righteous 
government,  and  of  his  enmity  to  tyranny,  he  proceeded  in 
the  following  animated  strain:  "The  town  of  Boston,  ever 
faithful  to  the  British  crown,  has  been  invested  by  a  British 
fleet;  the  troops  of  George  the  third  have  crossed  the  Atlantic, 
not  to  engage  an  enemy,  but  to  assist  a  band  of  traitors  in 
trampling  on  the  rights  and  liberties  of  his  most  loyal  subjects; 
those  rights  and  liberties,  which,  as  a  father,  he  ought  ever  to 
regard,  and  as  a  king,  he  is  bound  in  honour  to  defend  from 
violation,  even  at  the  risk  of  his  own  life. 


JOHN    HANCOCK.  77 

"  These  troops,  upon  their  first  arrival,  took  possession  of 
our  senate  house,  pointed  their  cannon  against  the  judgment 
hall,  and  even  continued  them  there,  whilst  the  supreme  court 
of  the  province  was  actually  sitting  to  decide  upon  the  lives 
and  fortunes  of  the  king's  subjects.     Our  streets  nightly  re 
sounded  with  the  noise  of  their  riot  and  debauchery  ;   our 
peaceful  citizens  were  hourly  exposed  to  shameful  insults,  and 
often  felt  the  effects  of  their  violence  and  outrage.     But  this 
was  not  all;  as  though  they  thought  it  not  enough  to  violate 
our  civil  rights,  they  endeavoured  to  deprive  usof  the  enjoy 
ment  of  our  religious  privileges  ;  to  vitiate  our  morals,  and 
thereby  render  us  deserving  of  destruction.     Hence  the  rude 
din  of  arms,  which  broke  in  upon  your  solemn  devotions  in 
your  temples,  on  that  day  hallowed  by  heaven,  and  set  apart 
by  God  himself  for  his  peculiar  worship.  Hence,  impious  oaths 
and  blasphemies,  so  often  tortured  your  unaccustomed  ear 
Hence,  all  the  arts  which  idleness  and  luxury  could  invent, 
were  used  to  betray  our  youth  of  one  sex  into  extravagance 
and  effeminacy,  and  of  the  other  to  infamy  and  ruin  ;  and  have 
they  not  succeeded  but  too  well  ?    Has  not  a  reverence  for 
religion  sensibly  decayed?  Have  not  our  infants  almost  learn 
ed  to  lisp  curses,  before  they  knew  their  horrid  import  ?  Have 
not  our  youth  forgotten  they  were  Americans,  and  regardless 
of  the  admonitions  of  the  wise  and  aged,  copied,  with  a  servile 
imitation,  the  frivolity  and  vices  of  their  tyrants?  And  must  I 
be  compelled  to   acknowledge,   that  even  the  noblest,  fair 
est  part  of  all  creation,  have  not  entirely  escaped  their  cruel 
snares  ? — or  why  have  I  seen  an  honest  father  clothed  with 
shame;  why  a  virtuous  mother  drowned  in  tears? 

"  But  I  forbear,  and  come  reluctantly  to  the  transactions  of 
that  dismal  night,  when  in  such  quick  succession  we  felt  the 
extremes  of  grief,  astonishment,  and  rage  ;  when  heaven  in 
anger,  for  a  dreadful  moment  suffered  hell  to  take  the  reins; 
when  satan,  with  his  chosen  band,  opened  the  sluices  of  New- 
England's  blood,  and  sacrilegiously  polluted  our  land  with  the 
dead  bodies  of  her  guiltless  sons. 

"Let  this  sad  tale  of  death  never  be  told,  without  a  tear; 
let  not  the  heaving  bosom  cease  to  burn  with  a  manly  indigna 

7* 


78  MASSACHUSETTS    DELEGATION. 

tion  at  the  relation  of  it,  through  the  long  tracks  of  future 
time  ;  let  every  parent  tell  the  shameful  story  to  his  listening 
children,  till  tears  of  pity  glisten  in  .their  eyes,  or  boiling  pas 
sion  shakes  their  tender  frames. 

"  Dark  and  designing  knaves,  murderers,  parricides  !  How 
dare  you  tread  upon  the  earth,  which  has  drunk  the  blood  of 
slaughtered  innocence  shed  by  your  hands?  How  dare  you 
breathe  that  air,  which  wafted  to  the  ear  of  heaven  the  groans 
of  those  who  fell  a  sacrifice  to  your  accursed  ambition  ? — But 
if  the  labouring  earth  doth  not  expand  her  jaws;  if  the  air  you 
breathe  is  not  commissioned  to  be  the  minister  of  death;  yet, 
hear  it,  and  tremble  !  The  eye  of  heaven  penetrates  the  dark 
est  chambers  of  the  soul;  and  you,  though  screened  from 
human  observation,  must  be  arraigned,  must  lift  your  hands, 
red  with  the  blood  of  those  whose  death  you  have  procured,  at 
the  tremendous  bar  of  God. 

"But  I  gladly  quit  this  theme  of  death — I  would  not  dwell 
too  long  upon  the  horrid  effects,  which  have  already  followed, 
from  quartering  regular  troops  in  this  town  ;  let  our  misfor 
tunes  instruct  posterity  to  guard  against  these  evils.  Stand 
ing  armies  are  sometimes,  (I  would  by  no  means  say  general 
ly,  much  less  universally,)  composed  of  persons  who  have 
rendered  themselves  unfit  to  live  in  civil  society  ;  who  are 
equally  indifferent  to  the  glory  of  a  George,  or  a  Louis;  who 
for  the  addition  of  one  penny  a  day  to  their  wages,  would  de- 
gert  from  the  Christian  cross,  and  fight  under  the  crescent  of 
the  Turkish  sultan  ;  from  such  men  as  these  what  has  not  a 
state  to  fear  ?  With  such  as  these,  usurping  Caesar  passed  the 
Rubicon  ;  with  such  as  these  he  humbled  mighty  Rome,  and 
forced  the  mistress  of  the  world  to  own  a  master  in  a  traitor. 
These  are  the  men  whom  sceptred  robbers  now  employ  to 
frustrate  the  designs  of  God,  and  render  vain  the  bounties 
which  his  gracious  hand  pours  indiscriminately  upon  his 
creatures." 

Previously  to  this  address,  doubts  had  been  entertained  by 
some,  as  to  the  perfect  patriotism  of  Mr.  Hancock.  It  was 
said  that  the  governor  of  the  province  had,  either  by  studied 
civilities,  or  by  direct  overtures,  endeavoured  to  attach  him  to 


JOHN    HANCOCK.  79 

the  royal  cause.  For  a  time  insinuations  of  this  derogatory 
character  were  circulated  abroad,  highly  detrimental  to  his 
fame.  The  manners  and  habits  of  Mr.  Hancock  had,  not  a 
little,  contributed  to  countenance  the  malicious  imputations 
His  fortune  was  princely.  His  mansion  displayed  the  mag 
nificence  of  a  courtier,  rather  than  the  simplicity  of  a  repub 
lican.  Gold  and  silver  embroidery  adorned  his  garments, 
and  on  public  occasions,  his  carriage  and  horses,  and  servant* 
in  livery,  emulated  the  splendour  of  the  English  nobility 
The  eye  of  envy  saw  not  this  magnificence  with  indifference  , 
nor  was  it  strange  that  reports  unfriendly  to  his  patriotic  in 
tegrity  should  have  been  circulated  abroad  ;  especially  as  from 
his  wealth  and  fashionable  intercourse,  he  had  more  con 
nexion  with  the  governor  and  his  party  than  many  others. 

The  sentiments,  however,  expressed  by  Hancock  in  the 
above  address,  were  so  explicit  and  so  patriotic,  as  to  convince 
the  most  incredulous  ;  and  a  renovation  of  his  popularity  was 
the  consequence. 

Hancock,  from  this  time,  became  as  odious  to  the  royal  go 
vernor  and  his  adherents,  as  he  was  dear  to  the  republican  party. 
It  now  became  an  object  of  some  importance  to  the  royal  go 
vernor,  to  get  possession  of  the  persons  of  Mr.  Hancock  and 
Samuel  Adams  ;  and  this  is  said  to  have  been  intended  in  the 
expedition  to  Concord,  which  led  to  the  memorable  battle  of 
Lexington,  the  opening  scene  of  the  revolutionary  war.  Not 
withstanding  the  secrecy  with  which  that  expedition  was  plan 
ned,  these  patriots,  who  were  at  the  time  members  of  the  pro 
vincial  congress  at  Concord,  fortunately  made  their  escape; 
but  it  was  only  at  the  moment  the  British  troops  entered  the 
house  where  they  lodged.  Following  this  battle,  Governor 
Gage  issued  his  proclamation,  offering  a  general  pardon  to  all 
who  should  manifest  a  proper  penitence  for  their  opposition  to 
the  royal  authority,  excepting  the  above  two  gentlemen,  whose 
guilt  placed  them  beyond  the  reach  of  the  royal  clemency. 

In  October,  1774,  Hancock  was  unanimously  elected  to  the 
presidential  chair  of  the  provincial  congress  of  Massachusetts. 
The  following  year,  the  still  higher  honour  of  the  presidency 
of  the  continental  congress  was  conferred  upon  him.  In  this 


SO  MASSACHUSETTS    DELEGATION. 

body,  were  men  of  superior  geniusl  and  of  still  greater  expe- 
rieiT-e  than  Hancock.  There  were  Franklin,  and  Jefferson, 
and  Dickinson,  and  many  others,  men  of  pre-eminent  abilities 
and  superior  political  sagacity;  but  the  recent  proclamation 
of  Governor  Gage,  proscribing  Hancock  and  Adams,  had 
given  those  gentlemen  great  popularity,  and  presented  a  suffi 
cient  reason  to  the  continental  congress,  to  express  their  re 
spect  for  them,  by  the  election  of  the  former  to  the  presiden 
tial  chair. 

In  this  distinguished  station  Hancock  continued  till  October, 
1777  ;  at  which  time,  in  consequence  of  infirm  health,  induced 
by  an  unremitted  application  to  business,  he  resigned  his 
office,  and,  with  a  popularity  seldom  enjoyed  by  any  indivi 
dual,  retired  to  his  native  province. 

Of  the  convention,  which,  about  this  time,  was  appointed  to 
frame  a  constitution  for  the  state  of  Massachusetts,  Hancock 
was  a  member.  Under  this  constitution,  in  1780,  he  was  the 
first  governor  of  the  commonwealth,  to  which  office  he  was 
annually  elected,  until  the  year  1785,  when  he  resigned. 
After  an  interval  of  two  years,  he  was  re-elected  to  the  same 
office,  in  which  he  was  continued  to  the  time  of  his  death, 
which  took  place  on  the  8th  of  October,  1793,  and  in  the  55th 
year  of  his  age. 

Of  the  character  of  Mr.  Hancock,  the  limits  which  we  have 
prescribed  to  ourselves,  will  permit  us  to  say  but  little  more. 
It  was  an  honourable  trait  in  that  character,  that  while  he  pos 
sessed  a  superfluity  of  wealth,  to  the  unrestrained  enjoyment 
of  which  he  came  at  an  unguarded  period  of  life,  he  avoided 
excessive  indulgence  and  dissipation.  His  habits,  through 
life,  were  uniformly  on  the  side  of  virtue.  In  his  disposition 
and  manners,  he  was  kind  and  courteous.  He  claimed  no 
superiority  from  his  advantages,  and  manifested  no  arrogance 
on  account  of  his  wealth. 

His  enemies  accused  him  of  an  excessive  fondness  for 
popularity  ;  to  which  fondness,  envy  and  malice  were  not 
backward  in  ascribing  his  liberality  on  various  occasions. 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  justice  of  such  an  imputation, 
many  examples  of  the  generosity  of  his  character  are  record- 


JOman  Jt  f-tibrow  Sf 


* 

SAMUEL  ADAMS.  81 

ed.  Hundreds  of  families,  it  is  said,  in  times  of  distress,  were 
daily  fed  from  his  munificence.  In  promoting  the  liberties  of 
his  country,  no  one,  perhaps,  actually  expended  more  wealth, 
or  was  wiling  to  make  greater  sacrifices.  An  instance  of  his 
public  spirit,  in  1775,  is  recorded,  much  to  his  praise. 

At  that  time,  the  American  army  was  besieging  Boston,  to 
expel  the  British,  who  held  possession  of  the  town.  To  ac 
complish  this  object,  the  entire  destruction  of  the  city  was 
proposed  by  the  American  officers.  By  the  execution  of  such 
a  plan,  the  whole  fortune  of  Mr.  Hancock  would  have  been 
sacrificed.  Yet  he  immediately  acceded  to  the  measure,  de 
claring  his  readiness  to  surrender  his  all,  whenever  the  liber 
ties  of  his  country  should  require  it. 

It  is  not  less  honourable  to  the  character  of  Mr.  Hancock, 
that  while  wealth  and  independence  powerfully  tempted  him  to 
a  life  of  indolence,  he  devoted  himself  for  many  years,  almost 
without  intermission,  to  the  most  laborious  service  of  his 
country.  Malevolence,  during  some  periods  of  his  public  life, 
aspersed  his  character,  and  imputed  to  him  motives  of  con 
duct  to  which  he  was  a  stranger.  Full  justice  was  done  to 
his  memory  at  his  death,  in  the  expressions  of  grief  and  affec 
tion  which  were  offered  over  his  remains,  by  the  multitudes 
who  thronged  his  house  while  his  body  lay  in  state,  and  who 
followed  his  remains  to  the  grave. 


SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

AMONG  those  who  signed  the  declaration  of  independence, 

ad    were   conspicuous  in  the  revolution,  there  existed,  of 

Bourse,  a  great   diversity   of  intellectual   endowments  ;   nor 

did  all  render  to  their  country,  in   those  perilous  days,  the 

same   important  services.     Like  the  luminaries  of  heaven, 

each  contributed  his  portion  of  influence;  but,  like  them,  they 

differed,  as  star  differeth  from  star  in  glory.     But  in  the  con- 

L 


82  MASSACHUSETTS  DELEGATION. 

stellation  of  great  men,  which  adorned  that  era,  few  shone 
with  more  brilliancy,  or  exercised  a  more  powerful  influence, 
than  Samuel  Adams. 

This  gentleman  was  born  at  Quincy,in  Massachusetts,  Sep 
tember  22d,  1722,  in  the  neighbourhood  afterwards  rendered 
memorable  as  the  birth  place  of  Hancock,  and  as  the  resi 
dence  of  the  distinguished  family  which  has  given  two  pre 
sidents  to  the  United  States.  His  descent  was  from  a  re 
spectable  family,  which  emigrated  to  America  with  the  first 
settlers  of  the  land. 

In  the  year  1736,  he  became  a  member  of  Harvard 
University,  where  he  was  distinguished  for  an  uncommon 
attention  to  all  his  collegiate  exercises,  and  for  his  classical 
and  scientific  attainments.  On  taking  the  degree  of  master, 
in  1743,  he  proposed  the  following  question,  "  Whether 
it  be  lawful  to  resist  the  supreme  magistrate,  if  the  com 
monwealth  cannot  be  otherwise  preserved  ?"  He  main 
tained  the  affirmative  ;  and  in  this  collegiate  exercise  fur 
nished  no  dubious  evidence  of  his  attachment  to  the  liberties  of 
the  people. 

On  leaving  the  university,  he  began  the  study  ot  law,  for 
which  profession  his  father  designed  him  ;  but  at  the  solicita 
tion  of  his  mother,  this  pursuit  was  relinquished,  and  he  be 
came  a  clerk  in  the  counting  house  of  Thomas  Gushing,  at 
that  time  a  distinguished  merchant.  But  his  genius  was  not 
adapted  to  mercantile  pursuits  ;  and  in  a  short  time  after 
commencing  business  for  himself,  partly  owing  to  the  failure 
in  business  of  a  friend,  and  partly  to  injudicious  management, 
he  lost  the  entire  capital  which  had  been  given  him  by  his 
father. 

The  genius  of  Adams  was  naturally  bent  on  politics.  It 
was  with  him  an  all  engrossing  subject.  From  his  earliest 
youth,  he  had  felt  its  inspiration.  It  occupied  his  thoughts, 
enlivened  his  conversation,  and  employed  his  pen.  In  re 
spect  to  his  private  business,  this  was  an  unfortunate  trait  of 
character  ;  but  most  fortunate  for  his  country,  since  he  thus 
acquired  an  extensive  knowledge  of  those  principles  of  ra 
tional  liberty,  which  he  afterwards  asserted  with  so  much 


SAMUEL  ADAMS.  83 

energy,  in  opposition  to  the  arbitrary  conduct  of  the  British 
government." 

In  1763  it  was  announced,  that  the  British  ministry  had  it 
in  view  to  "  tax  the  colonies,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a 
revenue,  which  was  to  be  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the 
crown."  This  news  filled  the  colonies  with  alarm.  In  Mas 
sachusetts,  a  committee  was  appointed  by  the  people  of  Bos 
ton  to  express  the  public  sentiment  in  relation  to  this  con 
templated  measure,  for  the  guidance  of  the  representatives  to 
the  general  court.  The  instructions  of  this  committee  were 
drawn  by  Mr.  Adams.  They  formed,  in  truth,  a  powerful 
remonstrance  against  the  injustice  of  the  contemplated  system 
of  taxation  ;  and  they  merit  the  more  particular  notice,  as  they 
were  the  rirst  recorded  public  document,  which  denied  the 
right  of  taxation  to  the  British  parliament.  They  also  con 
tained  the  first  suggestion  of  the  propriety  of  that  mutual  un 
derstanding  and  correspondence  among  the  colonies,  which 
laid  the  foundation  of  their  future  confederacy.  In  these  in 
structions,  after  alluding  to  the  evils  which  had  resulted  from 
the  acts  of  the  British  parliament,  relating  to  trade,  Mr. 
Adams  observes  : — "  If  our  trade  may  be  taxed,  why  not  our 
lands  ?  Why  not  the  produce  of  our  lands,  and  every  thing 
we  possess,  or  us*e  ?  This  we  conceive  annihilates  our  char 
ter  rights  to  govern  and  tax  ourselves.  It  strikes  at  our  Bri 
tish  privileges,  which,  as  we  have  never  forfeited,  we  hold  in 
common  with  our  fellow  subjects,  who  are  natives  of  Britain. 
If  taxes  are  laid  upon  us  in  any  shape,  without  our  having  a 
legal  representation,  where  they  are  laid,  we  are  reduced  from 
the  character  of  free  subjects,  to  the  state  of  tributary  slaves. 
We,  therefore,  earnestly  recommend  it  to  you,  to  use  your 
utmost  endeavours  to  obtain  from  the  general  court,  all  neces 
sary  advice  and  instruction  to  our  agent,  at  this  most  critical 
juncture."  "  We  also  desire  you  to  use  your  endeavours,  that 
the  other  colonies,  having  the  same  interests  and  rights 
with  us,  may  add  their  weight  to'  that  of  this  province; 
that  by  united  application  of  all  wh©  are  agreed,  all  may 
obtain  redress !" 

The  deep  interest  which  Mr.  Adorns  felt  and  manifested  for 


S4  MASSACHUSETTS  DELEGATION. 

the  righis  of  the  colonies,  soon  brought  him  into  favour  with 
the  patriotic  party.  He  became  a  leader  in  their  popular  as 
semblies,  and  was  bold  in  denouncing  the  unjust  acts  of  the 
British  ministry. 

In  1765  he  was  elected  a  representative  to  the  general  court 
of  Massachusetts,  from  the  town  of  Boston.  From  this  pe 
riod,  during  the  whole  revolutionary  struggle,  he  was  the 
bold,  persevering,  and  efficient  supporter  of  the  rights  of  his 
oppressed  country.  As  a  member  of  the  court,  he  soon  be 
came  conspicuous,  and  was  honoured  with  the  office  of  clerk 
to  that  body.  In  the  legislature,  he  was  characterized  for 
the  same  activity  and  boldness  which  he  had  manifested  in 
the  town.  He  was  appointed  upon  almost  every  committee, 
assisted  in  drawing  nearly  every  report,  and  exercised  a  large 
share  of  influence,  in  almost  every  meeting,  which  had  for  its 
object  the  counteraction  of  the  unjust  plans  of  the  administra 
tion. 

But  it  was  not  in  his  legislative  capacity  alone,  that  Mr. 
Adams  exhibited  his  hostility  to  the  British  government,  and 
his  regard  for  rational  freedom.  Several  able  essays  on  these 
subjects  were  published  by  him  ;  and  he  was  the  author  of 
several  plans  for  opposing,  more  successfully,  the  unjust  de 
signs  of  the  mother  country.  He  has  the  honour  of  having 
suggested  the  first  congress  at  New-York,  which  prepared  the 
way  for  a  Continental  Congress,  ten  years  after  ;  and  at  length 
for  the  union  and  confederacy  of  the  colonies. 

The  injudicious  management  of  his  private  affairs,  already 
alluded  to,  rendered  Mr.  Adams  poor.  When  this  was  known 
in  England,  the  partisans  of  the  ministry  proposed  to  bribe 
him,  by  the  gift  of  some  lucrative  office.  A  suggestion  of 
this  kind  was  accordingly  made  to  Governor  Hutchinson,  to 
which  he  replied  in  a  manner  highly  complimentary  to  the 
integrity  of  Mr.  Adams.  "  Such  is  the  obstinacy  and  inflex 
ible  disposition  of  the  man,  that  he  never  can  be  conciliated 
by  any  office  or  gift  whatever."  The  offer,  however,  it  is 
reported,  was  actually  made  to  Mr.  Adams,  but  neither  the 
allurements  of  fortune  or  power  could  for  a  moment  tempt 


SAMUEL  ADAMS.  85 

him  to  abandon  the  cause  of  truth,  or  to  hazard  the  liberties 
of  the  people. 

He  was  indeed  poor  ;  but  he  could  be  tempted  neither  by 
British  gold,  nor  by  the  honours  or  profits  of  any  office  with 
in  the  gift  of  the  royal  governor.  Such  patriotism  has  not 
been  common  in  the  world  ;  but  in  America  it  was  to  be 
found  in  many  a  b^som,  during  the  revolutionary  struggle. 
The  knowledge  of  facts  like  this,  greatly  diminishes  the  won 
der,  which  has  sometimes  been  expressed,  that  America 
should  have  successfully  contended  with  Great  Britain.  Her 
physical  strength  was  comparatively  weak ;  but  the  moral 
courage  of  her  statesmen,  and  her  soldiers,  was  to  her  instead 
of  numbers,  of  wealth,  and  fortifications. 

Allusion  has  been  made,  both  in  our  introduction,  and  in 
our  notice  of  Hancock,  to  the  Boston  massacre,  in  1770,  an 
event  which  will  long  remain  memorable  in  the  annals  of  the 
revolution,  not  only  as  it  was  the  first  instance  of  bloodshed 
between  the  British  and  the  Americans,  but  as  it  conduced  to 
increase  the  irritation,  and  to  widen  the  breach  between  the 
two  countries. 

Our  limits  forbid  a  more  particular  account  of  this  tragical 
affair  ;  and  it  is  again  alluded  to  only  for  the  purpose  of  bring 
ing  more  distinctly  into  view,  the  intrepid  and  decisive  con 
duct  of  Samuel  Adams  on  that  occasion. 

On  the  morning  following  this  night  of  bloodshed,  a  meet 
ing  of  the  citizens  of  Boston  was  called.  Mingled  emotions 
of  horror  and  indignation  pervaded  the  assembly.  Samuel 
Adams  first  arose  to  address  the  listening  multitude.  Few 
men  could  harangue  a  popular  assembly  with  greater  energy, 
or  exercise  a  more  absolute  control  over  their  passions  and 
affections.  On  that  occasion,  a  Demosthenes,  or  a  Clpitham, 
could  scarcely  have  addressed  the  assembled  multitude  with  a 
more  impressive  eloquence,  or  have  represented  in  a  more 
just  and  emphatic  manner,  the  fearful  crisis  to  which  the 
affairs  of  the  colonies  were  fast  tending.  A  committee  was 
unanimously  chosen  to  wait  upon  Governor  Hutchinson,  with 
a  request  that  the  troops  might  be  immediately  removed  from 
the  town.  To  the  request  of  this  committee,  the  governor, 

8 


86  MASSACHUSETTS    DELEGATION. 

with  his  usual  prevarication,  replied,  that  the  troops  were  not 
subject  to  his  order.  Mr.  Adams,  who  was  one  of  this  com 
mittee,  strongly  represented  to  the  governor  the  clanger  of 
retaining  the  troops  longer  in  the  capital.  His  indignation 
was  aroused,  and  in  a  tone  of  lofty  independence,  he  declared, 
that  the  removal  of  the  troops  would  alone  satisfy  his  insulted 
and  indignant  townsmen;  it  was,  therefore,  at  the  governor's 
peril,  that  they  were  continued  in  the  town,  and  that  he  alone 
must  be  answerable  for  the  fatal  consequences,  which  it  re 
quired  no  gift  of  prophecy  to  predict  must  ensue. 

It  was  now  dark.  The  meeting  of  the  citizens  was  still 
undissolved.  The  greatest  anxiety  pervaded  the  assembly 
and  scarcely  were  they  restrained  from  going  in  a  body  to 
the  governor,  to  learn  his  determination.  Aware  of  the  criti 
cal  posture  of  affairs,  aware  of  the  personal  hazard  which  he 
encountered  by  refusing  a  compliance,  the  governor  at  length 
gave  his  consent  to  the  removal  of  the  troops,  and  stipulated 
that  the  necessary  preparations  should  commence  on  the  fol 
lowing  morning.  Thus,  through  the  decisive  and  spirited  con 
duct  of  Samuel  Adams,  and  a  few  other  kindred  spirits,  the 
obstinacy  of  a  royal  governor  was  subdued,  and  further  hos 
tilities  were  for  a  still  longer  time  suspended. 

The  popularity  and  influence  of  Mr.  Adams  were  rapidly 
increasing,  and  the  importance  of  his  being  detached  from  the 
popular  party  became  every  day  more  manifest.  "We  have 
already  noticed  the  suggestion  to  Governor  Hutchinson  to 
effect  this,  by  the  gift  of  some  lucrative  office.  Other  offers 
of  a  similar  kind,  it  is  reported,  were  made  to  him,  at  different 
times,  by  the  royal  authorities,  but  with  the  same  ill  success. 
About  the  year  1773,  Governor  Gage  renewed  the  experiment. 
At  that  time  Colonel  Fenton  was  requested  to  wait  upon  Mr. 
Adams,  with  the  assurance  of  Governor  Gage,  that  any  benefits 
would  be  conferred  upon  him  which  he  should  demand,  on  the 
condition  of  his  ceasing  to  oppose  the  measures  of  the  royal 
government.  At  the  same  time,  it  was  not  obscurely  hinted, 
that  such  a  measure  was  necessary,  on  personal  considera 
tions.  He  had  incurred  the  royal  displeasure,  and  already, 
such  had  been  his  conduct,  that  it  was  in  the  power  of  the 


SAMUEL    ADAMS.  87 

governor  to  send  him  to  England  for  trial,  on  a  charge  of  trea 
son.  It  was  suggested  that  a  change  in  his  political  conduct, 
might  save  him  from  this  disgrace,  and  even  from  a  severer 
fate  ;  and  might  elevate  him,  moreover,  from  his  circumstan 
ces  of  indigence,  to  the  enjoyment  of  affluence. 

To  this  proposal,  Mr.  Adams  listened  with  attention;  but  as 
Col.  Fen  ton  concluded  his  communication,  with  all  the  spirit 
of  a  man  of  honour,  with  all  the  integrity  of  the  most  incor- 
rupted  and  incorruptible  patriotism,  he  replied ;  "  Go  tell 
Governor  Gage,  that  my  peace  has  long  since  been  made  with 
the  King  of  kings,  and  that  it  is  the  advice  of  Samuel  Adams 
to  him,  no  longer  to  insult  the  feelings  of  an  already  exaspe 
rated  people" 

The  independence  and  sterling  integrity  of  Mr.  Adams, 
might  well  have  secured  to  him  the  respect,  and  even  confi 
dence  of  Governor  Gage ;  but  with  far  different  feelings  did 
he  regard  the  noble  conduct  of  this  high  minded  patriot. 
Under  the  irritation  excited  by  the  failure  of  a  favourite  plan, 
Governor  Gage  issued  a  proclamation,  which  comprehended 
the  following  language:  "  I  do  hereby,"  he  said,  "  in  his  ma 
jesty's  name,  offer  and  promise  his  most  gracious  pardon  to 
all  persons,  who  shall  forthwith  lay  down  their  arms,  and  re 
turn  to  the  duties  of  peaceable  subjects:  excepting  only  ft*om 
the  benefits  of  such  pardon,  SAMUEL  ADAMS,  and  JOHN  HAN 
COCK,  whose  offences  are  of  too  flagitious  a  nature  to  admit  of 
any  other  consideration  but  that  of  condign  punishment." 

Thus  these  independent  men  were  singled  out  as  the 
objects  of  peculiar  vengeance,  and  even  their  lives  endanger 
ed,  for  honourably  resisting  a  temptation,  to  which,  had  they 
yielded,  they  would  have  merited  the  reproach  of  their  coun 
trymen,  and  the  scorn  of  the  world. 

Mr.  Adams  was  a  member  of  the  first  continental  congress, 
which  assembled  in  Philadelphia  on  the  5th  of  September, 
1774 ;  and  continued  a  member  of  that  body  until  the  year 
1781.  During  this  period,  no  delegate  acted  a  more  con 
spicuous  or  manly  part.  No  one  exhibited  a  more  indefati 
gable  zeal,  or  a  firmer  tone  of  character.  He  early  saw  that 
the  contest  would  probably  not  be  decided  without  bloodshed. 


88  MASSACHUSETTS    DELEGATION. 

He  was  himself  prepared  for  every  extremity,  and  was  will 
ing  that  such  measures  should  be  adopted,  as  should  lead  to 
an  early  issue  of  the  controversy.  He  was  accordingly 
among  the  warmest  advocates  for  the  declaration  of  American 
independence.  In  his  view,  the  die  was  cast,  and  a  further 
friendly  connexion  with  the  parent  country  was  impossible. 
'*  I  am  perfectly  satisfied,"'  said  he,  in  a  letter  written  from 
Philadelphia,  to  a  friend  in  Massachusetts,  in  April,  177C, 
*'  of  the  necessity  of  a  public  and  explicit  declaration  of  inde 
pendence.  I  cannot  conceive  what  good  reason  can  be  assign 
ed  against  it.  Will  it  widen  the  breach?  This  would  be  a 
strange  question,  after  we  have  raised  armies,  and  fought  bat 
tles  with  the  British  troops;  set  up  an  American  navy  ;  permit 
ted  the  inhabitants  of  these  colonies  to  fit  out  armed  vessels, 
to  capture  the  ships,  &c.  belonging  to  any  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Great  Britain  ;  declaring  them  the  enemies  of  the  United 
Colonies  ;  and  torn  into  shivers  their  acts  of  trade,  by  allc  vvmg 
commerce,  subject  to  regulations  to  be  made  by  ourselves,  with 
the  people  of  all  countries,  except  such  as  are  subject  t)  the 
British  king.  It  cannot  surely,  after  all  this,  be  imagined 
that  we  consider  ourselves,  or  mean  to  be  considered  by 
others,  in  any  other  state,  than  that  of  independence." 

The  independence  of  America  was  at  length  declared,  and 
gave  a  new  political  character,  and  an  immediate  dignity  to 
the  cause  of  the  colonies.  But  notwithstanding  this  measure 
might  itself  bear  the  aspect  of  victory,  a  formidable  contest 
yet  awaited  the  Americans.  The  year  following  the  declara 
tion  of  independence,  the  situation  of  the  colonies  was  ex 
tremely  gloomy.  The  stoutest  hearts  trembled  within  them, 
and  even  doubts  were  expressed,  whethei  the  measures  which 
had  been  adopted,  particularly  the  declaration  of  indepen 
dence,  were  not  precipitate.  The  neighbourhood  of  Phila 
delphia  became  the  seat  of  war;  congress,  now  reduced  ttt 
only  twenty-eight  members,  had  resolved  to  remove  theii 
session  to  Lancaster.  At  this  critical  period,  Mr.  Adams 
accidentally  fell  in  company  with  several  other  members,  by 
whom  the  subject  of  the  state  of  the  country  was  freely  ant) 
confidentially  discussed.  Gloomy  forebodings  seemed  to 


SAMUEL  ADAMS.  99 

pervade  their  minds,   and  the  greatest  anxiety  was  expressed 
as  to  the  issue  of  the  contest. 

To  this  conversation,  Mr.  Adams  listened  with  silent  atten 
tion.  At  length  he  expressed  his  surprise,  that  such  despond 
ing  feelings  should  have  settled  upon  their  hearts,  and  such 
desponding  language  should  be  even  confidentially  uttered  by 
their  lips.  To  this  it  was  answered,  "  The  chance  is  despe 
rate."  "Indeed,  indeed,  it  is  desperate,"  said  Mr.  Adams,  "if 
this  be  our  language.  If  we  wear  long  faces,  others  will  do  so 
too  ;  if  we  despair,  let  us  not  expect  that  others  will  hope  ;  or 
that  they  will  persevere  in  a  contest,  from  which  their  leaders 
shrink.  But  let  not  such  feelings,  let  not  such  language,  be 
ours."  Thus,  while  the  hearts  of  others  were  ready  to  faint, 
Samuel  Adams  maintained  his  usual  firmness.  His  unshaken 
courage,  and  his  calm  reliance  upon  the  aid  and  protection  ot 
heaven,  contributed  in  an  eminent  degree  to  inspire  his  coun 
trymen  with  a  confidence  of  their  final  success.  A  higher 
encomium  could  not  have  been  bestowed  on  any  member  of 
the  continental  congress,  than  is  expressed  in  relation  to  Mr. 
Adams  by  Mr.  Galloway,  in  his  historical  and  political  reflec 
tions  on  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  American  rebellion, 
published  in  Great  Britain,  1789.  "  He  eats  little,"  says  the 
author,  "  drinks  little,  sleeps  little,  thinks  much,  and  is  most 
indefatigable  in  the  pursuit  of  his  object.  It  was  this  man,  who 
by  his  superior  application,  managed  at  once  the  factions  in 
congress  at  Philadelphia,  and  the  factions  of  New-England." 

In  1781,  Mr.  Adams  retired  from  congress  ;  but  it  was  to 
receive  from  his  native  state,  additional  proofs  of  her  high 
estimation  of  his  services,  and  of  the  confidence  which  she 
reposed  in  his  talents  and  integrity  He  had  already  been  an 
active  member  of  the  convention  that  formed  her  constitu 
tion  ;  and  after  it  went  into  effect,  he  was  placed  in  the  se 
nate  of  the  state,  and  for  several  years  presided  over  that 
body.  In  1789,  he  was  elected  lieutenant  governor,  and  held 
that  office  till  1794;  when,  upon  the  death  of  Hancock,  he 
was  chosen  governor,  and  was  annually  re-elected  till  1797, 
when  he  retired  from  public  life.  This  retirement,  however, 
M  8* 


00  MASSACHUSETTS    DELEGATION. 

he  did  not  long  enjoy,  as  his  death  occurred  on  October  &;, 
1803,  at  the  advanced  age  of  82. 

From  the  foregoing  sketches  of  Mr.  Adams,  it  will  not  be 
difficult  for  the  reader  to  form  a  tolerably  correct  opinion  of 
his  character  and  disposition.  In  his  person,  he  is  said  to 
have  been  only  of  the  middle  size,  but  his  countenance  indi 
cated  a  noble  genius  within,  and  a  more  than  ordinary  inflexi 
bility  of  character  and  purpose.  Great  sincerity  and  simpli 
city  marked  his  manners  and  deportment.  In  his  conversa 
tion,  he  was  at  once  interesting  and  instructive  ;  and  those 
who  shared  his  friendship  had  seldom  any  reason  to  doubt  his 
affection  and  constancy.  His  writings  were  voluminous,  but 
unfortunately,  as  they  generally  related  to  the  temporary 
politics  of  the  day,  most  of  them  are  lost.  Those  which  re 
main  furnish  abundant  proof  of  his  superiority  as  a  writer,  of 
the  soundness  of  his  political  creed,  and  of  the  piety  and  sin 
cerity  of  his  character.  As  an  orator,  he  was  eminently  fit 
ted  for  the  stormy  times  in  which  he  lived.  His  elocutiois 
was  concise  and  impressive,  partaking  more  of  the  logical 
than  the  figurative,  and  rather  calculated  to  enlighten  the  un 
derstanding,  than  to  excite  the  feelings.  Yet  no  man  could 
address  himself  more  powerfully  to  the  passions,  than  he  did, 
on  certain  occasions.  As  a  statesman,  his  views  were  bioad 
and  enlightened  ;  what  his  judgment  had  once  matured,  he 
pursued  with  inflexible  firmness,  and  patriotic  ardour.  While 
others  desponded,  lie  was  full  of  hope  ;  where  others  hesita 
ted,  he  was  resolute  ;  where  others  were  supine,  he  was  eager 
for  action.  His  circumstances  of  indigence  led  him  to  habits 
of  simplicity  and  frugality  ;  but  beyond  this,  he  was  natural 
ly  averse  to  parade  and  ostentation. 

"  Mr.  Adams  was  a  Christian.  His  mind  was  early  imbued 
with  piety,  as  well  as  cultivated  by  science.  He  early  ap 
proached  the  table  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  and  the  purity  of  his 
life  witnessed  the  sincerity  of  his  profession.  On  the  chris- 
lian  sabbath,  he  constantly  went  to  the  temple,  and  the 
morning  and  evening  devotions  in  his  family  proved,  that  his 
religion  attended  him  in  his  seasons  of  retirement  from  the 


SAMUEL    ADAMS.  91 

world.     The    last  production  of  his  pen    was  in   favour  of 
Christian  truth.     He  died  in  the  faith  of  the  gospel." 

In  his  opposition  to  British  tyranny,  no  man  was  more 
conscientious;  he  detested  royalty,  and  despised  the  ostenta 
tion  and  contemptible  servility  of  the  royal  agents  ;  his  pa 
triotism  was  of  a  pure  and  lofty  character.  For  his  country 
he  laboured  both  by  night  and  by  day,  with  a  zeal  which  was 
scarcely  interrupted,  and  with  an  energy  that  knew  no  fatigue. 
Although  enthusiastic,  he  was  still  prudent.  He  would  per 
suade,  petition,  and  remonstrate,  where  these  would  accom 
plish  his  object;  but  when  these  failed,  he  was  ready  to 
resist  even  unto  blood,  and  would  sooner  have  sacrificed  his 
life  than  yielded  with  dishonour.  "  Had  he  lived  in  any 
country  or  epoch,"  says  his  biographer,  "  when  abuses  of 
power  were  to  be  resisted,  he  would  have  been  one  of  the  re 
formers.  He  would  have  suffered  excommunication,  rather 
than  have  bowed  to  papal  infallibility,  or  paid  tribute  to  St. 
Peter  ;  he  would  have  gone  to  the  stake,  rather  than  sub 
mit  to  the  prelatic  ordinances  of  Laud  ;  he  would  have 
mounted  the  scaffold,  sooner  than  pay  a  shilling  of  illegal  ship- 
money  ;  he  would  have  fled  to  a  desert,  rather  than  endure 
the  profligate  tyranny  of  a  Stuart ;  he  was  proscribed,  and 
would  sooner  have  been  condemned  as  a  traitor,  than  assent 
to  an  illegal  tax,  if  it  had  been  only  a  sixpenny  stamp  or  an 
insignificant  duty  on  tea  ;  and  there  appeared  to  be  no  species 
of  corruption  by  which  this  inflexibility  could  have  been  des 
troyed." 

In  the  delegation  of  political  power,  he  may  be  said  to  have 
been  too  cautious,  since  our  constitutions,  as  he  would  have 
modelled  them,  would  not  have  had  sufficient  inherent  force 
for  their  own  preservation.  One  of  his  colleagues  thus  ho 
nourably  described  him  :  "  Samuel  Adams  would  have  the 
state  of  Massachusetts  govern  the  union  ;  the  town  of  Boston 
govern  Massachusetts;  and  that  he  should  govern  the  town 
of  Boston,  and  then  the  whole  would  not  be  intentionally  ill 
governed." 

With  some  apparent  austerity,  there  was  nothing  of  the 
spirit  of  gloom  or  arrogance  about  him.  In  his  demeanour, 


92  MASSACHUSETTS    DELEGATION. 

he  combined  mildness  with  firmness,  and  dignity  vvith  con 
descension.  If  sometimes  an  advocate  for  measures  which 
might  be  thought  too  strong,  it  was,  perhaps,  because  his 
comprehension  extended  beyond  ordinary  minds,  and  he  had 
more  energy  to  effect  his  purposes,  than  attaches  to  common 
men.  In  addition  to  these  qualities,  he  manifested  an  uncom 
mon  indifference  to  pecuniary  considerations  ;  he  was  poor 
while  he  lived,  and  had  not  the  death  of  an  only  son  re 
lieved  his  latter  day  poverty,  Samuel  Adams,  notwith 
standing  his  virtues,  his  patriotism,  his  unwearied  zeal,  and  his 
acknowledged  usefulness,  while  he  lived,  would  have  had  to 
claim  a  burial  at  the  hand  of  charity,  or  at  the  public  expense. 


JOHN  ADAMS. 

JOHN  ADAMS  was  born  at  Quincy,  then  part  of  the  ancient 
town  of  Braintree,  on  the  19th  day  of  October,  old  style, 
1735.  He  was  a  descendant  of  the  Puritans,  his  ancestors 
having  early  emigrated  from  England,  and  settled  in  Massa 
chusetts.  Discovering  early  a  strong  love  of  reading  and  of 
knowledge,  proper  care  was  taken  by  his  father  to  preside 
for  his  education.  His  youthful  studies  were  prosecuted  in 
Braintree,  under  Mr.  Marsh,  a  gentleman  whose  fortune  it 
was  to  instruct  several  children,  who  in  manhood  were  des 
tined  to  act  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  scenes  of  the  revolution. 

He  became  a  member  of  Harvard  College,  1751,  and  was 
graduated  in  course  in  1755  :  with  what  degree  of  reputa 
tion  he  left  the  university  is  not  now  precisely  known;  we  only 
know  that  he  was  distinguished  in  a  class  of  which  the 
Reverend  Dr.  Hemmenway  was  a  member,  who  bore 
honourable  testimony  to  the  openness  and  decision  of  his 
character,  and  to  the  strength  and  activity  of  l.is  mind. 

Having  chosen  the  law  for  his  profession,  he  commenced 
and  prosecuted  its  studies  under  the  direction  of  Samuel 
Putnam,  a  barrister  of  eminence  at  Worcester.  By  him  he 
was  introduced  to  the  celebrated  Jeremy  Gridley,  then  attor- 


JOHN    ADAMS.  93 

ney  general  of  the  province  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  At  the 
first  interview  they  became  friends;  Gridley  at  unce  proposed 
Mr.  Adams  for  admission  to  the  bar  of  Suffolk,  and  took  him 
into  special  favour.  Soon  after  his  admission,  Mr.  Grid- 
ley  led  his  young  friend  into  a  private  chamber  with  an  air 
of  secrecy,  and,  pointing  to  a  book  case,  said,  "  Sir,  there  is 
the  secret  of  my  eminence,  and  of  which  you  may  avail 
yourself  as  you  please."  It  was  a  pretty  good  collection  of 
treatises  of  the  civil  law.  In  this  place  Mr.  Adams  spent  his 
days  and  nights,  until  he  had  made  himself  master  of  the 
principles  of  the  code. 

From  early  life,  the  bent  of  his  mind  was  towards  politics,  a 
propensity  which  the  state  of  the  times,  if  it  did  not  create, 
doubtless  very  much  strengthened.  While  a  resident  at 
Worcester,  he  wrote  a  letter  of  which  the  following  is  an  ex 
tract.  The  letter  was  dated  October  12th,  1755.  "  Soon 
after  the  reformation,  a  few  people  came  over  into  this  new. 
world  for  conscience  sake  :  perhaps  this  apparently  trivial 
incident  may  transfer  the  great  seat  of  empire  into  America. 
It  looks  likely  to  me ;  for,  if  we  can  remove  the  turbulent 
Gallicks,  our  people,  according  to  the  exactest  computations, 
will  in  another  century  become  more  numerous  than  England 
itself.  Should  this  be  the  case,  since  we  have,  I  may  say,  all 
the  naval  stores  of  the  nation  in  our  hands,  it  will  be  easy  to 
obtain  a  mastery  of  the  seas  ;  and  the  united  force  of  all 
Europe  will  not  be  able  to  subdue  us.  The  only  way  to  keep 
us  from  setting  up  for  ourselves  is  to  disunite  us. 

"  Be  not  surprised  that  I  am  turned  politician.  This  whole 
town  is  immersed  in  politics.  The  interests  of  nations  and 
all  the  dira  of  war  make  the  subject  of  every  conversation. 
I  sit  and  hear,  and  after  having  been  led  through  a  maze  of 
sage  observations,  I  sometimes  retire,  and  lay  things  together, 
and  form  some  reflections  pleasing  to  myself.  The  produce 
of  one  of  these  reveries  you  have  read." 

This  prognostication  of  independence,  and  of  so  vast  an 
increase  of  numbers,  and  of  naval  force,  as  might  defy  all 
Europe,  is  remarkable,  especially  as  coming  from  so  young  a 
man,  and  so  early  in  the  history  of  the  country.  It  is  more 


94  MASSACHUSETTS    DELEGATION. 

remarkable  that  its  author  should  have  lived  to  see  fulfilled 
to  the  letter,  what  would  have  seemed  to  others  at  the  time, 
but  the  extravagance  of  youthful  fancy.  His  early  political 
feelings  were  thus  strongly  American,  and  from  this  ardent 
attachment  to  his  native  soil  he  never  departed. 

In  1758  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  commenced  busi 
ness  in  Braintree.  He  is  understood  to  have  made  his  first 
considerable  effort,  or  to  have  obtained  his  most  signal  suc 
cess,  at  Plymouth,  in  a  jury  trial,  and  a  criminal  cause.  In 
1765,  Mr.  Adams  laid  before  the  public  his  "  Essay  on  the 
Canon  and  Feudal  Law,"  a  work  distinguished  for  its  power 
and  eloquence.  The  object  of  this  work  was  to  show,  that 
our  New-England  ancestors,  in  consenting  to  exile  them 
selves  from  their  native  land,  were  actuated  mainly  by  the 
desire  of  delivering  themselves  from  the  power  of  the 
hierarchy,  and  from  the  monarchical,  aristocratical,  and 
political  system  of  the  other  continent  ;  and  to  make  this 
truth  bear  with  effect  on  the  politics  of  the  times.  Its  tone 
is  uncommonly  bold  and  animated  for  that  period.  He  calls 
on  the  people  not  only  to  defend,  but  to  study  and  understand 
their  rights  and  privileges;  and  urges  earnestly  the  necessity 
of  diffusing  general  knowledge. 

In  conclusion,  he  exclaims,  "  let  the  pulpit  resound  with 
the  doctrines  and  sentiments  of  religious  liberty.  Let  us 
hear  the  danger'of  thraldom  to  our  consciences,  from  igno 
ranee,  extreme  poverty  and  dependence,  in  short,  from  civil 
arid  politicil  slavery.  Let  us  see  delineated  before  ust  the 
true  map  of  man — let  us  hear  the  dignity  of  his  nature,  and 
the  noble  rank  he  holds  among  the  works  of  God  !  that  con 
senting  to  slavery  is  a  sacrilegious  breach  of  trust,  as  offen 
sive  in  the  sight  of  God,  as  it  is  derogatory  from  our  own 
honour,  or  interest,  or  happiness  ;  and  that  God  Almighty  has 
promulgated  from  heaven,  liberty,  peace,  and  good  will  to 
man. 

"  Let  the  bar  proclaim  the  laws,  the  rights,  the  generous 
plan  of  power  delivered  down  from  remote  antiquity  ;  inform 
the  world  of  the  mighty  struggles  and  numberless  sacrifices 
made  bv  our  ancestors  in  the  defence  of  freedom.  Let  it  be 


JOHN    ADAMS.  95 

known  that  British  liberties  are  not  the  grants  of  princes  or 
parliaments,  but  original  rights,  conditions  of  original  con 
tracts,  coequal  with  prerogative,  and  coeval  with  govern 
ment.  That  many  of  our  rights  are  inherent  and  essential, 
agreed  on  as  maxims  and  established  as  preliminaries  even 
before  a  parliament  existed.  Let  them  search  for  the  foun 
dation  of  British  laws  and  government  in  the  frame  of  human 
nature,  in  the  constitution  of  the  intellectual  and  moral  world. 
There  let  us  see  that  truth,  liberty,  justice,  and  benevolence, 
are  its  everlasting  basis  ;  and  if  these  could  be  removed,  the 
superstructure  is  overthrown  of  course. 

"  Let  the  colleges  join  their  harmony  in  the  same  delight 
ful  concert.  Let  every  declamation  turn  upon  the  beauty  of 
liberty  and  virtue,  and  the  deformity,  turpitude,  and  malignity 
of  slavery  and  vice.  Let  the  public  disputations  become  re 
searches  into  the  grounds,  nature,  and  ends  of  government, 
and  the  means  of  preserving  the  good  and  demolishing  the 
evil.  Let  the  dialogues  and  all  the  exercises  become  the  in 
struments  of  impressing  on  the  tender  mind,  and  of  spreading 
and  distributing  far  and  wide  the  ideas  of  right,  and  the  sen 
sations  of  freedom." 

In  1766,  Mr.  Adams  removed  his  residence  to  Boston,  still 
continuing  his  attendance  on  the  neighbouring  circuits,  and 
not  unfrequently  called  to  remote  parts  of  the  province. 

In  1770  occurred,  as  has  already  been  noticed,  the  "Boston 
massacre."  Mr.  Adams  was  solicited  by  the  British  officers 
and  soldiers  to  undertake  their  defence,  on  the  indictment 
found  against  them,  for  their  share  in  that  tragical  scene. 
This  was  a  severe  test  of  his  professional  firmness.  He  was 
well  aware  of  the  popular  indignation  against  these  priso 
ners,  and  he  was  at  that  time  a  representative  of  Boston  ia 
the  general  court,  an  office  which  depended  entirely  upon 
popular  favour.  But  he  knew  that  it  was  due  to  his  profes 
sion,  and  to  himself,  to  undertake  their  defence,  and  to  hazard 
the  consequences.  "  The  trial  was  well  managed.  The  cap- 
feain  was  severed  in  his  trial  from  the  soldiers,  who  were  tried 
first,  and  their  defence  rested  in  part  upon  the  orders,  real  or 
supposed,  given  by  the  officer  to  his  men  to  fire.  This  was 


96  MASSACHUSETTS    DELEGATION. 

in  a  good  measure  successful.  On  the  trial  of  Capt.  Preston, 
no  such  order  to  fire  could  be  proved.  The  result  was,  as  it 
should  have  been,  an  acquittal.  It  was  a  glorious  tiling  that 
the  counsel  and  jury  had  nerve  sufficient  to  breast  the  torrent 
of  public  feeling.  It  showed  Britain  that  she  had  not  a  mere 
mob  to  deal  with,  but  resolute  and  determined  men,  who  could 
restrain  themselves.  Such  men  are  dangerous  to  arbitrary 
power." 

The  event  proved,  that  as  he  judged  well  for  his  own  re 
putation,  so  he  judged  well  for  the  interest  and  permanent 
fame  of  his  country.  The  same  year  he  was  elected  one  of 
the  representatives  in  the  general  assembly,  .an  honour  to 
which  the  people  would  not  have  called  him,  had  he  lost  their 
confidence  and  affection. 

In  the  year  1773,  and  1774,  he  was  chosen  a  counsellor  by 
the  members  of  the  general  court ;  but  was  rejected  by  Go 
vernor  Hutchinson,  in  the  former  of  these  years,  and  by  Go 
vernor  Gage,  in  the  latter. 

In  this  latter  year,  he  was  appointed  a  member  of  the  con 
tinental  congress,  from  Massachusetts.  "  This  appointment 
was  made  at  Salem,  where  the  general  court  had  been  con 
vened  by  Governor  Gage,  in  the  last  hour  of  the  existence  of 
a  house  of  representatives,  under  the  provincial  charter 
While  engaged  in  this  important  business,  the  governor 
having  been  informed  of  what  was  passing,  sent  his  secretary 
with  a  message,  dissolving  the  general  court.  The  secretary 
finding  the  door  lo'ked,  directed  the  messenger  to  go  in,  and 
inform  the  speaker  that  the  secretary  was  at  the  door,  with  a 
message  from  the  governor.  The  messenger  returned,  and 
informed  the  secretary  that  the  orders  of  the  house  were,  that 
the  doors  should  be  kept  fast ;  whereupon  the  secretary 
soon  after  read  a  proclamation,  dissolving  the  general  court, 
upon  the  stairs.  Thus  terminated,  forever,  the  actual  exer 
cise  of  the  political  power  of  England  in  or  over  Massa 
chusetts." 

On  the  meeting  of  congress  in  Philadelphia,  1774,  Mr. 
Adams  appeared  and  took  his  seat.  To  talents  of  the  highest 
order,  and  the  most  commanding  eloquence,  he  added  an 


JOHN  ADAMS.  97 

honest  devotion  to  the  cause  of  his  country,  and  a  firmness 
of  character,  for  which  he  was  distinguished  through  life. 
Prior  to  that  period  he  had,  upon  all  occasions,  stood  forth 
openly  in  defence  of  the  rights  of  his  country,  and  in  opposi 
tion  to  the  injustice  and  encroachments  of  Great  Britain.  He 
boldly  opposed  them  by  his  advice,  his  actions,  and  his  elo 
quence  ;  and,  with  other  worthies,  succeeded  in  spreading 
among  the  people  a  proper  alarm  for  their  liberties.  Mr, 
Adams  was  placed  upon  the  first  and  most  important  com 
mittees.  During  the  first  year,  addresses  were  prepared  to 
the  king,  to  the  people  of  England,  of  Ireland,  Canada,  and 
Jamaica.  The  name  of  Mr.  Adams  is  found  upon  almost  all 
those  important  committees.  His  firmness  and  eloquence  in 
debate,  soon  gave  him  a  standing  among  the  highest  in  that 
august  body. 

The  proceedings  of  this  congress  have  already  passed  in 
review.  Among  the  members,  a  variety  of  opinions  seem  to 
have  prevailed,  as  to  the  probable  issue  of  the  contest,  in 
which  the  country  was  engaged.  On  this  subject,  Mr. 
Adams,  a  few  years  before  his  death,  expressed  himself,  in 
a  letter  to  a  friend,  as  follows  :  "  When  congress  had  finished 
their  husiness,  as  they  thought,  in  the  autumn  of  1774,  I  had 
with  Mr.  Henry,  before  we  took  leave  of  each  other,  some 
familiar  conversation,  in  which  I  expressed  a  full  conviction 
that  our  resolves,  declaration  of  rights,  enumeration  of 
wrongs,  petitions,  remonstrances,  and  addresses,  associa 
tions,  and  non-importation  agreements,  however  they  might 
be  viewed  in  America,  and  however  necessary  to  cement  the 
union  of  the  colonies,  would  be  but  waste  water  in  England. 
Mr.  Henry  said,  they  might  make  some  impression  among 
the  people  of  England,  but  agreed  with  me,  that  they  would 
be  totally  lost  upon  the  government.  I  had  but  just  received 
a  short  and  hasty  letter,  written  to  rne  by  Major  Joseph 
Hawley,  of  Northampton,  containing  a  few  broken  hints,  as 
he  called  them,  of  what  he  thought  was  proper  to  be  done, 
and  concluding  with  these  words,  *  after  all,  we  must  fight.' 
This  letter  I  read  to  Mr.  Henry,  who  listened  with  great  at 
tention,  and  as  soon  as  I  had  pronounced  the  words,  '  after 
N  9 


98  MASSACHUSETTS  DELEGATION. 

all,  we  must  fight,'  he  raised  his  head,  and,  with  an  energy 
and  vehemence  that  I  can  never  forget,  broke  out  with,  '  1 
am  of  that  man's  mind.'  I  put  the  letter  into  his  hand,  and 
when  he  had  read  it  he  returned  it  to  me,  with  an  equally 
solemn  asseveration,  that  he  agreed  entirely  in  opinion  with 
the  writer. 

"  The  other  delegates  from  Virginia  returned  to  their  state 
in  full  confidence  that  all  our  grievances  would  be  redressed. 
The  last  words  that  Mr.  Richard  Henry  Lee  said  to  me,  when 
we  parted,  were,  '  we  shall  infallibly  carry  all  our  points. 
You  will  be  completely  relieved  ;  all  the  offensive  acts  will 
be  repealed  ;  the  army  and  fleet  will  be  recalled,  and  Britain 
will  give  up  her  foolish  project.' 

"  Washington  only  was  in  doubt.  He  never  spoke  in  pub 
lic.  In  private,  he  joined  with  those  who  advocated  a  non- 
exportation,  as  well  as  a  non-importation  agreement.  With 
both,  he  thought  we  should  prevail ;  without  either,  he 
thought  It  doubtful.  Henry  was  clear  in  one  opinion, 
Richard  Henry  Lee  in  an  opposite  opinion,  and  Washington 
doubted  between  the  two." 

On  the  15th  day  of  June,  the  continental  congress  appointed 
General  Washington  commander  in  chief  of  the  American 
armies.  To  Mr.  Adams  is  ascribed  the  honour  of  having 
suggested  and  advocated  the  choice  of  this  illustrious  man. 
When  first  suggested  by  Mr.  Adams,  to  a  few  of  his  confi 
dential  friends  in  Congress,  the  proposition  was  received 
with  a  marked  disapprobation.  Washington,  at  this  time, 
was  almost  a  stranger  to  them ;  and,  besides,  to  elevate  a 
man  who  had  never  held  a  higher  military  rank  than  that  of 
colonel,  over  officers  of  the  highest  grade  in  the  militia,  and 
those,  too,  already  in  the  field,  appeared  not  oniy  irregular, 
but  likely  to  produce  much  dissatisfaction  among  them,  and 
the  people  at  large.  To  Mr.  Adams,  however,  the  greatest 
advantage  appeared  likely  to  result  from  the  choice  of  Wash 
ington,  whose  character  and  peculiar  fitness  for  the  station  lie 
well  understood.  Samuel  Adams,  his  distinguished  colleague, 
coincided  with  him  in  these  views,  and  through  their  instru 
mentality  this  felicitous  choice  was  effected.  When  a  ma- 


JOHN  ADAMS.  99 

jority  in  congress  had  been  secured,  Mr.  Adams  introduced 
the  subject  of  appointing  a  commander  in  chief  of  the  armies, 
and  having  sketched  the  qualifications  which  should  be  found 
in  the  man  to  be  elevated  to  so  responsible  a  station,  he  con 
cluded  by  nominating  George  Washington,  of  Virginia,  to  the 
office. 

To  Washington,  himself,  nothing  could  have  been  more  un 
expected.  Until  that  moment  he  was  ignorant  of  the  intended 
nomination.  The  proposal  was  seconded  by  Samuel  Adams, 
and  the  following  day  it  received  the  unanimous  approbation 
of  congress. 

When  Mr.  Adams  was  first  made  a  member  of  the  conti 
nental  congress,  it  was  hinted  that  he,  at  that  time.,  inclined  to 
a  separation  of  the  colonies  from  England,  and  the  establish 
ment  of  an  independent  government.  On  his  way  to  Phila 
delphia,  he  was  warned,  by  several  advisers,  not  to  introduce 
a  subject  of  so  delicate  a  character,  until  the  affairs  of  the 
country  should  wear  a  different  aspect.  Whether  Mr. 
Adams  needed  this  admonition  or  not,  will  not,  in  this  place, 
be  determined.  But  in  1776,  the  affairs  of  the  colonies,  it 
could  no  longer  be  questioned,  demanded  at  least  the  candid 
discussion  of  the  subject.  On  the  6th  of  May,  of  that  year, 
Mr.  Adams  offered,  in  committee  of  the  whole,  a  resolution 
that  the  colonies  should  form  governments  independent  of 
the  crown.  On  the  10th  of  May,  this  resolution  was  adopted, 
in  the  following  shape :  "  That  it  be  recommended  to  all  the 
colonies,  which  had  not  already  established  governments 
suited  to  the  exigencies  of  their  case,  to  adopt  such  govern 
ments  as  would,  in  the  opinion  of  the  representatives  of  the 
people,  best  conduce  to  the  happiness  and  safety  of  their  con 
stituents  in  particular,  and  Americans  in  general." 

"  This  significant  vote  was  soon  followed  by  the  direct 
proposition,  which  RICHARD  HENRY  LEE  had  the  honour  to 
submit  to  congress,  by  resolution,  on  the  7th  day  of  June. 
The  published  journal  does  not  expressly  state  it,  but  there  is 
no  doubt  that  this  resolution  was  in  the  same  words,  when 
originally  submitted  by  Mr.  Lee,  as  when  finally  passed. 
Having  been  discussed  on  Saturday  the  8th,  and  Monday  the 


UK)  MASSACHUSETTS    DKI.KU  AT1O.N. 

10th  of  Juno,  this  resolution  was,  on  the  lasl  mentioned  day, 
postponed  lor  further  consideration  to  the  first  day  of  July  r 
nnil  ut  the  same  time  it  was  voted,  that  a  committee  be  appoint- 
ed  to  prepare  a  DECLARATION,  to  the  effect  of  the  resolution. 
Tliis  eommittee  was  elected  by  ballot  on  the  following  day, 
and  consisted  of  THOMAS  JEFFERSON,  JOHN  ADAMS,  BKNJAMIN 

1   i:  \\KLIN,  HOUKR   SllKUMAN,  and  RoiJKKT  H.  LlMNUSTON." 

It  is  usual  when  committees  are  elected  by  ballot,  that  their 
members  are  arranged  in  order,  according  to  the  number  of 
votes  which  each  has  received.  Mr.  JctU^on,  then' tore. 
probably  received  the  highest,  and  Mr.  Adams  the  next 
highest  number  of  votes.  The  difference  is  said  to  have 
been  but  a  single  vote. 

Mr.  Jetferson  and  Mr.  Adams,  standing  thus  at  the  head  of 
the  eommittee,  were  requested  by  the  other  members,  to  act 
as  a  sub-committee  to  prepare  the  draft;  and  Mr.  Jelfersou 
drew  up  the  paper.  The  original  draft,  as  brought  by  him 
from  his  study,  and  submitted  to  the  other  members  of  the 
committee,  with  interlineations  in  the  hand  writing  of  Dr. 
Franklin,  and  others  in  that  of  Mr.  Adams,  was  in  Mr.  Jeffer 
son's  possession  at  the  time  of  his  death.  The  merit  of  this 
paper  is  Mr.  Jefferson's.  Some  changes  were  made  in  it,  on 
the  suggestion  of  other  members  of  the  eommittee,  and  others 
by  Congress,  while  it  was  under  discussion.  But  none  of 
them  altered  the  tone,  the  frame,  the  arrangement,  or  the  ge 
neral  character  of  the  instrument.  As  a  composition,  the 
declaration  is  Mr.  Jefferson's.  It  is  the  production  of  his 
mind,  and  the  high  honour  of  it  belongs  to  him  clearly  and 
absolutely. 

"  While  Mr.  Jefferson  was  the  author  of  the  declaration 
itself,  Mr.  Adams  was  its  great  supporter  on  the  tloor  of  Con 
gress.  This  was  the  unequivocal  testimony  of  Mr.  Jefferson. 
*  John  Adams,'  said  he,  on  one  occasion,  'was  our  Colossus 
on  the  tloor;  not  graceful,  not  elegant,  not  always  fluent  in 
his  public  addresses,  he  yet  came  out  with  a  power,  both  of 
thought  and  of  expression,  that  moved  us  from  our  seats;1' 
ami  at  another  time,  he  said,  *  John  Adams  was  the  pillar  of 
its  support  on  the  tloor  of  Congress ;  its  ablest  advocate  ami 


JOHN    ADAMS.  101 

defender  against  the  multifarious  assaults,  which  were  made 
against  it.'  " 

On  the  second  day  of  July,  the  resolution  of  independence 
was  adopted,  and  on  the  fourth,  the  declaration  itself  was 
unanimously  agreed  to.  Language  can  scarcely  describe  the 
transport  of  Mr.  Adams  at  this  time.  He  has  best  described 
them  himself,  in  a  letter  written  the  day  following,  to  his  wife. 
"Yesterday,"  says  he,  "the  greatest  question  was  derided 
that  was  ever  debated  in  America;  and  greater,  perhaps, 
never  was  or  will  be  decided  among  men.  A  resolution  was 
passed,  without  one  dissenting  colony,  '  That  these  United 
States  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent 
states.'  The  day  is  passed.  The  4th  of  July,  1776,  will  be  a 
memorable  epoch  in  the  history  of  America.  I  am  apt  to 
believe  it  will  be  celebrated  by  succeeding  generations  as  the 
great  anniversary  festival.  It  ought  to  be  commemorated  as 
the  day  of  deliverance,  by  solemn  acts  of  devotion  to  Almighty 
God.  It  ought  to  be  solemnized  with  pomp,  shows,  games, 
sports,  guns,  bells,  bonfires,  and  illuminations,  from  one  end 
of  the  continent  to  the  other,  from  this  time  forward,  forever. 
You  will  think  me  transported  with  enthusiasm,  but  I  am  not. 
I  am  well  aware  of  the  toil,  and  blood,  and  treasure,  that  it 
will  cost  to  maintain  this  declaration,  and  support  and  defend 
these  states  ;  yet  through  all  the  gloom,  I  can  see  the  rays  of 
light  and  glory.  I  can  see  that  the  end  is  worth  more  than 
all  the  means ;  and  that  posterity  will  triumph,  although  you 
and  I  may  rue,  which  I  hope  we  shall  not." 

About  the  time  of  the  declaration  of  independence,  occurred 
the  disastrous  battle  of  Flatbush  on  Long  Island.  The 
victory  thus  gained  by  the  British,  was  considered  by  Lord 
Howe  as  a  favourable  moment  for  proposing  to  congress  an 
accommodation  ;  and  for  this  purpose,  he  requested  an  inter 
view  with  some  of  the  members.  In  the  deliberations  of  con 
gress,  Mr.  Adams  opposed  this  proposal,  on  the  ground  that 
no  accommodation  could  thus  be  effected. 

A  committee,  however,  was  appointed  to  wait  on  Lord 
Howe,  consisting  of  himself,  Dr.  Franklin,  and  Mr.  Rutledge. 
On  being  apprised  of  their  intended  interview,  Lord  Ilowrp 

9* 


102  MASSACHUSETTS  DELEGATION. 

sent  one  of  his  principal  officers  as  a  hostage,  but  the  com 
missioners  taking  him  with  them,  fearlessly  repaired  to  the 
British  camp.  On  their  arrival,  they  were  conducted  through 
an  army  of  twenty  thousand  men,  drawn  up  for  the  purpose 
of  show  and  impression.  But  the  display  was  lost  on  the 
commissioners,  who  studiously  avoided  all  signs  of  wonder  or 
anxiety.  As  had  been  predicted  by  Mr.  Adams,  the  interview 
terminated  without  any  beneficial  result.  On  being  introdu 
ced,  Lord  Howe  informed  them  that  he  could  not  treat  with 
them  as  a  committee  of  congress,  but  only  as  private  gentle 
men  of  influence  in  the  colonies;  to  which  Mr.  Adams  repli 
ed,  "  You  may  view  me  in  any  light  you  please,  sir,  except 
that  of  a  British  subject." 

During  the  remainder  of  the  year  1776,  and  all  1777,  Mr. 
Adams  was  deeply  engaged  in  the  affairs  of  congress.  He 
served  as  a  member  of  ninety  different  committees,  and  was 
chairman  of  twenty-five  committees.  From  his  multiform 
and  severe  labours  he  was  relieved  in  December  of  the  latter 
year,  by  the  appointment  of  commissioner  to  France,  in  the 
place  of  Silas  Deane. 

In  February,  1778,  he  embarked  for  that  country  on  board 
of  the  frigate  Boston.  On  his  arrival  in  France,  he  found  that 
Dr.  Franklin,  and  Arthur  Lee,  who  had  been  appointed  com 
missioners  the  preceding  year,  and  were  then  in  France,  had 
already  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  French  government. 
Little  business,  therefore,  of  a  public  nature  was  left  him  to 
do.  In  the  summer  of  1779,  lie  returned  to  America. 

About  the  time  of  his  arrival,  the  people  of  Massachusetts 
were  adopting  measures  for  calling  a  convention  to  form  a 
new  state  constitution.  Of  this  convention  he  was  elected  a 
member,  and  was  also  a  member  of  the  committee  appointed 
by  the  convention  to  report  a  plan  for  their  consideration.  A 
plan  which  he  drew  up  was  accepted,  and  was  made  the  basis 
of  the  constitution  of  that  state. 

In  the  August  following,  in  consequence  of  an  informal 
suggestion  from  the  court  of  St.  James,  he  received  the  ap 
pointment  of  minister  plenipotentiary  for  negotiating  a  treaty 
of  peace,  and  a  treaty  of  commerce,  with  Great  Britain.  A 


JOHN  ADAMS.  103 

salary  of  twenty-five  hundred  pounds  sterling  was  voted  him. 
In  the  month  of  October,  he  embarked  on  board  the  French 
ship  La  Sensible,  and  after  a  tedious  voyage  was  landed  at 
Ferrol,  in  Spain,  whence  he  proceeded  to  Paris,  where  he 
arrived  in  the  month  of  February.  He  there  communicated 
with  Dr.  Franklin,  who  was  at  that  time  envoy  of  the  United 
States  at  the  court  of  France,  and  with  the  Count  de  Ver- 
gennes,  the  French  prime  minister.  But  the  British  govern 
ment,  it  was  found,  were  not  disposed  to  peace,  and  the  day 
seemed  far  distant  when  any  negotiation  could  l?e  opened 
with  a  hope  of  success.  Mr.  Adams,  however,  was  so  use 
ful  in  various  ways,  that  towards  the  close  of  the  year,  con 
gress  honoured  him  by  a  vote  of  thanks,  "  for  his  industrious 
attention  to  the  interest  and  honour  of  these  United  States 
abroad." 

In  June,  1780,  congress  being  informed  that  Mr.  Laurens, 
who  had  been  appointed  to  negotiate  a  loan  in  Holland  for 
the  United  States,  had  been  taken  prisoner  by  the  English, 
forwarded  a  commission  to  Mr.  Adams  to  proceed  to  Hol 
land,  for  the  above  purpose.  To.  this,  soon  after,  was  added 
the  new  appointment  of  commissioner  to  conclude  a  treaty 
of  amity  and  commerce  with  the  States  General  of  Holland; 
and,  at  the  same  time,  authority  was  given  him  to  pledge 
the  faith  of  the  United  States  to  the  "  armed  neutrality" 
proposed  by  the  Russian  government. 

Mr.  Adams  repaired  with  promptitude  to  Holland,  and 
engaged  with  great  zeal  in  the  business  of  his  commission. 
From  this  station  he  was  suddenly  summoned  by  the  Count 
de  Vergennes,  to  consult,  at  Paris,  with  regard  to  a  project 
for  a  general  peace,  suggested  by  the  courts  of  Vienna  and 
St.  Petersburg}!. 

This  M  as  one  of  the  most  anxious  periods  in  the  eventful 
life  of  Mr.  Adams.  France  was,  indeed,  ready  to  fulfil  her 
guaranty  of  independence  to  the  United  States ;  but  it  was 
the  politic  aim  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  to  secure  impor 
tant  advantages  for  his  own  country,  in  the  settlement  of 
American  difficulties.  Hence,  no  effort  was  spared  to  make 
Mr.  Adams,  in  this  important  matter,  the  subordinate  agent 


104  MASSACHUSETTS  DELEGATION. 

of  the  French  cabinet.  He,  on  the  other  hand,  regarded 
solely  the  interests  of  the  United  States,  and  the  instructions 
of  congress  ;  and  his  obstinate  independence,  unshaken  by 
the  alternate  threats  and  blandishments  of  the  court  of  Ver 
sailles,  occasioned  an  effort  by  the  Count  de  Vergennes  to 
obtain,  through  the  French  minister  in  Philadelphia,  such  a 
modification  of  the  instructions  to  Mr.  Adams,  as  should 
subject  him  to  the  direction  of  the  French  cabinet. 

The  effect  of  this  artful  and  strenuous  measure  was,  a  de 
termination  on  the  part  of  congress,  that  Mr.  Adams  should 
hold  the  most  confidential  intercourse  with  the  French  minis 
ters  ;  and  should  "undertake  nothing  in  the  negotiation  of 
a  peace,  or  truce,  without  their  knowledge  and  concurrence." 

Under  these  humiliating  restrictions,  the  independent  and 
decisive  spirit  of  Mr.  Adams  was  severely  tried.  The  impe 
rial  mediators  proposed  an  armistice,  but  without  any  with 
drawal  of  troops  from  America.  Mr.  Adams  firmly  opposed 
this  stipulation  ;  and  the  negotiation  proceeded  no  farther  at 
that  time. 

It  was,  obviously,  the  policy  of  the  French  minister,  not 
to  facilitate  the  peace  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States,  without  previously  securing  to  France  a  large  share  in 
the  fisheries  ;  and  at  the  same  time  so  establishing  the  wes 
tern  boundary,  as  to  sacrifice  the  interests  of  the  United 
States  to  those  of  Spain. 

Finding  all  attempts  at  negotiation  unavailing,  Mr.  Adams 
returned  to  Holland. 

Meantime,  the  apprehensions  of  congress  being  much 
excited  by  the  insinuations  of  the  French  minister  in  Phila 
delphia,  they  added  to  the  commission  for  forming  a  treaty 
with  Great  Britain,  Dr.  Franklin,  then  plenipotentiary  at 
Paris  ;  Mr.  Jay,  the  minister  at  Madrid  ;  Mr.  Henry  Laurens, 
who  had  recently  been  appointed  special  minister  to  France  ; 
and  Mr.  Jefferson.  The  whole  were  instructed  to  govern 
themselves  by  the  advice  and  opinion  of  the  ministers  of  the 
king  of  France.  This  unaccountable  and  dishonourable 
concession,  in  effect,  made  the  Count  dc  Vergennes  minister 
plenipotentiary  for  the  United  States. 


JOHN    ADAMS.  105 

But  the  indefatigable  exertions  of  Mr.  Adams  in  Holland, 
had  a  most  important  bearing  upon  the  proposed  negotiations. 
By  a  laborious  and  striking  exhibition  of  the  situation  and 
resources  of  the  United  States,  he  succeeded  in  so  far  in 
fluencing  public  opinion,  as  to  obtain  a  loan  of  eight  millions 
of  guilders,  on  reasonable  terms.  This  loan,  effected  in  the 
autumn  of  1782,  was  soon  followed  by  a  treaty  of  amity  and 
commerce  with  Holland,  recognizing  the  United  States  as 
independent  and  sovereign  states. 

The  disposition  towards  peace,  on  the  part  of  the  English 
ministry,  was  wonderfully  quickened  by  the  favourable  ne 
gotiation  of  this  loan.  During  Lord  Shelburne's  administra 
tion,  the  independence  of  the  states  was  unconditionally  ac 
knowledged,  and  the  first  effectual  steps  were  taken  to  put 
an  end  to  the  war. 

During  the  negotiations  that  followed,  the  disposition  of 
France  again  evinced  itself,  to  cut  off  the  United  States  from 
a  share  of  the  fisheries,  and  to  transfer  a  portion  of  the 
American  territory  to  Spain.  The  American  commissioners, 
therefore,  were  not  a  little  embarrassed  by  their  instructions 
from  congress,  to  govern  themselves  by  the  opinion  and 
advice  of  the  French  minister.  But,  as  Mr.  Adams  had,  on  a 
former  occasion,  found  it  necessary  to  depart  from  instruc 
tions  of  a  similar  import ;  the  other  commissioners  now 
joined  with  him,  in  the  determination  to  secure  the  best 
interests  of  their  country,  regardless  of  the  interference  of 
the  French  minister,  and  of  the  inconsiderate  restrictions  im 
posed  on  them  by  congress. 

Accordingly,  provisional  articles  were  signed  by  them,  on 
the  30th  of  November,  1782  ;  and  this  measure  was  follow 
ed  by  an  advantageous  definitive  treaty  in  September,  1783. 

Mr.  Adams  spent  a  part  of  the  year  1784  in  Holland,  but 
returned  eventually  to  Paris,  on  being  placed  at  the  head  of 
a  commission,  with  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Jefferson  as  coad 
jutors,  to  negotiate  several  commercial  treaties  with  different 
foreign  nations. 

Near  the  commencement  of  the  year  1785,   congress  re 
solved  to  send  a  minister  plenipotentiary  to   represent  the 
O 


106  MASSACHUSETTS    DELEGATION. 

United  States  at  the  court  of  St.  James.  To  this  responsible 
station,  rendered  peculiarly  delicate  by  the  fact  that  the 
United  States  had  so  recently  and  reluctantly  been  acknow 
ledged  as  an  independent  nation,  Mr.  Adams  was  appointed. 
It  was  doubtful  in  what  manner  and  with  what  spirit  an 
American  minister  would  be  received  by  the  British  govern 
ment.  On  leaving  America,  Mr.  Jay,  the  then  secretary  of 
state,  among  other  instructions,  used  the  following  language 
"  The  manner  of  your  reception  at  that  court,  and  its  temper, 
views,  and  dispositions  respecting  American  objects,  are  mat 
ters  concerning  which  particular  information  might  be  no 
less  useful  than  interesting.  Your  letters  will,  I  am  persuaded, 
remove  all  suspense  on  those  points." 

In  accordance  with  this  direction,  Mr.  Adams  subsequently 
forwarded  to  Mr.  Jay  the  following  interesting  account  of  his 
presentation  to  the  king. 

"  During  my  interview  with  the  marquis  of  Carmarthen, 
he  told  me  it  was  customary  for  every  foreign  minister,  at 
his  first  presentation  to  the  king,  to  make  his  majesty  some 
compliments  conformable  to  the  spirit  of  his  credentials;  and 
when  Sir  Clement  Cottrel  Dormer,  the  master  of  ceremonies, 
came  to  inform  me  that  he  should  accompany  me  to  the  secre 
tary  of  state,  and  to  court,  he  said,  that  every  foreign  minister 
whom  he  had  attended  to  the  queen,  had  always  made  an 
harangue  to  her  majesty,  and  he  understood,  though  he  had  not 
been  present,  that  they  always  harangued  the  king.  On  Tues 
day  evening,  the  Baron  de  Lynden  (Dutch  ambassador)  called 
upon  me,  and  said  he  came  from  the  Baron  de  Nolkin,  (Swedish 
envoy,)  and  had  been  conversing  upon  the  singular  situation 
I  was  in,  and  they  agreed  in  opinion  that  it  was  indispensable 
that  I  should  make  a  speech,  and  that  it  should  be  as  com 
plimentary  as  possible.  All  this  was  parallel  to  the  advice 
lately  given  by  the  Count  de  Vergennes  to  Mr.  Jefferson.  So 
that  finding  it  was  a  custom  established  at  both  these  great 
courts,  that  this  court  and  the  foreign  ministers  expected  it, 
I  thought  I  could  not  avoid  it,  although  my  first  thought  and 
inclination  had  been  to  deliver  my  credentials  silently  and 
retire.  At  one,  on  Wednesday  the  first  of  June,  the  master 


JOHN    ADAMS.  107 

if  ceremonies  called  at  my  house,  and  went  with  me  to  the 
secretary  of  state's  office,  in  Cleveland  Row,  where  the  mar 
quis  of  Carmarthen  received  me,  and  introduced1!^  to  Mr. 
Frazier,  his  under  secretary,  who  had  been,  as  his  lordship 
said,  uninterruptedly  in  that  office  through  all  the  changes  in 
administration  for  thirty  years,  having  first  been  appointed 
by  the  earl  of  Holderness.  After  a  short  conversation  upon 
the  subject  of  importing  my  effects  from  Holland  and  France, 
free  of  duty,  which  Mr.  Frazier  himself  introduced,  Lord 
Carmarthen  invited  me  to  go  with  him  in  his  coach  to  court. 
When  we  arrived  in  the  antichamber,  the  ceil-de-bceuf  of 
St.  James's,  the  master  of  the  ceremonies  met  me,  and  at 
tended  me,  while  the  secretary  of  state  went  to  take  the 
commands  of  the  king.  While  I  stood  in  this  place,  where 
it  seems  all  ministers  stand  on  such  occasions,  always  at 
tended  by  the  master  of  ceremonies,  the  room  very  full  of 
courtiers,  as  well  as  the  next  room,  which  is  the  king's  bed 
chamber,  you  may  well  suppose,  that  I  was  the  focus  of  all 
eyes. 

"  I  was  relieved,  however,  from  the  embarrassment  of  it  by 
the  Swedish  and  Dutch  ministers,  who  came  to  me  and  enter 
tained  me  in  a  very  agreeable  conversation  during  the  whole 
time.  Some  other  gentlemen  whom  I  had  seen  before  came 
to  make  their  compliments  too,  until  the  marquis  of  Carmar 
then  returned,  and  desired  me  to  go  with  him  to  his  majesty  : 
I  went  with  his  lordship  through  the  levee  room  into  the 
king's  closet;  the  door  was  shut,  and  I  was  left  with  his 
majesty  and  the  secretary  of  state  alone.  I  made  the  three 
reverences,  one  at  the  door,  another  about  half  way,  and  the 
third  before  the  presence,  according  to  the  usage  established 
at  this  and  all  the  northern  courts  of  Europe,  and  then  ad 
dressed  myself  to  his  majesty  in  the  following  words: 

"  '  Sir,  the  United  States  have  appointed  me  their  minister 
plenipotentiary  to  your  majesty,  and  have  directed  me  to  de 
liver  to  your  majesty  this  letter,  which  contains  the  evidence 
of  it.  It  is  in  obedience  to  their  express  commands,  that  1  have 
the  honour  to  assure  your  majesty  of  their  unanimous  disposi 
tion  and  desire  to  cultivate  the  most  friendly  and  liberal  in- 


108  MASSACHUSETTS    DELEGATION. 

tercourse  between  your  majesty's  subjects  and  their  citizens, 
and  of  their  best  wishes  for  your  majesty's  health  and  happi 
ness,  and  for  that  of  your  royal  family. 

"  The  appointment  of  a  minister  from  the  United  States 
to  your  majesty's  court,  will  form  an  epoch  in  the  history  of 
England  and  America.  I  think  myself  more  fortunate  than  all 
my  fellow  citizens,  in  having  the  distinguished  honour  to  be 
the  first  to  stand  in  your  majesty's  royal  presence  in  a  diplo 
matic  character ;  and  I  shall  esteem  myself  the  happiest  of 
men,  if  I  can  be  instrumental  in  recommending  my  country 
more  and  more  to  your  majesty's  royal  benevolence,  and  of 
restoring  an  entire  esteem,  confidence,  and  affection,  or  in 
better  words,  'the  old  good  nature,  and  the  old  good  humour,' 
between  people  who,  though  separated  by  an  ocean,  and  un 
der  different  governments,  have  the  same  language,  a  similar 
religion,  and  kindred  blood.  I  beg  your  majesty's  permission 
to  add,  that  although  I  have  sometimes  before  been  entrusted 
by  my  country,  it  was  never,  in  my  whole  life,  in  a  manner  so 
agreeable  to  myself.' 

"  The  king  listened  to  every  word  I  said,  writh  dignity,  it 
is  true,  but  with  an  apparent  emotion.  Whether  it  was  the 
nature  of  the  interview,  or  whether  it  was  my  visible  agita 
tion,  for  I  felt  more  than  I  did  or  could  express,  that  touched 
him,  I  cannot  say,  but  he  was  much  affected,  and  answered  me 
with  more  tremor  than  I  had  spoken  with,  and  said  : 

"  '  Sir,  the  circumstances  of  this  audience  are  so  extraor 
dinary,  the  language  you  have  now  held  is  so  extremely  pro 
per,  and  the  feelings  you  have  discovered  so  justly  adapted 
to  the  occasion,  that  I  must  say,  that  I  not  only  receive  with 
pleasure  the  assurances  of  the  friendly  disposition  of  the  peo 
ple  of  the  United  States,  but  that  I  am  very  glad  the  choice 
has  fallen  upon  you  to  be  their  minister.  I  wish  you,  sir,  to 
believe,  and  that  it  may  be  understood  in  America,  that  I 
have  done  nothing  in  the  late  contest  but  what  I  thought  my 
self  indispensably  bound  to  do,  by  the  duty  which  I  owed  to 
my  people.  I  will  be  very  frank  with  you.  I  was  the  last 
to  conform  to  the  separation  ;  but  the  separation  having  been 
made,  and  having  become  inevitable,  I  have  always  said,  as  I 


JOHN  ADAMS.  109 

say  now,  that  I  would  be  the  first  to  meet  the  friendship  of 
the  United  States,  as  an  independent  power.  The  moment 
I  see  such  sentiments  and  language  as  yours  prevail,  and  a 
disposition  to  give  this  country  the  preference,  that  moment 
I  shall  say,  let  the  circumstances  of  language,  religion,  and 
blood,  have  their  natural  and  full  effect.' 

"  I  dare  not  say  that  these  were  the  king's  precise  words, 
and  it  is  even  possible  that  I  may  have,  in  some  particular, 
mistaken  his  meaning ;  for  although  his  pronunciation  is  as 
distinct  as  I  ever  heard,  he  hesitated  sometimes  between  his 
periods,  and  between  the  members  of  the  same  period.  He 
was,  indeed,  much  affected,  and  I  was  not  less  so  ;  and,  there 
fore,  I  cannot  be  certain  that  I  was  so  attentive,  heard  so 
clearly,  and  understood  so  perfectly,  as  to  be  confident  of  all 
his  words  or  sense  ;  this  I  do  say,  that  the  foregoing  is  his 
majesty's  meaning,  as  I  then  understood  it,  and  his  own 
words,  as  nearly  as  I  can  recollect." 

The  year  following,  1788,  Mr.  Adams  requested  permis 
sion  to  resign  his  office,  which,  being  granted,  after  an  ab 
sence  of  between  eight  and  nine  years,  he  returned  to  his 
native  country.  The  new  government  was,  at  that  time,  about 
going  into  operation.  In  the  autumn  of  1788,  he  was  elected 
vice  president  of  the  United  States,  a  situation  which  he  filled, 
with  reputation  for  eight  years. 

On  the  retirement  of  General  Washington  from  the  presi 
dency,  in  1796,  Mr.  Adams  was  a  candidate  for  that  elevated 
station.  At  this  time,  two  parties  had  been  formed  in  the 
United  States.  At  the  head  of  one  stood  Mr.  Hamilton  and 
Mr.  Adams,  and  at  the  head  of  the  other  stood  Mr.  Jefferson. 
After  a  close  contest  between  these  two  parties,  Mr.  Adams 
was  elected  president,  having  received  seventy-one  of  the 
electoral  votes,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  sixty-eight.  In  March, 
1797,  these  gentlemen  entered  upon  their  respective  offices 
of  president  and  vice  president  of  the  United  States. 

Of  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams  we  shall  not,  in  this 
place,  give  a  detailed  account.  Many  circumstances  con 
spired  to  render  it  unpopular.  An  unhappy  dispute  with 
France  had  arisen  a  little  previously  to  his  inauguration.  In 

10 


110  MASSACHUSETTS  DELEGATION. 

the  management  of  this  dispute,  which  had  reference  to  ag 
gressions  by  France  upon  American  rights  and  commerce, 
the  popularity  of  Mr.  Adams  was  in  no  small  degree  affected, 
although  the  measures  which  he  recommended  for  upholding 
the  national  character,  were  more  moderate  than  congress, 
and  a  respectable  portion  of  the  people,  thought  the  exigen 
cies  of  the  case  required.  Other  circumstances,  also,  con 
spired  to  diminish  his  popularity.  Restraints  were  imposed 
upon  the  press,  and  authority  vested  in  the  president  to  or 
der  aliens  to  depart  out  of  the  United  States,  when  he  should 
judge  the  peace  and  safety  of  the  country  required.  To  these 
measures,  acts  were  added  for  raising  a  standing  army,  and 
imposing  a  direct  tax  and  internal  duties.  These,  and  other 
causes,  combined  to  weaken  the  strength  of  the  party  to 
whom  he  owed  his  elevation,  and  to  prevent  his  re-election. 
He  was  succeeded  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  1801. 

On  retiring  from  the  presidency  he  removed  to  his  former 
residence  at  Quincy,  where,  in  quiet,  he  spent  the  remainder 
of  his  days.  In  1820,  he  voted  as  elector  of  president  and 
vice  president ;  and,  in  the  same  year,  at  the  advanced  age 
of  85,  he  was  a  member  of  the  convention  of  Massachusetts, 
assembled  to  revise  the  constitution  of  that  commonwealth. 

Mr.  Adams  retained  the  faculties  of  his  mind,  in  remarka 
ble  perfection,  to  the  end  of  his  long  life.     His  unabated  love 
of  reading  and  contemplation,  added  to  an  interesting  circle 
of  friendship  and  affection,  were   sources   of  felicity  in  de 
clining  years,  which  seldom  fall  to  the  lot  of  any  one. 

"  But,"  to  use  the  language  of  a  distinguished  eulogist,* 
"  he  had  other  enjoyments.  He  saw  around  him  that  pros 
perity  and  general  happiness,  which  had  been  the  object  of 
his  public  cares  and  labours.  No  man  ever  beheld  more 
clearly,  and  for  a  longer  time,  the  great  and  beneficial  effects 
of  the  services  rendered  by  himself  to  his  country.  That 
liberty,  which  he  so  early  defended,  that  independence,  of 
which  he  was  so  able  an  advocate  and  supporter,  he  saw,  we 
trust,  firmly  and  securely  established.  The  population  of 

*  Webster. 


JOHN  ADAMS.  Ill 

the  country  thickened  around  him  faster,  and  extended  wider, 
than  his  own  sanguine  predictions  had  anticipated  ;  and  the 
wealth,  respectability,  and  power  of  the  nation,  sprang  up  to 
a  magnitude,  which  it  is  quite  impossible  he  could  have  ex 
pected  to  witness,  in  his  day.  He  lived,  also,  to  behold  those 
principles  of  civil  freedom,  which  had  been  developed,  es 
tablished,  and  practically  applied  in  America,  attract  atten 
tion,  command  respect,  and  awaken  imitation,  in  other  re 
gions  of  the  globe  ;  and  well  might,  and  well  did  he  ex 
claim,  '  Where  will  the  consequences  of  the  American  revo 
lution  end !' 

"  If  any  thing  yet  remains  to  fill  this  cup  of  happiness,  let 
it  be  added,  that  he  lived  to  see  a  great  and  intelligent  people 
bestow  the  highest  honour  in  their  gift,  where  he  had  be 
stowed  his  own  kindest  parental  affections,  and  lodged  his 
fondest  hopes. 

"  At  length  the  day  approached  when  this  eminent  patriot 
was  to  be  summoned  to  another  world  ;  and,  as  if  to  render 
that  day  forever  memorable  in  the  annals  of  American  histo 
ry,  it  was  the  day  on  which  the  illustrious  Jefferson  was 
himself,  also,  to  terminate  his  distinguished  earthly  career. 
That  day  was  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  declaration  of 
independence. 

"  Until  within  a  few  days  previous,  Mr.  Adams  had  ex 
hibited  no  indications  of  a  rapid  decline.  The  morning  of  the 
fourth  of  July,  1826,  he  was  unable  to  rise  from  his  bed. 
Neither  to  himself,  or  his  friends,  however,  was  his  dissolution 
supposed  to  be  so  near.  He  was  asked  to  suggest  a  toast, 
appropriate  to  the  celebration  of  the  day.  His  mind  seemed 
to  glance  back  to  the  hour  in  which,  fifty  years  before,  he  had 
voted  for  the  declaration  of  independence,  and  with  the 
spirit  with  which  he  then  raised  his  hand,  he  now  exclaimed, 
4  Independence  forever.'  At  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon 
he  expired.  Mr.  Jefferson  had  departed  a  few  hours  before 
him." 

We  close  this  imperfect  sketch  of  the  life  of  this  distinguished 
man  in  the  language  of  one*  who,  from  the  relation  in  which 

*  President  Adams's  Message. 


112  MASSACHUSETTS  DELEGATION. 

he  stood  to  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  must  have  felt,  more 
than  any  other  individual,  the  impressiveness  of  the  event. 
"  They,  (Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Jefferson,)  departed  cheered 
by  the  benediction  of  their  country,  to  whom  they  left  the 
inheritance  of  their  fame,  and  the  memory  of  their  bright 
example.  If  we  turn  our  thoughts  to  the  condition  of  their 
country,  in  the  contrast  of  the  first  and  last  day  of  that  half 
century,  how  resplendent  and  sublime  is  the  transition  from 
gloom  to  glory !  Then,  glancing  through  the  same  lapse  of 
lime,  in  the  condition  of  the  individuals,  we  see  the  first  day 
marked  with  the  fulness  and  vigour  of  youth,  in  the  pledge 
of  their  lives,  their  fortunes,  and  their  sacred  honour,  to  the 
cause  of  freedom  and  of  mankind.  And  on  the  last,  extended 
on  the  bed  of  death,  with  but  sense  and  sensibility  left  to 
breathe  a  last  aspiration  to  heaven  of  blessing  upon  their 
country  ;  may  we  not  humbly  hope,  that  to  them,  too,  it  was 
a  pledge  of  transition  from  gloom  to  glory;  and  that  while 
their  mortal  vestments  were  sinking  into  the  clod  of  the  val 
ley,  their  emancipated  spirits  were  ascending  to  the  bosom  of 
their  God !" 


ROBERT   TREAT   PAINE. 

ROBERT  TREAT  PAINE  was  a  native  of  Boston,  where  he 
was  born,  in  the  year  1731.  His  parents  were  pious  and 
respectable.  His  father  was  for  some  years  the  settled  pas 
tor  of  a  church  in  Weymouth,  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston.  His 
health  failing  him,  however,  he  removed  with  his  family  to 
the  latter  place  ;  where  he  entered  into  mercantile  pursuits. 
His  mother  was  the  grand-daughter  of  Governor  Treat  of 
Connecticut. 

At  the  early  age  of  fourteen,  he  became  a  member  of  Har 
vard  College;  but  of  his  collegiate  course,  little  has  been  re 
corded.  On  leaving  the  university,  he  was  engaged  for  some 


ROBERT  TREAT  PAINE.  113 

time  in  a  public  school.  As  the  fortune  of  his  father  had, 
from  various  circumstances,  become  much  reduced,  the  sup 
port  of  his  parents,  with  some  other  relations,  seemed  to  de 
volve  upon  himself.  In  the  acquisition  of  more  ample  means 
for  their  maintenance,  he  made  a  voyage  to  Europe.  It 
was  an  honourable  trait  in  his  character,  thus  in  the  morn 
ing  of  life  to  exhibit  such  filial  affection  ;  a  kindness  of 
disposition,  which  he  continued  to  manifest  during  his  father's 
life. 

Previously  to  his  commencing  the  study  of  law,  he  devoted 
some  time  to  the  subject  of  theology,  which  tended  to  en 
large  his  views  of  Christianity,  and  to  confirm  his  belief  of  its 
truth.  In  1755,  he  served  as  chaplain  to  the  troops  of  the 
province  at  the  northward,  and  afterwards  preached  a  few 
times  in  other  places. 

At  length  he  directed  his  attention  to  the  study  of  law,  du 
ring  which  period,  having  no  pecuniary  assistance,  he  was 
obliged  to  resort  again  to  the  keeping  of  a  school  for  his  sup 
port.  By  most  persons  such  a  course  would  be  deemed  a 
serious  evil ;  but  experience  has  shown,  that  those  who  are 
obliged  to  depend  upon  their  own  energies  for  the  means  ot 
education,  generally  enter  upon  their  profession,  if  not  with 
higher  attainments,  with  more  courage  to  encounter  the  diffi 
culties  with  which  almost  every  one  meets,  and  they  are 
more  likely  to  attain  to  a  high  elevation,  than  those  whose  re 
sources  are  abundant. 

On  being  qualified  for  the  practice  of  law,  Mr.  Paine  esta 
blished  himself  at  Taunton,  in  the  county  of  Bristol,  where 
he  resided  for  many  years.  We  necessarily  pass  over  seve 
ral  years  of  his  life,  during  which  we  meet  no  occurrences  ot 
sufficient  importance  to  merit  a  notice  in  these  pages.  It  may 
be  remarked,  however,  that  at  an  early  period,  he  took  a 
deep  interest  in  the  various  disputes  which  arose  between  the 
colonies  and  the  British  government.  He  was  a  delegate  from 
Taunton,  to  a  convention  called  by  leading  men  of  Boston, 
in  1768,  in  consequence  of  the  abrupt  dissolution  of  the  gene 
ral  court  by  Governor  Bernard.  This  convention  the  go- 
reroor  attempted  to  break  up,  but  it  continued  in  session  several 
P  10* 


114  MASSACHUSETTS    DELEGATION. 

days,  and  adopted  many  spirited  resolutions,  desig^*  «,  to 
awaken  in  the  people  a  greater  attention  to  their  rights,  and 
to  show  to  the  ministry  of  England,  that  if  those  rights  were 
violated,  the  provincial  assembly  would  act  independently  of 
the  governor. 

Mr.  Paine  was  engaged  in  the  celebrated  trial  of  Captain 
Preston,  and  his  men,  for  the  part  they  acted  in  the  well 
known  "  Boston  massacre"  of  1770.  On  this  occasion,  in  the 
absence  of  the  attorney  general,  he  conducted  the  prosecution 
on  the  part  of  the  crown.  Although  only  a  fragment  of  his 
address  to  the  jury,  at  this  time,  has  been  preserved,  it  ap 
pears  that  he  managed  the  cause  with  the  highest  reputation 
to  himself,  both  in  regard  to  his  honour  as  a  faithful  advo 
cate,  and  at  the  same  time  as  a  friend  to  the  just  rights  ol 
those  against  whom  he  acted  as  council. 

From  this  time,  Mr.  Paine  appeared  still  more  conspicuous 
ly  as  the  friend  of  liberty,  in  opposition  to  the  tyrannical  and 
oppressive  measures  of  the  British  administration.  In  1773, 
he  was  elected  a  representative  to  the  general  assembly,  from 
the  town  of  Taunton.  It  was  now  becoming  a  period  of 
great  alarm  in  the  colonies.  Men  of  principle  and  talent 
were  selected  to  guard  the  ancient  rights  of  the  colonies,  and 
to  point  to  those  measures  which,  in  the  approaching  crisis, 
it  was  proper  to  pursue.  It  was  a  high  honour,  therefore,  for 
any  one  to  be  elected  a  representative  of  the  people.  The 
rights,  the  liberties,  *ad  even  the  lives  of  their  constitu 
ents  were  placed  in  their  hands  ;  it  was  of  the  utmost  im 
portance  that  they  should  be  men  of  sagacity,  patriotism,  and 
principle.  Such,  fortunately  for  the  colonies,  were  the  men 
who  represented  them  in  their  provincial  assemblies,  and  in 
the  continental  congress. 

Of  this  latter  body,  Mr.  Paine  was  elected  a  member  in 
1774.  A  general  account  of  the  proceedings  of  this  as 
sembly  has  already  been  given.  At  that  time  a  separation 
from  the  parent  country  was  not  generally  contemplated, 
although  to  more  discerning  minds,  such  an  event  appear 
ed  not  improbable,  and  that  at  no  distant  day.  The  con 
gress  of  1774,  were  appointed  mainlv  to  deliberate  and  de- 


ROBERT   TREAT    PAINE.  115 

termine  upon  the  measures  proper  to  be  pursued,  to  secure 
the  enjoyment  and  exercise  of  rights  guaranteed  to  the  colo 
nies  by  their  charters,  and  for  the  restitution  of  union  and 
harmony  between  the  two  cou^ries,  which  was  still  desired 
by  all.  Accordingly  they  proceeded  no  farther  at  that  time, 
than  to  address  the  people  of  America,  petition  the  king, 
state  their  grievances,  assert  their  rights,  and  recommend  the 
suspension  of  importations  from  Great  Britain  into  the  co 
lonies. 

The  assembling  of  such  a  body,  and  for  objects  of  so  ques 
tionable  a  character,  was  a  bold  step ;  and  bold  must  have 
been  the  men,  who  could  thus  openly  appear  on  the  side  of  the 
colonies,  in  opposition  to  the  British  ministry,  and  the  royal 
power.  In  concluding  their  session,  in  October  of  the  same 
year,  they  presented  a  solemn  appeal  to  the  world,  stating 
that  innovation  was  not  their  object,  but  only  the  preserva 
tion  and  maintenance  of  the  rights  which,  as  subjects  of  Great 
Britain,  had  been  granted  to  them  by  their  ancient  charters. 
"Had  we  been  permitted,"  say  they,  "  to  enjoy  in  quiet  the 
inheritance  left  us  by  our  fathers,  we  should,  at  this  time,  have 
been  peaceably,  cheerfully,  and  usefully  employed  in  recom 
mending  ourselves,  by  every  testimony  of  devotion  to  his 
majesty,  and  of  veneration  to  the  state  from  which  we  derive 
our  origin.  Though  now  exposed  to  unexpected  and  unna 
tural  scenes  of  distress,  by  a  contention  with  that  nation,  in 
whose  general  guidance,  on  all  important  occasions,  we  have 
hitherto  with  filial  reverence  constantly  trusted,  and  there 
fore  can  derive  no  instruction,  in  our  present  unhappy  and 
perplexing  circumstances,  from  any  former  experience ;  yet 
we  doubt  not,  the  purity  of  our  intentions,  and  the  integrity  of 
our  conduct,  will  justify  us  at  that  great  tribunal,  before  which 
all  mankind  must  submit  to  judgment.  We  ask  but  for 
peace,  liberty,  and  safety.  We  wish  not  a  diminution  of  the 
royal  prerogatives ;  nor  do  we  solicit  the  grant  of  any  new 
right  in  our  favour." 

To  the  continental  congress,  which  met  at  Philadelphia 
in  May,  1775,  Mr.  Paine  was  again  a  delegate  from  Massa 
chusetts.  At  that  time,  the  colonies  were  greatly  in  want  of 


116  MASSACHUSETTS    DELEGATION. 

gunpowder.  The  manufacture  of  salt  petre,  one  of  its  con 
stituents,  was  but  imperfectly  understood.  Congress  appoint 
ed  a  committee,  of  which  Mr.  Paine  was  chairman,  to  intro 
duce  the  manufacture  of  it.  ,.,  In  this  particular,  he  rendered 
essential  service  to  his  country,  by  making  extensive  inquiries 
into  the  subject,  and  by  inducing  persons  in  various  parts  of 
the  provinces  to  engage  in  the  manufacture  of  the  article. 
The  following  is  among  the  letters  which  he  wrote  on  this 
subject,  which,  while  it  shows  his  indefatigable  attention  to 
the  subject,  will  convey  to  the  present  generation  some  idea 
of  the  multiform  duties  of  the  patriots  of  the  revolution.  Mr. 
Paine  also  rendered  himself  highly  useful,  as  a  member  of  a 
committee  for  the  encouragement  of  the  manufacture  of 
cannon,  and  other  implements  of  war. 

Philadelphia,  June  Wth,  1775. 
My  very  dear  Sir, 

I  cannot  express  to  you  the  surprise  and  uneasiness  1 
received  on  hearing  the  congress  express  respecting  the  want 
of  gunpowder ;  it  was  always  a  matter  that  lay  heavy  on 
my  mind  ;  but  the  observation  I  made  of  your  attention  to  it, 
and  your  alertness  and  perseverance  in  everything  you  under 
take,  and  your  repeatedly  expressing  it  as  your  opinion  that  we 
had  probably  enough  for  this  summer's  campaign,  made  me  quite 
easy.  I  rely  upon  it  that  measures  are  taken  in  your  parts  of 
the  continent  to  supply  this  defect.  The  design  of  your  ex 
press  will  be  zealously  attended  to,  I  think.  I  have  seen  one 
of  the  powder  mills  here,  where  they  make  excellent  powder, 
but  have  worked  up  all  the  nitre  ;  one  of  our  members  is 
concerned  in  a  powder  mill  at  New-York,  and  has  a  man  at 
work  making  nitre.  I  have  taken  pains  to  inquire  into  the 
method.  Dr.  Franklin  has  seen  salt-petre  works  at  Hanover  and 
Paris  ;  and  it  strikes  me  to  be  as  unnecessary,  after  a  certain 
time,  to  send  abroad  for  gunpowder,  as  for  bread ;  provided 
people  will  make  use  of  common  understanding  and  industry; 
but  for  the  present  we  must  import  from  abroad.  Major 
Foster  told  me,  at  Hartford,  he  suspected  he  had  some  land 
that  would  yield  nitre  ;  pray  converse  with  him  about  it.  Dr 


ROBERT    TREAT    PAINE.  117 

Franklin's  account  is  much  the  same  as  is  mentioned  in  one 
of  the  first  of  the  American  magazines  ;  the  sweeping  of  the 
streets,  and  rubbish  of  old  buildings,  are  made  into  mortar,  and 
built  into  walls,  exposed  to  the  air,  and  once  in  about  two 
months  scraped  and  lixiviated,  and  evaporated ;  when  I  can 
describe  the  method  more  minutely,  I  will  write  you ;  mean 
while,  give  me  leave  to  condole  with  you  the  loss  of  Colonel 
Lee.  Pray  remember  me  to  Colonel  Orne,  and  all  other  our 
worthy  friends.  Pray  take  care  of  your  important  health, 
that  you  may  be  able  to  stand  stiff  as  a  pillar  in  our  new  go 
vernment. 

I  must  now  subscribe,  with  great  respect  and  affection, 
Your  humble  servant, 

R.  T.  PAINE. 

Of  the  congress  of  1776,  Mr.  Paine  was  also  a  member  ; 
and  to  the  declaration  of  independence,  which  that  body  pub 
lished  to  the  world,  he  gave  his  vote,  and  affixed  his  name. 
In  the  December  following,  the  situation  of  congress  became 
justly  alarming.  The  British  army  were,  at  this  time,  ma 
king  rapid  advances  through  New- Jersey,  towards  Philadel 
phia.  The  troops  of  Washington,  amounting  to  scarcely  one 
third  of  the  British  force,  it  was  thought  would  not  be  able  to 
resist  their  progress,  or  prevent  their  taking  possession  of 
Philadelphia.  During  the  alarm  excited  by  an  approaching 
foe,  congress  adjourned  to  Baltimore.  Of  the  state  of  con 
gress,  at  this  time,  the  following  letter  of  Mr.  Paine  gives  an 
interesting  account. 

"Our  public  affairs  have  been  exceedingly  agitated  since  I 
wrote  you  last.  The  loss  of  fort  Washington  made  way  for 
that  of  fort  Lee  ;  and  the  dissolution  of  our  army  happening 
at  the  same  time,  threw  us  into  a  most  disagreeable  situation. 
The  interception  of  an  express  gave  the  enemy  full  assurance 
of  what  they  must  have  had  some  knowledge  of  before,  the  state 
of  our  army  ;  and  they  took  the  advantage  of  it.  In  two  days 
after  the  possession  of  fort  Lee,  on  the  20th  of  November, 
where  we  lost  much  baggage,  and  the  chief  of  our  battering  can 
non,  they  marched  to  the  Hackensack,  and  thence  to  Newark, 


118  MASSACHUSETTS    .DELEGATION. 

driving  General  Washington  before  them,  with  his  3000  men; 
thence  to  Elizabethtown.  General  Washington  supposed, 
from  the  best  information  he  could  get,  that  they  were  10,000 
strong ;  marching  with  a  large  body  of  horse  in  front,  and  a 
very  large  train  of  artillery.  We  began  to  be  apprehensive 
they  were  intended  for  Philadelphia  ;  and  congress  sat  all 
Sunday  in  determining  proper  measures  on  the  occasion.  I 
cannot  describe  to  you  the  situation  of  this  city.  The  pros 
pect  was  really  alarming.  Monday,  9th  ;  yesterday,  General 
Washington  crossed  the  Delaware,  and  the  enemy  arrived  at 
Trenton  on  this  side,  thirty  miles  from  this  place ;  close 
quarters  for  Congress  !  It  obliges  us  to  move ;  we  have  re 
solved  to  go  to  Baltimore." 

For  the  years  1777  and  1778,  Mr.  Paine  was  a  member  of 
congress,  during  the  intervals  of  whose  sessions,  he  filled 
several  important  offices  in  the  state  of  Massachusetts.  In 
1780,  he  was  called  to  take  a  part  in  the  deliberations  of  the 
convention,  which  met  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  constitu 
tion  for  the  commonwealth.  Of  the  committee  which  framed 
that  excellent  instrument,  he  was  a  conspicuous  member. 
Under  the  government  organized  according  to  this  constitu 
tion,  he  was  appointed  attorney  general,  an  office  which  he 
continued  to  hold  until  1790,  when  he  was  transferred  to  a 
seat  on  the  bench  of  the  supreme  judicial  court.  In  this  situa 
tion  he  remained  till  the  year  1804,  at  which  time  he  had  at 
tained  to  the  advanced  age  of  73  years.  As  a  lawyer,  Mr. 
Paine  ranked  high  among  his  professional  brethren.  His 
legal  attainments  were  extensive.  In  the  discharge  of  his 
duties  as  attorney  general,  he  had  the  reputation  of  unneces 
sary  severity;  but  fidelity  in  that  station  generally  provokes 
the  censure  of  the  lawless  and  licentious.  Towards  the  aban 
doned  and  incorrigible  he  was  indeed  severe,  and  was  willing 
that  the  law  in  all  its  penalties  should  be  visited  upon  them. 
But  where  crime  was  followed  by  repentance,  he  .could  be 
moved  to  tenderness;  and  while,  in  the  discharge  of  his  offi 
cial  duty,  he  took  care  that  the  law  should  not  fall  into  dis 
respect  through  his  inefficiency,  he  at  the  same  time  was  ever 


ROBERT    TREAT    PAINE.  119 

ready  to  recommend  such  as  might  deserve  it  to  executive 
clemency. 

The  important  duties  of  a  judge,  he  discharged  with  ho 
nour  and  great  impartiality  for  the  space  of  fourteen  years. 
During  the  latter  part  of  this  time,  he  was  affected  with  a 
deafness,  which,  in  a  measure,  impaired  his  usefulness  on  the 
bench.  Few  men  have  rendered  more  important  services  to 
the  literary  and  religious  institutions  of  a  country,  than  did 
Judge  Paine.  He  gave  them  all  the  support  and  influence 
of  his  office,  by  urging  upon  grand  jurors  the  faithful  exe 
cution  of  the  laws,  the  support  of  schools,  and  the  preserva 
tion  of  a  strict  morality. 

The  death  of  Judge  Paine  occurred  on  the  eleventh  of 
May,  1814,  having  attained  to  the  age  of  84  years.  Until 
near  the  close  of  life,  the  vigour  of  his  mental  faculties  con 
tinued  unimpaired.  In  quickness  of  apprehension,  liveliness 
of  imagination,  and  general  intelligence,  he  had  few  supe 
riors.  His  memory  was  of  the  most  retentive  character,  and 
he  was  highly  distinguished  for  a  sprightly  and  agreeable 
turn  in  conversation.  A  witty  severity  sometimes  excited 
the  temporary  disquietude  of  a  friend ;  but  if  he  was  some 
times  inclined  to  indulge  in  pleasant  raillery,  he  was  willing 
to  be  the  subject  of  it  in  his  turn. 

As  a  scholar,  he  ranked  high  among  literary  men,  and 
was  distinguished  for  his  patronage  of  all  the  useful  institu 
tions  of  the  country.  He  was  a  founder  of  the  American 
Academy  established  in  Massachusetts  in  1780,  and  active  in 
its  service  until  his  death.  The  honorary  degree  of  doctoi 
of  laws  was  conferred  upon  him  by  Harvard  University. 

Judge  Paine  was  a  firm  believer  in  the  divine  origin  of  the 
Christian  religion.  He  gave  full  credence  to  the  scriptures, 
as  a  revelation  from  God,  designed  to  instruct  mankind  in  a 
knowledge  of  their  duty,  and  to  guide  them  in  the  way  to 
eternal  happiness. 


120  MASSACHUSETTS    DELEGATION. 

ELBRIDGE  GERRY. 

ELBRIDGE  GERRY  was  born  at  Marblehead,  in  the  state  of 
Massachusetts,  on  the  seventeenth  day  of  July,  1744.  His  fa 
ther  was  a  native  of  Newton,  of  respectable  parentage  and  con 
nexions.  He  emigrated  to  America  in  1730,  soon  after  which, 
he  established  himself  as  a  merchant  in  Marblehead,  where  he 
continued  to  reside  until  his  death,  in  1774.  He  was  much 
esteemed  and  respected,  as  a  man  of  judgment  and  discretion. 

Of  the  early  habits  or  manners  of  young  Elbridge,  little 
is  known.  He  became  a  member  of  Harvard  College  be 
fore  he  had  completed  his  fourteenth  year  ;  and  of  course 
was  too  young  at  the  university  to  acquire  any  decided  cha 
racter. 

Mr.  Gerry  was  originally  destined  to  the  profession  of 
medicine,  to  which  his  own  inclination  strongly  attached  him. 
But  soon  after  leaving  college,  he  engaged  in  commercial 
affairs,  under  the  direction  of  his  father,  and  for  some  years 
followed  the  routine  of  mercantile  business  in  his  native 
town.  Great  success  attended  his  commercial  enterprise  ; 
and  within  a  few  years,  he  found  himself  in  the  enjoyment 
of  a  competent  fortune. 

It  is  natural  to  suppose  that  the  superior  education  of  Mr. 
Gerry,  added  to  the  respectable  character  he  sustained,  as  a 
man  of  probity  and  judgment,  gave  him  influence  over  the 
people  among  whom  he  resided.  In  May,  1772,  the  people 
of  Marblehead  manifested  their  respect  and  confidence  by 
sending  him  a  representative  to  the  general  court  of  the 
province  of  Massachusetts.  In  May  of  the  following  year, 
Mr.  Gerry  was  re-elected  to  the  same  office.  During 
the  session  of  the  general  court  that  year,  Mr.  Samuel 
Adams  introduced  his  celebrated  motion  for  the  appointment 
of  a  standing  committee  of  correspondence  and  inquiry. 

In  accordance  with  this  motion,  committees  of  correspon 
dence  were  appointed  throughout  the  province,  by  means  of 
which  intelligence  was  freely  circulated  abroad,  and  a  spirit 
of  patriotism  was  infused  through  all  parts  of  the  country. 


ELBRIDGE  GERRY.  121 

Though  one  of  the  youngest  members,  Mr.  Gerry  was  ap 
pointed  by  the  house  of  representatives,  a  member  of  this 
committee  ;  in  all  the  proceedings  of  which,  he  took  an  active 
and  prominent  part. 

In  the  month  of  June,  the  celebrated  letters  of  Governor 
Hutchinson  to  persons  in  England,  were  laid  before  the 
house  by  Mr.  Adams.  The  object  of  these  letters,  as  noticed 
in  a  preceding  page,  was  to  encourage  the  British  adminis 
tration  in  maintaining  their  arbitrary  measures.  In  the  de 
bates  which  ensued  on  the  disclosure  of  these  letters,  Mr. 
Gerry  distinguished  himself,  and  was  indefatigably  engaged 
through  the  year,  in  forwarding  the  resolute  measures,  which 
combined  to  overthrow  the  royal  government  of  the  pro 
vince.  He  was  also  particularly  active  iu  the  scenes  which 
marked  the  year  1774.  He  united  in  the  opposition  to  the 
importation  of  tea,  and  to  the  Boston  port  bill ;  and  heartily 
concurred  in  the  establishment  of  a  system  of  non-intercourse 
with  the  parent  country. 

In  the  month  of  August,  Governor  Gage  issued  his  pre 
cepts  to  the  several  towns,  to  choose  representatives  to  meet 
at  Salem,  the  first  week  in  October.  Before  the  arrival  of 
that  day,  the  governor  had  countermanded  their  meeting. 
Notwithstanding  this  prohibition,  delegates  assembled  at 
Salem  on  the  seventh  of  October.  There  having  formed 
themselves  into  a  provincial  congress,  they  adjourned  to 
Concord,  and  proceeded  to  business.  Of  this  congress  Mr. 
Gerry  was  an  active  and  efficient  member. 

On  the  organization  of  the  assembly,  a  committee  was  ap 
pointed  to  consider  the  state  of  the  province.  Fourteen  of 
the  most  distinguished  members  of  the  congress,  among 
whom  was  Mr.  Gerry,  composed  this  committee.  They  pub 
lished  a  bold  and  energetic  appeal,  which,  in  the  form  of  an 
address  to  Governor  Gage,  was  calculated  to  justify  the 
authority  they  had  assumed,  to  awaken  their  constituents  to  a 
sense  of  the  dangers  they  feared,  and  the  injuries  they  had 
sustained. 

They  next  appointed  a  committee  of  safety,  and  adopted 
measures  to  obtain  a  supply  of  arms  and  ammunition  ;  of 
Q  11 


122  .  MASSACHUSETTS  DELEGATION. 

which  the  province  was  lamentably  deficient.  They  re-or 
ganized  the  militia,  appointed  general  officers,  and  took  such 
other  measures  as  the  approaching  crisis  seemed  to  render 
necessary. 

In  February,  1775,  a  new  provincial  congress,  of  which  Mr. 
Gerry  was  a  member,  assembled  in  Cambridge.  This  con 
gress,  like  the  former  one,  published  an  appeal  to  the  people, 
designed  to  excite  and  regulate  that  patriotic  spirit,  which 
the  emergency  required.  A  general  apprehension  prevailed, 
that  a  pacific  termination  of  the  existing  troubles  was  not  to 
be  expected.  They  avowed  their  abhorrence  of  actual  hos 
tilities,  but  still  maintained  their  right  to  arm  in  defence  of 
their  country,  and  to  prepare  themselves  to  resist  with  the 
sword. 

In  the  spring  of  1775,  the  prospect  of  open  war  every  day 
increased.  A  strong  apprehension  prevailed,  that  an  attempt 
would  be  made  by  the  royal  governor  to  destroy  such  military 
stores  as  had  been  collected,  particularly  at  Concord  and 
Worcester.  The  committee  of  safety,  in  their  solicitude  on 
this  subject,  stationed  a  watch  at  each  of  these  places,  to 
give  an  alarm  to  the  surrounding  country  should  such  an  at 
tempt  be  made. 

A  short  period  only  elapsed,  before  the  apprehensions  of 
the  people  proved  not  to  be  without  foundation.  The  expe 
dition  to  Concord,  and  the  bloody  scenes  which  occurred 
both  there  and  at  Lexington,  ushered  in  the  long  expected 
contest.  "  Among  the  objects  of  this  expedition,"  observes 
Mr.  Austin,  in  his  life  of  Mr.  Gerry,  "  one  was  to  seize  the 
persons  of  some  of  the  influential  members  of  Congress, 
and  to  hold  them  as  hostages  for  the  moderation  of  their 
colleagues,  or  send  them  to  England  for  trial  as  traitors,  and 
thus  strike  dismay  and  terror  into  the  minds  of  their  asso 
ciates  and  friends. 

"  A  committee  of  congress,  among  whom  were  Mr.  Gerry, 
Colonel  Orne,  and  Colonel  Hancock,  had  been  in  session  on 
the  day  preceding  the  march  of  the  troops,  in  the  village  of 
Menotomy,  then  part  of  the  township  of  Cambridge,  on  the 
road  to  Lexington.  The  latter  gentleman,  after  the  session 


ELBRIUGE  GERRY.  123 

was  over,  had  gone  to  Lexington.  Mr.  Gerry  and  Mr.  Orne 
remained  at  the  village,  the  other  members  of  the  committee 
had  dispersed. 

"  Some  officers  of  the  royal  army  had  been  sent  out  in 
advance,  who  passed  through  the  villages  just  before  dusk, 
in  the  afternoon  of  the  18th  of  April,  and  although  the  ap 
pearance  of  similar  detachments  was  not  uncommon,  these 
so  far  attracted  the  attention  of  Mr.  Gerry,  that  he  despatched 
an  express  to  Colonel  Hancock,  who,  \vith  Samuel  Adams, 
was  at  Lexington.  The  messenger  passed  the  officers,  by 
taking  a  by-path,  and  delivered  his  letter.  The  idea  of  per 
sonal  danger  does  not  seem  to  have  made  any  strong  impres 
sion  on  either  of  these  gentlemen.  Mr.  Hancock's  answer 
to  Mr.  Gerry  bears  marks  of  the  haste  with  which  it  was 
written,  while  it  discovers  that  habitual  politeness  on  the 
part  of  the  writer,  which  neither  haste  or  danger  could  impair. 

Lexington,  April  18th,  1775. 
Dear  Sir, 

I  am  much  obliged  for  your  notice.  It  is  said  the  officers 
arc  gone  to  Concord,  and  I  will  send  word  thither.  I  am 
full  with  you,  that  we  ought  to  be  serious,  and  I  hope  your 
decision  will  be  effectual.  I  intend  doing  myself  the  plea 
sure  of  being  with  you  to-morrow.  My  respects  to  the 
committee. 

I  am  your  real  friend, 

JOHN  HANCOCK. 

Mr.  Gerry  and  Colonel  Orne  retired  to  rest,  without  ta 
king  the  least  precaution  against  personal  exposure,  and  they 
remained  quietly  in  their  beds,  until  the  British  advance 
were  within  view  of  the  dwelling  house.  It  was  a  fine  moon- 
Hght  night,  and  they  quietly  marked  the  glittering  of  its 
beams,  on  the  polished  arms  of  the  soldiers,  as  the  troops 
moved  with  the  silence  and  regularity  of  accomplished  discip 
line.  The  front  passed  on.  When  the  centre  were  opposite 
to  the  house,  occupied  by  the  committee,  an  officer  and  file 
of  men  were  detached  by  signal,  and  marched  towards  it.  It 


134  MASSACHUSETTS    DELEGATION. 

was  not  until  this  moment  they  entertained  any  apprehension 
of  danger.  While  the  officer  was  posting  his  files,  the  gen 
tlemen  found  means,  by  their  better  knowledge  of  the  premi 
ses,  to  escape^  half  dressed  as  they  were,  into  an  adjoining 
cornfield,  where  they  remained  concealed  for  more  than  an 
hour,  until  the  troops  were  withdrawn.  Every  apartment  of 
the  house  was  searched  '  for  the  members  of  the  rebel  con 
gress  ;'  even  the  beds  in  which  they  had  lain  were  examined. 
But  their  property,  and  among  other  things,  a  valuable  watch 
of  Mr.  Gerry's,  which  was  under  his  pillow,  was  not  dis 
turbed." 

A  few  days  after  the  skirmishes  at  Lexington  and  Concord, 
the  provincial  congress  re-assembled.  It  was  now  apparent 
that  the  controversy  must  be  decided  by  force  of  arms.  At 
this  time,  it  was  found  that  almost  every  article  of  a  military 
kind  was  yet  to  be  procured.  The  province  possessed  no 
magazines  of  arms,  and  had  little  ammunition.  No  contracts 
for  provision  or  clothing  had  yet  been  made.  To  meet  these 
exigencies,  a  committee,  at  the  head  of  which  was  Mr. 
Gerry,  was  immediately  appointed,  and  clothed  with  the 
proper  power.  The  article  most  needed  was  that  of  gun 
powder,  to  procure  which,  Mr.  Gerry  was  specially  commis 
sioned  by  the  committee.  In  the  discharge  of  this  duty,  he 
wrote  many  letters  to  gentlemen  in  different  parts  of  the 
country,  from  whom  he  received  others  in  reply.  One  of 
these  will  be  found  in  the  life  of  Robert  Treat  Paine,  in  a 
preceding  page.  Mr.  Gerry  did  more  :  in  many  cases  he 
hesitated  not  to  advance  his  own  funds,  where  immediate 
payment  was  required.  In  the  progress  of  the  war,  the  evi 
dence  of  these  payments  was  lost,  or  mislaid,  and  their  final 
settlement  was  attended  with  heavy  pecuniary  loss. 

On  the  17th  day  of  June,  was  fought  the  celebrated  battle 
of  Bunker  Hill.  The  provincial  congress  was  at  that  time  in 
session,  at  Watertown.  Before  the  battle,  Dr.  Joseph  Warren, 
president  of  the  congress,  who  was  the  companion  and  room 
mate  of  Mr.  Gerry,  communicated  to  the  latter  his  intention 
of  mingling  in  the  expected  contest.  The  night  preceding 
the  doctor's  departure  for  Bunker  Hill,  he  lodged,  it  is  said, 


ELBRIDGE    GERRY.  125 

in  the  same  bed  with  Mr.  Gerry.  In  the  morning,  in  reply 
to  the  admonitions  of  his  friend,  as  he  was  about  to  leave 
him,  he  uttered  the  well  known  words,  "  Dulce  et  decorum 
cstj  pro  patria  raorz."* 

Mr.  Gerry,  on  that  day,  attended  the  provincial  congress. 
His  brave  friend,  as  is  well  known,  followed  where  his  duty 
called  him,  to  the  memorable  "  heights  of  Bunker,"  where 
he  fell  fighting  for  the  cause  of  liberty  and  his  country. 

At  an  early  period  in  1775,  Mr.  Gerry  submitted  a  propo 
sal  in  the  provincial  congress  of  Massachusetts,  for  a  law  to 
encourage  the  fitting  out  of  armed  vessels,  and  to  provide  for 
the  adjudication  of  prizes.  This  was  a  step  of  no  small  im 
portance.  To  grant  letters  of  marque  and  of  reprisal,  is  the 
prerogative  of  the  sovereign.  For  a  colony  to  authorise 
such  an  act,  was  rebellious,  if  not  treasonable.  The  proposal 
was  sustained,  though  not  without  opposition.  Mr.  Gerry 
was  chairman  of  the  committee  appointed  to  prepare  the  act 
to  authorise  privateering,  and  to  establish  admiralty  courts. 
Governor  Sullivan  was  another  member  of  it;  and  on  these 
two  gentlemen  devolved  the  task  of  drawing  the  act,  which 
they  executed  in  a  small  room  under  the  belfry  of  the  Water- 
town  meeting  house,  in  which  the  provincial  congress  was 
holding  its  session.  This  law,  John  Adams  pronounced 
one  of  the  most  important  measures  of  the  Revolution. 
Under  the  sanction  of  it,  the  Massachusetts  cruizers  captured 
many  of  the  enemy's  vessels,  the  cargoes  of  which  furnished 
various  articles  of  necessity  to  the  colonies. 

Of  the  court  of  admiralty,  established  in  pursuance  of  the 
law  proposed  by  Mr.  Gerry,  that  gentleman  himself  was  ap 
pointed  a  judge,  for  the  counties  of  Suffolk,  Middlesex,  and 
Essex.  This  honour,  however,  he  declined,  from  a  determi 
nation  to  devote  himself  to  more  active  duties. 

To  such  duties,  he  was  not  long  after  called,  by  the  suffra 
ges  of  his  fellow  citizens,  who  elected  him  a  delegate  from 
Massachusetts  to  the  continental  congress,  in  which  body  he 
took  his  seat,  on  the  9th  of  February,  1776.  For  this 
distinguished  station  he  was  eminently  fitted ;  and  of  this 

*  It  is  sweet  and  glorious  to  lay  down  life  for  one's  country. 

ii* 


126  MASSACHUSETTS    DELEGATION. 

body  he  continued  a  member  with  few  intervals,  until  Sep 
tember,  1785.  Our  limits  preclude  a  minute  notice  of  the 
various  duties  which  he  there  discharged.  On  various  occa 
sions  he  was  appointed  to  serve  on  committees,  whose  busi 
ness  required  great  labour,  and  whose  results  involved  the 
highest  interests  of  the  country.  He  assisted  in  arranging 
the  plan  of  a  general  hospital,  and  of  introducing  a  better 
discipline  into  the  army;  and  regulating  the  commissary's 
departments.  In  several  instances,  he  was  appointed,  with 
others,  to  visit  the  army,  to  examine  the  state  of  the  money 
and  finances  of  the  country,  and  to  expedite  the  settlement 
of  public  accounts.  In  the  exercise  of  his  various  official 
functions,  no  man  exhibited  more  fidelity,  or  a  more  unweari 
ed  zeal.  He  sustained  the  character  of  an  active  and  resolute 
statesman,  and  retired  from  the  councils  of  the  confederacy, 
with  all  the  honours  which  patriotism,  integrity,  and  talents, 
could  acquire  in  the  service  of  the  state.  Before  leaving 
New- York,  he  married  a  respectable  lady,  who  had  been 
educated  in  Europe,  with  whom  he  now  returned  to  Massa 
chusetts,  and  fixed  his  residence  at  Cambridge,  a  few  miles 
from  Boston. 

From  the  quiet  of  retirement,  Mr.  Gerry  was  again  sum 
moned  in  1787,  by  his  native  state,  as  one  of  its  representa 
tives  to  a  convention,  called  for  the  "  sole  and  express  pur 
pose  of  revising  the  articles  of  confederation,  and  reporting 
to  congress,  and  to  the  several  legislatures,  such  alterations 
and  provisions  as  shall  render  the  federal  constitution  ade 
quate  to  the  exigencies  of  government,  and  the  preservation 
of  the  union." 

On  the  meeting  of  this  convention,  little  difference  of 
opinion  prevailed,  as  to  the  great  principles  which  should 
form  the  basis  of  the  constitution  ;  but  on  reducing  these 
principles  to  a  system,  perfect  harmony  did  exist.  To  Mr. 
Gerry,  as  well  as  others,  there  appeared  strong  objections  to 
the  constitution,  and  he  declined  affixing  his  signature  to  the 
instrument.  These  objections  he  immediately  set  forth,  in  a 
letter  addressed  to  his  constituents,  in  which  he  observes : 

"My  principal  objections  to  the  plan  are,  that  there  is  no 


ELBRIDGE    GERRY,  12? 

adequate  provision  for  a  representation  of  the  people;  that 
they  have  no  security  for  the  right  of  election  ;  that  some  oi 
the  powers  of  the  legislature  are  ambiguous,  and  others  in 
definite  and  dangerous ;  that  the  executive  is  blended  with, 
and  will  have  an  undue  influence  over,  the  legislature  ;  that 
the  judicial  department  will  be  oppressive;  that  treaties  of 
the  highest  importance  may  be  formed  by  the  president,  with 
the  advice  of  two  thirds  of  a  quorum  of  the  senate;  and  that 
the  system  is  without  the  security  of  a  bill  of  rights.  These 
are  objections  which  are  not  local,  but  apply  equally  to  all 
the  states. 

"  As  the  convention  was  called  for  '  the  sole  and  express 
purpose  of  revising  the  articles  of  confederation,  and  report- 
in  or  to  congress  and  to  the  several  legislatures,  such  altera- 

O  &  — 

tions  and  provisions  as  shall  render  the  federal  constitution 
adequate  to  the  exigencies  of  government,  and  the  preserva 
tion  of  the  union,'  I  did  not  conceive  that  these  powers  ex 
tended  to  the  formation  of  the  plan  proposed ;  but  the  con 
vention  being  of  a  different  opinion,  I  acquiesced  in  it ;  being 
fully  convinced,  that  to  preserve  the  union,  an  efficient  go 
vernment  was  indispensably  necessary  ;  and  that  it  would  be 
difficult  to  make  proper  amendments  to  the  articles  of  con 
federation." 

"  The  constitution  proposed  has  few,  if  any,  federal  fea 
tures,  but  is  rather  a  system  of  national  government ;  never 
theless,  in  many  respects,  I  think  it  has  great  merit,  and,  by 
proper  amendments,  may  be  adapted  to  'the  exigencies  of  go 
ternment,'  and  the  preservation  of  liberty." 

When  the  constitution  was  submitted  to  the  state  conven 
tion  of  Massachusetts,  of  three  hundred  and  sixty  members, 
of  which  that  body  consisted,  a  majority  of  nineteen  only 
\vere  in  favour  of  its  ratification.  Although  so  many  coin 
cided  with  Mr.  Gerry  in  his  views  of  the  constitution,  he  was 
highly  censured  by  its  advocates,  who,  under  the  excitement 
of  party  feelings,  imputed  to  him  motives  by  which  he,  pro 
bably,  was  not  actuated. 

Under  the  new  constitution,  Mr.  Gerry  was  chosen  by  the 
inhabitants  of  the  district  in  which  he  resided,  as  their  repre- 


128  MASSACHUSETTS    DELEGATION. 

sentative  to  congress.  In  this  station  he  served  his  consti 
tuents  for  four  years ;  and,  although  he  had  formerly  opposed 
the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  he  now  cheerfully  united  in 
carrying  it  into  effect,  since  it  had  received  the  sanction  ot 
his  country.  Indeed,  he  took  occasion,  on  the  floor  of  con 
gress,  not  long  after  taking  his  seat  in  that  body,  to  declare, 
"  that  the  federal  constitution  having  become  the  supreme 
law  of  the  land,  he  conceived  the  salvation  of  the  country 
depended  on  its  being  carried  into  effect." 

At  the  expiration  of  the  above  period,  although  again  pro 
posed  as  a  delegate  to  congress,  he  declined  a  re-election,  and 
again  retired  to  his  family  at  Cambridge. 

On  the  fourth  of  March,  1797,  Mr.  Adams,  who  had  pre 
viously  been  elected  to  succeed  General  Washington  in  the 
presidency,  entered  upon  that  office.  France  had  already 
commenced  her  aggressions  on  the  rights  and  commerce  of 
the  United  State$,  and  General  Pinckney  had  been  dispatch 
ed  to  that  country,  to  adjust  existing  differences. 

Immediately  upon  succeeding  to  the  presidency,  Mr 
Adams  received  intelligence  that  the  French  republic  had 
announced  to  General  Pinckney  its  determination  "  not  to 
receive  another  minister  from  the  United  States,  until  after 
the  redress  of  grievances." 

In  this  state  of  things,  the  president  convened  congress  by 
proclamation,  on  the  fifteenth  of  June.  Although  keenly 
sensible  of  the  indignity  offered  to  the  country  by  the  French 
government,  Mr.  Adams,  in  his  speech  to  congress,  informed 
that  body,  "  that  as  he  believed  neither  the  honour,  nor  the 
interests  of  the  United  States,  absolutely  forbade  the  repeti 
tion  of  advances  for  securing  peace  and  friendship  with 
France,  he  should  institute  a  fresh  attempt  at  negociation." 

Upon  his  recommendation,  therefore,  three  envoys  extra 
ordinary,  Mr.  Gerry,  General  Pinckney,  and  Mr.  Marshall, 
were  dispatched  to  carry  into  effect  the  pacific  dispositions  of 
the  United  States.  On  their  arrival  at  Paris,  the  French  di 
rectory,  under  various  pretexts,  delayed  to  acknowledge 
them  in  their  official  capacity.  In  the  mean  time,  the  toolg 
of  that  government  addressed  them,  demanding,  in  explicit 


ELBRIDGE  CLRRY.  129 

terms,  a  large  sum  of  money,  as  the  condition  of  any  ncgo- 
ciation.  This  being  refused,  an  attempt  was  next  made  to 
excite  their  fears  for  themselves,  and  their  country.  In  the 
spring  of  1798,  two  of  the  envoys,  Messrs.  Pinckney  and 
Marshall,  were  ordered  to  quit  the  territories  of  France,  while 
Mr.  Gerry  was  invited  to  remain,  and  resume  the  negociation 
which  had  been  suspended. 

Although  Mr.  Gerry  accepted  the  invitation  to  remain,  yet 
lie  uniformly  and  resolutely  refused  to  resume  the  negocia 
tion.  His  object  in  remaining  in  France  was  to  prevent  an 
immediate  rupture  with  that  country,  which,  it  was  appre 
hended,  would  result  from  his  departure.  Although  he  was 
censured,  at  the  time,  for  the  course  he  took,  his  continuance 
seems  to  have  resulted  in  the  good  of  his  country.  "  He 
finally  saved  the  peace  of  the  nation,"  said  the  late  President 
Adams,  "  for  he  alone  discovered  and  furnished  the  evidence 
that  X.  Y.  and  Z.  were  em'ployed  by  Talleyrand ;  and  he 
alone  brought  home  the  direct,  formal,  and  official  assurances 
upon  which  the  subsequent  commission  proceeded,  and  peace 
was  made." 

On  his  return  to  America,  in  October,  1798,  Mr.  Gerry 
was  solicited,  by  the  republican  party  in  Massachusetts,  to 
become  their  candidate  for  the  office  of  governor.  At  that 
period,  much  excitement  prevailed  on  the  subject  of  politics, 
throughout  the  country.  Although  at  first  unsuccessful,  his 
party,  in  1805,  for  the  first  time,  obtained  the  governor  of 
their  choice. 

In  the  following  year,  Mr.  Gerry  retired.  But  in  1810,  he 
was  again  chosen  chief  magistrate  of  that  commonwealth,  in 
which  office  he  was  continued  for  the  two  following  years. 
In  1812,  he  was  recommended  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  by  the  republican  members  of  congress,  to  fill  the  of 
fice  of  vice  president.  To  a  letter  addressed  to  him,  by  a 
committee  announcing  his  nomination,  he  replied,  "  The 
question  respecting  the  acceptance,  or  non-acceptance  of 
this  proposition,  involved  many  considerations  of  great 
weight,  in  my  mind  ;  as  they  related  to  the  nation,  to  this 
state,  and  to  my  domestic  concerns.  But  it  is  neither  expe- 
R 


130  MASSACHUSETTS    DELEGATION. 

dient  or  necessary  to  state  the  points,  since  one  was  para 
mount  to  the  rest,  that  '  in  a  republic,  the  service  of  each 
citizen  is  due  to  the  state,  even  in  profound  peace,  and  much 
more  so  when  the  nation  stands  on  the  threshold  of  war.' 
I  have  the  honour  frankly  to  acknowledge  this  distinguished 
testimony  of  confidence,  on  the  part  of  my  congressional 
friends  and  fellow  citizens,  gratefully  to  accept  their  proffer, 
and  freely  to  assure  them  of  every  exertion  in  my  power,  for 
meriting  in  office,  the  approbation  of  themselves  and  of  the 
public." 

The  nomination  of  Mr.  Gerry,  thus  made,  was  followed  by 
his  election,  and  on  the  fourth  of  March,  1813,  he  was  inau 
gurated  vice  president  of  the  United  States.  Providence, 
however,  had  not  destined  him  to  the  long  enjoyment  of  the 
dignified  station  which  he  now  held.  While  attending  to  his 
duties,  at  Washington,  he  was  suddenly  summoned  from  the 
scene  of  his  earthly  labours.  A  beautiful  monument,  erected 
at  the  national  expense,  covers  his  remains,  and  records  the 
date  and  circumstances  of  his  death. 

THE  TOMB  OF 

ELBRIDGE  GERRY, 

Vice  President  of  the  United  States, 
Who  died  suddenly,  in  this  city,  on  his  way  to  the 

as  President  of  the  Senate, 
November  23d,  1814. 
.    Aged  70. 


THE 

ffEW-HAMPSHIRE  DELEGATION. 


JOSIAH  BARTLETT, 
WILLIAM  WHIFFLE, 
MATTHEW  THORNTON. 


JOSIAH  BARTLETT. 

JOSIAH  BARTLETT,  the  first  of  the  New-Hampshire  delega 
tion  who  signed  the  declaration  of  independence,  was  born 
in  Amesbury,  Massachusetts,  in  1729.  He  was  the  fourth 
son  of  Stephen  Bartlett,  whose  ancestors  came  from  England 
during  the  seventeenth  century,  and  settled  at  Beverly. 

The  early  education  of  young  Bartlett  appears  to  have  been 
respectable,  although  he  had  not  the  advantages  of  a  col 
legiate  course.  At  the  age  of  sixteen  he  began  the  study  of 
medicine,  for  which  he  had  a  competent  knowledge  of  the 
Greek  and  Latin  languages. 

On  finishing  his  preliminary  studies,  which  were  superin 
tended  by  Dr.  Ordway,  of  Amesbury,  and  to  which  he  devoted 
himself  with  indefatigable  zeal  for  five  years,  he  commenced 
the  practice  of  his  profession  at  Kingston,  in  the  year  1750. 

Two  years  from  the  above  date,  he  was  attacked  by  a  fever, 
which  for  a  time  seriously  threatened  his  life.  From  an  inju 
dicious  application  of  medicines,  and  too  close  a  confinement 
to  his  chamber,  life  appeared  to  be  rapidly  ebbing,  and  all 
hopes  of  his  recovery  were  relinquished.  In  this  situation, 
one  evening,  he  strongly  solicited  his  attendants  to  give  him 
some  cider.  At  first  they  were  strongly  reluctant  to  comply 
with  his  wishes,  under  a  just  apprehension,  that  serious  and 


132  NEW-HAMPSHIRE  DELEGATION. 

even  fatal  consequences  might  ensue.  The  patient,  however, 
would  not  be  pacified,  until  his  request  was  granted  At 
length  they  complied  with  his  request,  and  of  the  cider  thus 
given  him,  he  continued  to  drink  at  intervals  during  the  night. 
The  effect  of  it  proved  highly  beneficial.  It  mitigated  the 
febrile  symptoms,  a  copious  perspiration  ensued,  and  from 
this  time  he  began  to  recover. 

This  experiment,  if  it  may  be  called  an  experiment,  was 
treasured  up  in  the  mind  of  Dr.  Bartlett,  and  seems  to  have  led 
him  to  abandon  the  rules  of  arbitrary  system,  for  the  more 
just  principles  of  nature  and  experience.  He  became  a  skil 
ful  and  distinguished  practitioner.  To  him  is  ascribed  the 
first  application  of  Peruvian  bark  in  cases  of  canker,  which 
before,  was  considered  an  inflammatory,  instead  of  a  putrid 
disease,  and  as  such  had  been  unsuccessfully  treated. 

This  disease,  which  was  called  the  throat  distemper,  first 
appeared  at  Kingston,  in  the  spring  of  1735.  The  first  per 
son  afflicted  with  it,  was  said  to  have  contracted  the  disease 
from  a  hog,  which  he  skinned  and  opened,  and  which  had 
died  of  a  distemper  of  the  throat.  The  disease  which  was 
supposed  thus  to  have  originated,  soon  after  spread  abroad 
through  the  town,  and  to  children  under  ten  years  of  age  it 
proved  exceedingly  fatal.  Like  the  plague,  it  swept  its  vic 
tims  to  ths  grave,  almost  without  warning,  and  some  are  said 
to  have  expired  while  sitting  at  play  handling  their  toys.  At 
this  time,  medical  skill  was  baffled ;  every  method  of  treat 
ment  pursued,  proved  ineffectual.  It  ceased  its  ravages  only 
where  victims  were  no  longer  to  be  found. 

In  the  year  1754,  Kingston  was  again  visited  with  this  ma 
lignant  disease.  Doctor  Bartlett  was  at  this  time  a  physician 
of  the  town.  At  first  he  treated  it  as  an  inflammatory  disease  ; 
but  at  length,  satisfied  that  this  was  not  its  character,  he  ad 
ministered  Peruvian  bark  to  a  child  of  his  own  who  was 
afflicted  with  the  disease,  and  with  entire  success.  From  this 
time  the  use  of  it  became  general,  as  a  remedy  in  diseases  of 
the  same  type. 

A  man  of  the  distinguished  powers  of  Doctor  Bartlett,  and 
of  his  decision  and  integrity,  was  not  likely  long  to  remain 


JOSIAH  BARTLETT.  133 

unnoticed,  in  times  which  tried  men's  souls.  The  public  at 
tention  was  soon  directed  to  him,  as  a  gentleman  in  whom 
confidence  might  be  reposed,  and  whose  duties,  whatever  they 
might  be,  would  be  discharged  with  promptness  and  fidelity. 

In  the  year  1765,  Doctor  Bartlett  was  elected  to  the  legis 
lature  of  the  province  of  New-Hampshire,  from  the  town  of 
Kingston.  In  his  legislative  capacity,  he  soon  found  occa 
sion  to  oppose  the  mercenary  views  of  the  royal  governor. 
He  would  not  become  subservient  to  the  will  of  a  man  whose 
object,  next  to  the  display  of  his  own  authority,  was  the  sub 
jection  of  the  people  to  the  authority  of  the  British  adminis 
tration. 

The  controversy  between  Great  Britain  and  her  colonies, 
was  now  beginning  to  assume  a  serious  aspect.  At  this  time, 
John  Wentworth  was  the  royal  governor,  a  man  of  no  ordi 
nary  sagacity.  Aware'of  the  importance  of  attaching  the  dis 
tinguished  men  of  the  colony  to  the  royal  cause,  among  other 
magistrates,  he  appointed  Dr.  Bartlett  to  the  office  of  justice 
of  the  peace,  fhis  was  indeed  an  inconsiderable  honour : 
but  as  an  evidence  of  the  governor's  respect  for  his  talents 
and  influence,  was  a  point  of  some  importance.  Executive 
patronage,  however,  was  not  a  bait  by  which  such  a  man  as 
Dr.  Bartlett  would  be  seduced.  He  accepted  the  appoint 
ment,  but  was  as  firm  in  his  opposition  to  the  royal  governor 
as  he  had  been  before. 

The  opposition  which  was  now  abroad  in  America  against 
the  British  government,  and  which  continued  to  gather 
strength  until  the  year  1774,  had  made  equal  progress  in 
the  province  of  New-Hampshire.  At  this  time,  a  committee 
of  correspondence,  agreeably  to  the  recommendation  and  ex 
ample  of  other  colonies,  was  appointed  by  the  house  of  repre 
sentatives.  For  this  act,  the  governor  immediately  dissolved 
the  assembly.  But  the  committee  of  correspondence  soon 
after  re-assembled  the  representatives,  by  whom  circulars 
were  addressed  to  the  several  towns,  to  send  delegates 
to  a  convention,  to  be  held  at  Exeter,  for  the  purpose  of  se 
lecting  deputies  to  the  continental  congress,  which  was  to 
meet  at  Philadelphia  in  the  ensuing  September. 


134  NEW-HAMPSHIRE    DELEGATION. 

In  this  convention,  Dr.  Bartlett,  and  John  Pickering,  a  law 
yer,  of  Portsmouth,  were  appointed  delegates  to  congress. 
The  former  of  these  having  a  little  previously  lost  his  house 
by  fire,  was  under  the  necessity  of  declining  the  honour.  The 
latter  gentleman  wishing  also  to  be  excused,  other  gentlemen 
were  elected  in  their  stead. 

Dr.  Bartlett,  however,  retained  his  seat  in  the  house  of  rep 
resentatives  of  the  province.  Here,  as  in  other  colonies,  the 
collisions  between  the  royal  governor  and  the  people  con 
tinued  to  increase.  The  former  was  more  arbitrary  in  his 
proceedings ;  the  latter  better  understood  their  rights,  and 
were  more  independent.  The  conspicuous  part  which  Dr. 
Bartlett  took  on  the  patriotic  side,  the  firmness  with  which  he 
Desisted  the  royal  exactions,  rendered  him  highly  obnoxious 
to  the  governor,  by  whom  he  was  deprived  of  his  commission 
as  justice  of  the  peace,  and  laconically  dismissed  from  his 
command  in  the  militia. 

From  this  time,  the  political  difficulties  in  New-Hampshire 
greatly  increased.  At  length,  Governor  Wentworth  found  it 
necessary  for  his  personal  safety  to  retire  on  board  the 
Favey  man  of  war,  then  lying  in  the  harbour  of  Portsmouth. 
From  this  he  went  to  Boston,  and  thence  to  the  Isle  of  Shoals, 
where  he  issued  his  proclamation,  adjourning  the  assembly 
till  the  following  April.  This  act,  however,  terminated  the 
royal  government  in  the  province  of  New-Hampshire.  A 
provincial  congress,  of  which  Matthew  Thornton  was  presi 
dent,  was  soon  called,  by  which  a  temporary  government  was 
organized,  and  an  oath  of  allegiance  was  framed,  which  every 
individual  was  obliged  to  take.  Thus,  after  subsisting  for  a 
period  of  ninety  years,  the  British  government  was  forever 
annihilated  in  New-Hampshire. 

In  September,  1775,  Dr.  Bartlett,  who  had  been  elected  to 
the  continental  congress,  took  his  seat  in  that  body.  In  this 
new  situation,  he  acted  with  his  accustomed  energy,  and  ren 
dered  important  services  to  his  country.  At  this  time,  con 
gress  met  at  nine  in  the  morning,  and  continued  its  session 
until  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  The  state  of  the  country 
required  this  incessant  application  of  the  members.  But 


JOSIAH    BARTLETT.  135 

anxiety  and  fatigue  they  could  endure  without  repining.  The 
lives  and  fortunes  of  themselves  and  families,  and  fellow 
citizens,  were  in  jeopardy.  Liberty,  too,  was  in  jeopardy. 
Like  faithful  sentinels,  therefore,  they  sustained  with  cheer 
fulness  their  laborious  task  ;  and,  when  occasion  required, 
could  dispense  with  the  repose  of  nights.  In  this  unwearied 
devotion  to  business,  Dr.  Bartlett  largely  participated  ;  in 
consequence  of  which,  his  health  and  spirits  were  for  a  time 
considerably  affected. 

In  a  second  election,  in  the  early  part  of  the  year  1776, 
Dr.  Bartlett  was  again  chosen  a  delegate  to  the  continental 
congress.  He  was  present  on  the  memorable  occasion  of 
taking  the  vote  on  the  question  of  a  declaration  of  indepen 
dence.  On  putting  the  question,  it  was  agreed  to  begin  with 
the  northernmost  colony.  Dr.  Bartlett,  therefore,  had  the 
honour  of  being  called  upon  for  an  expression  of  his  opinion, 
and  of  first  giving  his  vote  in  favour  of  the  resolution. 

On  the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia,  by  the  British,  in  1778, 
congress,  which  had  for  some  time  held  its  sessions  at  York- 
town,  adjourned  to  meet  at  the  former  place,  within  three 
days,  that  is,  on  the  second  day  of  July.  The  delegates  now 
left  Yorktown,  and  in  different  companies  proceeded  to  the 
place  of  adjournment.  Dr.  Bartlett,  however,  was  attended 
only  by  a  single  servant.  They  were  under  the  necessity  of 
passing  through  a  forest  of  considerable  extent ;  it  was  re 
ported  to  be  the  lurking  place  of  a  band  of  robbers,  by  whom 
several  persons  had  been  waylaid,  and  plundered  of  their 
effects.  On  arriving  at  an  inn,  at  the  entrance  of  the  wood, 
Dr.  Bartlett  was  informed  of  the  existence  of  this  band  of 
desperadoes,  and  cautioned  against  proceeding,  until  other 
travellers  should  arrive.  While  the  doctor  lingered  for  the 
purpose  of  refreshing  himself  and  horses,  the  landlord,  to 
corroborate  the  statement  which  he  had  made,  and  to  heighten 
still  more  the  apprehension  of  the  travellers,  related  the  fol 
lowing  anecdote.  "  A  paymaster  of  the  army,  with  a  large 
quantity  of  paper  money,  designed  for  General  Washington, 
had  attempted  the  passage  of  the  wood,  a  few  weeks  before. 
On  arriving  at  the  skirts  of  the  wood,  he  was  apprised  of 


136  NEW-HAMPSHIRE    DELEGATION. 

his  danger,  but  as  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  proceed,  he 
laid  aside  his  military  garb,  purchased  a  worn  out  horse,  and 
a  saddle  and  bridle,  and  a  farmer's  saddlebags  of  correspond 
ing  appearance  :  in  the  latter,  he  deposited  his  money,  and 
with  a  careless  manner  proceeded  on  his  way.  At  some  dis 
tance  from  the  skirt  of  the  wood,  he  was  met  by  two  of  the 
gang,  who  demanded  his  money.  Others  were  skulking  at 
no  great  distance  in  the  wood,  and  waiting  the  issue  of  the 
interview.  To  the  demand  for  money,  he  replied,  that  he 
had  a  small  sum,  which  they  were  at  liberty  to  take,  if  they 
believed  they  had  a  better  right  to  it  than  himself  and  fa 
mily.  Taking  from  his  pocket  a  few  small  pieces  of  money, 
he  offered  them  to  them;  at  the  same  time,  in  the  style  and 
simplicity  of  a  quaker,  he  spoke  to  them  of  the  duties  of  reli 
gion.  Deceived  by  the  air  of  honesty  which  he  assumed, 
they  suffered  him  to  pass,  without  further  molestation,  the 
one  observing  to  the  other,  that  so  poor  a  quaker  was  not 
worth  the  robbing.  Without  any  further  interruption,  the 
poor  quaker  reached  the  other  side  of  the  wood,  and  at  length 
delivered  the  contents  of  his  saddlebags  to  General  Wash 
ington." 

During  the  relation  of  this  anecdote,  several  other  members 
of  congress  arrived,  when,  having  prepared  their  arms,  they 
proceeded  on  their  journey,  and  in  safety  passed  over  the  in 
fested  territory. 

On  the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia,  it  was  obvious  from  the 
condition  of  the  city,  that  an  enemy  had  been  there.  In  a 
letter  to  a  friend,  Dr.  Bartlett  describes  the  alterations  and 
ravages  which  had  been  made.  "  Congress,"  he  says,  "  was 
obliged  to  hold  its  sessions  in  the  college  hall,  the  state  house 
having  been  left  by  the  enemy  in  a  condition  which  could 
scarcely  be  described.  Many  of  the  finest  houses  were  con 
verted  into  stables;  parlour  floors  cut  through,  and  the  dung 
shovelled  through  into  the  cellars.  Through  the  country, 
north  of  the  city,  for  many  miles,  the  hand  of  desolation  had 
marked  its  way.  Houses  had  been  consumed,  fences  carried 
off,  gardens  and  orchards  destroyed.  Even  the  great  roads 


JOSIAH    BARTLETT.  137 

were  scarcely  to  be  discovered,  amidst  the  confusion  and  de- 
eolation  which  prevailed." 

In  August,  1778,  a  new  election  took  place  in  New-Hamp 
shire,  when  Dr.  Bartlett  was  again  chosen  a  delegate  to  con 
gress  ;  he  continued,  however,  at  Philadelphia,  but  an  incon 
siderable  part  of  the  session,  his  domestic  concerns  requiring 
his  attention.  During  the  remainder  of  his  life,  he  resided  in 
New-Hampshire,  filling  up  the  measure  of  his  usefulness  in  a 
zealous  devotion  to  the  interests  of  the  state. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  year  1779,  in  a  letter  to  one  of  the 
delegates  in  congress,  Dr.  Bartlett  gives  a'  deplorable  account 
of  the  difficulties  and  sufferings  of  the  people  in  New-Hamp 
shire.  The  money  of  the  country  had  become  much  depre 
ciated,  and  provisions  were  scarce  and  high.  Indian  corn 
was  sold  at  ten  dollars  a  bushel.  Other  things  were  in  the 
same  proportion.  The  soldiers  of  the  army  could  scarcely 
subsist  on  their  pay  and  the  officers,  at  times,  found  it  diffi 
cult  to  keep  them  together. 

During  the  same  year,  Dr.  Bartlett  was  appointed  chief 
justice  of  the  court  of  common  pleas.  In  1782,  he  became 
an  associate  justice  of  the  supreme  court,  and  in  1788,  he 
was  advanced  to  the  head  of  the  bench.  In  the  course  of 
this  latter  year,  the  present  constitution  was  presented  to  the 
several  states,  for  their  consideration.  Of  the  convention  in 
New-Hampshire,  which  adopted  it,  Dr.  Bartlett  was  a  member, 
and  by  his  zeal  was  accessory  to  its  ratification.  In  1789, 
he  was  elected  a  senator  to  congress  ;  but  the  infirmities  of 
age  induced  him  to  decline  the  office.  In  1793,  he  was  elect 
ed  first  governor  of  the  state,  which  office  he  filled,  with  his 
accustomed  fidelity,  until  the  infirm  state  of  his  health  obliged 
him  to  resign  the  chief  magistracy,  and  to  retire  wholly  from 
public  business.  In  January,  1794,  he  expressed  his  deter 
mination  to  close  his  public  career  in  the  following  letter  to 
the  legislature : 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Legislature — After  having  served  the 
public  for  a  number  of  years,  to  the  best  of  my  abilities,  in 
the  various  offices  to  which  I  have  had  the  honour  to  be  ap 
pointed,  I  think  it  proper,  before  your  adjournment,  to  signify 
S  12* 


138  NEW-HAMPSHIRE    DELEGATION. 

to  you,  and  through  you  to  my  fellow  citizens  at  large,  that  1 
now  find  myself  so  far  advanced  in  age,  that  it  will  be  expe 
dient  for  me,  at  the  close  of  the  session,  to  retire  from  the 
cares  and  fatigues  of  public  business,  to  the  repose  of  a  pri 
vate  life,  with  a  grateful  sense  of  the  repeated  marks  of  trust 
and  confidence  that  my  fellow  citizens  have  reposed  in  me, 
and  with  my  best  wishes  for  the  future  peace  and  prosperity 
of  the  state." 

The  repose  of  a  private  life,  however,  which  must  have  be 
come  eminently  desirable  to  a  man  whose  life  had  been  past 
in  the  toils  and  troubles  of  the  revolution,  was  destined  to 
be  of  short  duration.  This  eminent  man,  and  distinguished 
patriot,  closed  his  earthly  career  on  the  nineteenth  day  of 
May,  1795,  in  the  sixty-sixth  year  of  his  age. 

To  the  sketches  of  the  life  of  this  distinguished  man,  little 
need  be  added,  respecting  his  character.  His  patriotism  was 
of  a  singularly  elevated  character,  and  the  sacrifices  which  he 
made  for  the  good  of  his  country  were  such  as  few  men  are 
willing  to  make.  He  possessed  a  quick  and  penetrating  mind, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  he  was  distinguished  for  a  sound  and 
accurate  judgment.  A  scrupulous  justice  marked  his  dealings 
with  all  men,  and  he  exhibited  great  fidelity  in  his  engage 
ments.  Of  his  religious  views  we  are  unable  to  speak  with 
confidence,  although  there  is  some  reason  to  believe  that  his 
principles  were  less  strict,  than  pertained  to  the  puritans  of 
the  day.  He  rose  to  office,  and  was  recommended  to  the 
confidence  of  his  fellow  citizens,  not  less  by  the  general  pro 
bity  of  his  character,  than  the  force  of  his  genius.  Unlike 
many  others,  he  had  no  family,  or  party  connexions,  to  raise 
him  to  influence  in  society  ;  but  standing  on  his  own  merits, 
he  passed  through  a  succession  of  offices  which  he  sustained 
with  uncommon  honour  to  himself,  and  the  duties  of  which  he 
discharged  not  only  to  the  satisfaction  of  his  fellow  citizens, 
but  with  the  highest  benefit  to  his  country. 


WILLIAM    WHIPPLE.  139 

WILLIAM   WHIPPLE. 

WILLIAM  WHIPPLE  was  the  eldest  son  of  William  Whipple, 
and  was  born  at  Kittery,  Maine,  in  the  year  1730.  His  lather 
was  a  native  of  Ipswich,  and  was  bred  a  maltster;  but  for  seve 
ral  years  after  his  removal  to  Kittery,  he  followed  the  sea.  His 
mother  was  the  daughter  of  Robert  Cutts,  a  distinguished  ship 
builder,  who  established  himself  at  Kittery,  where  he  became 
wealthy,  and  at  his  death  left  a  handsome  fortune  to  his 
daughter. 

The  education  of  young  Whipple  was  limited  to  a  public 
school,  in  his  native  town.  It  was  respectable,  but  did  not 
embrace  that  variety  and  extent  of  learning,  which  is  general 
ly  obtained  at  some  higher  seminary. 

On  leaving  school,  he  entered  on  board  a  merchant  vessel, 
and  for  several  years  devoted  himself  to  commercial  business, 
on  the  sea.  His  voyages  were  chiefly  confined  to  the  West- 
Indies,  and  proving  successful,  he  acquired  a  considerable 
fortune. 

In  1759,  he  relinquished  a  seafaring  life,  and  commenced 
business  with  a  brother  at  Portsmouth,  where  they  continued 
in  trade,  until  within  a  few  years  of  the  revolution. 

Mr.  Whipple  early  entered  with  spirit  into  the  controversy 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  colonies,  and  being  distin 
guished  for  the  general  probity  of  his  character,  as  well  as 
for  the  force  of  his  genius,  was  frequently  elected  by  his 
townsmen  to  offices  of  trust  and  responsibility.  In  the  pro 
vincial  congress,  which  met  at  Exeter,  January,  1775,  for  the 
purpose  of  electing  delegates  to  the  continental  congress  in 
Philadelphia,  he  represented  the  town  of  Portsmouth.  He 
also  represented  that  town  in  the  provincial  congress,  which 
was  assembled  at  Exeter  the  following  May,  and  by  that  body 
was  appointed  one  of  the  provincial  committee  of  safety.  In 
1776  he  was  appointed  a  delegate  to  the  general  congress,  of 
which  body  he  continued  a  member  until  the  middle  of  Sep 
tember,  1799. 

In  this  important  situation,  he  was  distinguished  fo7  great 


140  NEW-HAMPSHIRE    DELEGATION. 

activity,  and  by  his  perseverance  and  application  commended 
himself  to  the  respect  of  the  national  assembly,  and  to  his 
constituents  at  home.  He  was  particularly  active  as  one  of 
the  superintendants  of  the  commissary's  and  quartermaster's 
departments,  in  which  he  was  successful  in  correcting  many 
abuses,  and  in  giving  to  those  establishments  a  proper  cor 
rectness  and  efficiency. 

"  The  memorable  day  which  gave  birth  to  the  declaration 
of  independence  afforded,  in  the  case  of  William  Whipple," 
as  a  writer  observes,  "  a  striking  example  of  the  uncertainty 
of  human  affairs,  and  the  triumphs  of  perseverance.  The 
cabin  boy,  who  thirty  years  before  had  looked  forward  to  a 
command  of  a  vessel  as  the  consummation  of  all  his  hopes  and 
wishes,  now  stood  amidst  the  congress  of  1776,  and  looked 
around  upon  a  conclave  of  patriots,  such  as  the  world  had  never 
witnessed.  He  whose  ambition  once  centered  in  inscrib 
ing  his  name  as  commander  upon  a  crew-list,  now  affixed  his 
signature  to  a  document,  which  has  embalmed  it  for  posterity." 

In  the  year  1777,  while  Mr.  Whipple  was  a  member  of 
congress,  the  appointment  of  brigadier  general  was  bestowed 
upon  him,  and  the  celebrated  John  Stark,  by  the  assembly  of 
New-Hampshire.  Great  alarm  at  this  time  prevailed  in  New- 
Hampshire,  in  consequence  of  the  evacuation  of  Ticonderoga 
by  the  Americans,  its  consequent  possession  by  the  British, 
and  the  progress  of  General  Burgoyne,  with  a  large  force, 
toward  the  state.  The  militia  of  New-Hampshire  were  ex- 
peditiously  organised  into  two  brigades,  the  command  of 
which  was  given  to  the  above  two  generals.  The  intrepid 
conduct  of  General  Stark,  in  the  ever  memorable  defence  of 
Bennington,  must  be  only  alluded  to  in  tin's  place.  The  advan 
tage  thus  gained,  laid  the  foundation  of  the  still  more  signal  vic 
tory  which  was  obtained  in  the  October  following  by  General 
Gates,  over  the  distinguished  Burgoyne  and  his  veteran  sol 
diers,  at  Saratoga  ;  since  it  was  here  proved  to  the  militia, 
that  the  Hessians  and  Indians,  so  much  dreaded  by  them, 
were  not  invincible.  The  career  of  conquest  which  had  before 
animated  the  troops  of  Burgoyne  was  checked.  For  the  first 
time,  General  Burgoyne  was  sensible  of  the  danger  of  his 


WILLIAM    WHIFFLE.  141 

situation.  He  had  regarded  the  men  of  New-Hampshire,  and 
the  Green  Mountains,  with  contempt.  But  the  battle  of 
Bcnriington  taught  him  both  to  fear  and  respect  them.  In  a 
letter  addressed  about  this  time  to  Lord  Germaine,  he  re 
marks  :  "  The  New-Hampshire  Grants,  till  of  late  but  little 
known,  hang  like  a  cloud  on  my  left." 

The  ill  bodings  of  Burgoyne  were  realised  too  soon,  for 
his  own  reputation.  The  militia  from  the  neighbouring  states 
hastened  to  reinforce  the  army  of  General  Gates,  which  was 
now  looking  forward  to  an  engagement  with  that  of  General 
Burgoyne.  This  engagement  soon  after  took  place,  as  al 
ready  noticed,  at  Saratoga,  and  ended  in  the  surrender  of  the 
royal  army  to  the  American  troops.  In  this  desperate  battle, 
General  Whipple  commanded  the  troops  of  New-Hampshire. 
On  that  occasion,  his  meritorious  conduct  was  rewarded  by 
his  being  jointly  appointed  with  Colonel  Wilkinson,  as  the  re 
presentative  of  Genera]  Gates,  to  meet  two  officers  from  Gen 
eral  Burgoyne,  and  settle  the  articles  of  capitulation.  He  was 
also  selected  as  one  of  the  officers,  who  were  appointed  to 
conduct  the  surrendered  army  to  their  destined  encampment, 
on  Winter  Hill,  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston.  On  this  expedi 
tion,  General  Whipple  was  attended  by  a  faithful  negro  ser 
vant,  named  Prince,  a  native  of  Africa,  and  \\hom  the  gene 
ral  had  imported  several  years  before.  "  Prince,"  said  the 
general,  one  day,  as  they  were  proceeding  to  their  place  of 
destination,  "  we  may  be  called  into  action,  in  which  case, 
I  trust  you  will  behave  like  a  man  of  courage,  and  fight 
bravely  for  the  country."  "  Sir,"  replied  Prince,  in  a  manly 
tone,  "  I  have  no  wish  to  fight,  and  no  inducement;  but  had  I 
my  liberty,  I  would  fight  in  defence  of  the  country  to  the  last 
drop  of  my  blood."  "  Well,"  said  the  general,  "  Prince,  from 
this  moment  you  are  free." 

In  1778,  General  Whipple,  with  a  detachment  of  New- 
Hampshire  militia,  was  engaged,  under  General  Sullivan,  in 
executing  a  plan  which  had  for  its  object  the  retaking  of 
Rhode  Island  from  the  British.  By  some  misunderstanding, 
the  French  fleet,  under  Count  D'Estaing,  which  was  destined 
to  co-operate  with  General  Sullivan,  failed  of  rendering  the 


142  NEW-HAMPSHIRE    DELEGATION. 

expected  assistance,  in  consequence  of  which  General  Sulli 
van  was  obliged  to  retreat.  General  Sullivan,  with  his 
troops,  occupied  a  position  on  the  north  end  of  the  island 
One  morning,  while  a  number  of  officers  were  breakfasting 
in  the  general's  quarters,  a  detachment  of  British  troops  were 
perceived  on  an  eminence,  at  the  distance  of  about  three 
quarters  of  a  mile.  A  field  piece  was  soon  after  discharged 
by  the  enemy,  the  ball  of  which,  after  killing  one  of  the 
horses  at  the  door,  passed  through  the  side  of  the  house,  into 
the  room  where  the  officers  were  sitting,  and  so  shattered  the 
leg  of  the  brigade  major  of  General  Whipple,  that  imme 
diate  amputation  became  necessary. 

During  the  remaining  years  of  Mr.  Whipple's  life,  he  filled 
several  important  offices.  In  1780,  he  was  elected  a  repre 
sentative  to  the  general  assembly  of  New-Hampshire,  the 
duties  of  which  office  he  continued  to  discharge  during  seve 
ral  re-elections,  with  much  honour  to  himself,  and  to  the  ge 
neral  acceptance  of  his  constituents. 

In  1782,  he  received  the  appointment  of  receiver  of  public 
moneys  for  the  state  of  New-Hampshire,  from  Mr.  Morris, 
the  superintendant  of  finance.  The  appointment  was  accept 
ed  by  Mr.  Whipple,  but  the  duties  devolving  upon  him  were 
both  arduous  and  unpopular.  The  collection  of  money  was, 
at  that  time,  extremely  difficult.  Mr.  Whipple  experienced 
many  vexations  in  the  exerc^e  of  his  commission ;  and  at 
length,  in  1784,  found  it  necessary,  on  account  of  the  infirm 
state  of  his  health,  to  relinquish  his  office.  About  the  same 
time  that  he  received  the  above  appointment,  he  was  created 
a  judge  of  the  superior  court  of  judicature.  He  began  now, 
however,  to  be  afflicted  with  strictures  in  the  breast,  which 
prevented  him  from  engaging  in  the  more  active  scenes  of 
life.  He  was  able,  however,  to  ride  the  circuits  of  the  court 
for  two  or  three  years,  but  owing  to  an  affection  of  the  heart, 
he  was  unable  to  sum  up  the  arguments  of  council,  or  state  a 
cause  to  the  jury. 

In  the  fall  of  1785,  while  riding  the  circuit,  his  disorder  so 
rapidly  increased,  that  he  was  obliged  to  return  home. 
From  this  time  he  was  confined  to  his  room,  until  the  28th 


MATTHEW  THORNTON.  143 

day  of  November,  when  he  expired,  in  the  55th  year  of  his 
age. 

The  mind  of  Mr.  Whipple  was  naturally  strong,  and  his 
power  of  discrimination  quick.  In  his  manners,  he  was  easy 
and  unassuming ;  in  his  habits  correct,  and  in  his  friendships 
constant.  Although  his  early  education  was  limited,  his  sub 
sequent  intercourse  with  the  world,  united  to  his  natural 
good  sense,  enabled  him  to  fill  with  ability  the  various  offices 
to  which  he  was  appointed. 

Few  men  have  exhibited  a  more  honest  and  persevering 
ambition  to  act  a  worthy  part  in  the  community,  and  few, 
with  his  advantages,  have  been  more  successful  in  obtaining 
the  object  of  their  ambition. 


MATTHEW  THORNTON. 

MATTHEW  THORNTON  was  the  son  of  James  Thornton,  a 
native  of  Ireland,  and  was  born  in  that  country,  about  the 
year  1714.  When  he  was  two  or  three  years  old,  his  father 
emigrated  to  America,  and  after  a  residence  of  a  few  years 
at  Wiscasset,  in  Maine,  he  removed  to  Worcester,  in  Massa 
chusetts. 

Here  young  Thornton  received  a  respectable  academical 
education,  and  subsequently  pursued  his  medical  studies, 
under  the  direction  of  Doctor  Grout,  of  Leicester.  Soon 
after  completing  his  preparatory  course,  he  removed  to  Lon 
donderry,  in  New-Hampshire,  where  he  commenced  the 
practice  of  medicine,  and  soon  became  distinguished,  both  as 
a  physician  and  a  surgeon. 

In  1745,  the  well  known  expedition  against  Cape  Breton 
was  planned  by  Governor  Shirley.  The  co-operation  of 
New-Hampshire  being  solicited,  a  corps  of  five  hundred  men 
was  raised  in  the  latter  province.  Dr.  Thornton  was  select 
ed  to  accompany  the  New-Hampshire  troops,  as  a  surgeon* 


144  NEW-HAMPSHIRE  DELEGATION. 

The  chief  command  of  this  expedition  was  entrusted  to 
Colonel  William  Pepperell.  On  the  1st  of  May,  he  invested 
the  city  of  Louisburg.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Vaughan  con 
ducted  the  first  column,  through  the  woods,  within  sight  of 
Louisburg,  and  saluted  the  city  with  three  cheers.  At  the 
head  of  a  detachment,  chiefly  of  New-Hampshire  troops,  he 
marched  in  the  night,  to  the  northeast  part  of  the  harbour, 
where  they  burned  the  warehouses,  containing  the  naval 
stores,  and  staved  a  large  quantity  of  wine  and  brandy.  The 
smoke  of  this  fire,  being  driven  by  the  wind  into  the  grand 
battery,  so  terrified  the  French,  that,  spiking  the  guns,  they 
retired  into  the  city. 

The  next  morning,  as  Colonel  Vaughan,  with  his  men,  con 
sisting  of  only  thirteen,  was  retiring,  he  accidentally  dis 
covered  that  the  battery  was  deserted.  Upon  this,  he  hired 
a  Cape  Cod  indian  to  creep  into  an  embrasure  and  open  the 
gate.  Thus  he  obtained  possession  of  the  place,  and  imme 
diately  dispatched  a  messenger  to  the  commanding  general, 
with  the  following  note  :  "  May  it  p-lease  your  honour  to  be 
informed,  that,  by  the  grace  of  God,  and  the  courage  of  thir 
teen  men,  I  entered  the  royal  battery  about  nine  o'clock,  and 
am  waiting  for  a  reinforcement  and  a  flag." 

In  the  mean  time,  the  news  of  Vaughan's  capture  of  the 
battery  being  communicated  to  the  French,  a  hundred  men 
were  dispatched  to  retake  it;  but  the  gallant  colonel  suc 
ceeded  in  preventing  their  design,  until  reinforcements  ar 
rived. 

The  capture  of  Louisburg  followed  after  a  long  and  peri 
lous  siege.  It  was  here  that  cannons  were  drawn  by  men, 
for  fourteen  nights,  with  straps  over  their  shoulders,  from 
the  landing  place  through  a  deep  morass,  into  which  they 
sunk,  at  every  step,  up  to  their  knees  in  mud. 

Few  expeditions  in  the  annals  of  American  history,  will 
compare  with  this.  Louisburg  was  the  "  Dunkirk"  of  Ame 
rica  ;  yet  it  surrendered  to  the  valour  of  our  troops.  It  is 
recorded  to  the  praise  of  Dr.  Thornton,  and  as  an  evidence 
of  his  professional  abilities,  that  of  the  corps  of  five  hundred 
men,  of  whom  he  had  charge  as  a  physician,  only  six  died  of 


MATTHEW    THORNTON.  145 

sickness,  previous  to  the  surrender  of  the  city,  although  they 
were  among  those  who  assisted  in  dragging  the  cannon  over 
the  abovementioned  morass. 

Under  the  royal  government,  he  was  invested  with  the  of 
fice  of  justice  of  the  peace,  and  commissioned  as  colonel  of 
the  militia.  But  when  the  political  crisis  arrived,  when  that 
government  in  America  was  dissolved,  Colonel  Thornton  ab 
jured  the  British  interest,  and,  with  a  patriotic  spirit,  adhered 
to  the  glorious  cause  of  liberty.  In  1775,  the  royal  governor 
was  obliged  to  flee  from  the  province  of  New-Hampshire. 
A  provincial  convention  was  at  this  time  in  session  at  Exeter, 
for  temporary  purposes,  of  which  Colonel  Thornton  was 
president.  In  this  capacity  we  find  him  addressing  the  in 
habitants  of  the  colony  of  New-Hampshire  in  the  following 
manner : 

"  Friends  and  brethren,  you  must  all  be  sensible  that  the 
affairs  of  America  have,  at  length,  come  to  a  very  affecting 
and  alarming  crisis.  The  horrors  and  distresses  of  a  civil 
war,  which,  till  of  late,  we  only  had  in  contemplation,  we 
now  find  ourselves  obliged  to  realize.  Painful  beyond  ex 
pression,  have  been  those  scenes  of  blood  and  devastation, 
which  the  barbarous  cruelty  of  British  troops  have  placed  be 
fore  our  eyes.  Duty  to  God,  to  ourselves,  to  posterity,  en 
forced  by  the  cries  of  slaughtered  innocents,  have  urged  us 
io  take  up  arms  in  our  own  defence.  Such  a  day  as  this  was 
never  before  known,  either  to  us  or  to  our  fathers.  You  will 
give  us  leave,  therefore,  in  whom  yon  have  reposed  special 
confidence,  as  your  representative  body,  to  suggest  a  few 
things,  which  call  for  the  serious  attention  of  every  one,  who 
has  the  true  interest  of  America  at  heart.  We  would,  there 
fore,  recommend  to  the  colony  at  large,  to  cultivate  that 
Christian  union,  harmony,  and  tender  affection,  which  is  the 
only  foundation  upon  which  our  invaluable  privileges  can 
rest  with  any  security,  or  our  public  measures  be  pursued 
with  the  least  prospect  of  success." 

After  enjoining  an  inviolable  observance  of  the  measures 
recommended  by  the  congress  of  1774,  lest  they  should  cross 
the  general  plan,  he  proceeds   to   recommend,   "  that  the 
T  13 


146  NEW-HAMPSHIRE  DELEGATION. 

most  industrious  attention  be  paid  to  the  cultivation  of  lands 
and  American  manufactures,  in  their  various  branches,  espe 
cially  the  linen  and  woollen,  and  that  the  husbandry  might  be 
managed  with  a  particular  view  thereto ;  accordingly,  that 
the  farmer  raise  flax,  and  increase  his  flock  of  sheep  to  the  ex 
tent  of  his  ability. 

"  We  further  recommend  a  serious  and  steady  regard  to  the 
rules  of  temperance,  sobriety,  and  righteousness  ;  arid  that 
those  laws  which  have,  heretofore,  been  our  security  and  de 
fence  from  the  hand  of  violence,  may  still  answer  all  their 
former  valuable  purposes,  though  persons  of  vicious  and  cor 
rupt  minds  would  willingly  take  advantage  from  our  present 
situation. 

"  In  a  word,  we  seriously  and  earnestly  recommend  the 
practice  of  that  pure  and  undefiled  religion,  which  embalmed 
the  memory  of  our  pious  ancestors,  as  that  alone  upon  which 
we  can  build  a  solid  hope  and  confidence  in  the  Divine  pro 
tection  and  favour,  without  whose  blessing  all  the  measures 
of  safety  we  have,  or  can  propose,  will  end  in  our  shame  and 
disappointment." 

The  next  year  he  was  chosen  a  delegate  to  the  continental 
congress,  and  took  his  seat  on  the  fourth  of  November  fol 
lowing.  He  was,  therefore,  not  a  member  of  that  illustrious 
body  which  planned  and  published  the  declaration  of  inde 
pendence.  This  was  true,  also,  of  Benjamin  Rush,  George 
Clymer,  James  Wilson,  George  Ross,  and  George  Taylor. 
But  all  these  gentlemen  acceding  to  the  declaration,  were 
permitted  to  affix  their  signatures  to  the  engrossed  copy  of 
that  instrument. 

During  the  same  year,  he  was  appointed  chief  justice  of 
the  court  of  common  pleas  ;  and  not  long  after  was  raised  to 
the  office  of  judge  of  the  superior  court  of  New-Hampshire, 
in  which  office  he  remained  until  1782.  In  1780,  he  pur 
chased  a  farm,  pleasantly  situated  on  the  banks  of  the  Mer- 
rimack,  near  Exeter,  where,  in  connexion  with  his  other  di 
versified  occupations,  he  devoted  himself  to  the  business  of 
agriculture.  Although  advanced  in  life,  he  cheerfully  grant 
ed  his  professional  services,  whenever  they  were  required, 


MATTHEW  THORNTON.  147 

and  they  were  at  all  times  highly  appreciated.  In  the  muni 
cipal  affairs  of  the  town,  he  took  a  lively  interest.  Of  the 
general  court  he  was  a  member  for  one  or  two  years,  and  a 
senator  in  the  state  legislature,  and  served  as  a  member  of 
the  council  in  1785,  under  President  Langdon. 

Dr.  Thornton  was  a  man  of  strong  powers  of  mind,  and 
on  most  subjects  to  which  he  directed  his  attention,  was  able 
to  elicit  light  and  information.  In  private  life,  he  was  pecu 
liarly  instructive  and  agreeable.  The  young  were  delighted 
with  his  hilarity  and  humour.  His  memory  was  wrell  stored 
with  entertaining  and  instructive  anecdotes,  which  he  was 
able  to  apply  upon  any  incident  or  subject  of  conversation. 
He  often  illustrated  his  sentiments  by  fable.  He  delighted 
to  amuse  a  circle  of  an  evening  by  some  fictitious  narrative, 
in  which  he  greatly  excelled.  At  such  times,  placing  his 
elbows  upon  his  knees,  and  supporting  his  head  with  his 
hands,  he  would  rivet  the  attention  of  his  auditors,  and  as 
tonish  them  by  his  powers  of  invention.  In  satire  he  was 
scarcely  equalled.  And  though  he  sometimes  employed  his 
power  immoderately,  he  was  universally  beloved,  and  occu 
pied  a  large  share  of  the  confidence  of  his  neighbours.  A 
single  fault  of  his  character  should  not  pass  unnoticed.  It  is 
asserted,  that  he  betrayed  some  traits  of  an  avaricious  dispo 
sition,  and  sometimes  enforced  his  rights,  when  if  justice  did 
not  require,  charity  dictated  a  relinquishment  of  them.  If, 
however,  he  was  severe  in  his  pecuniary  claims,  he  was  also 
strict  in  the  payment  of  his  debts. 

The  powers  of  Dr.  Thornton's  mind  continued  unusually 
vigorous  to  a  late  period  of  his  life.  After  he  was  eighty 
years  of  age,  he  wrote  political  essays  for  the  newspapers, 
and  about  this  period  of  life  prepared  for  the  press  a  meta 
physical  work,  comprised  in  seventy-three  manuscript  pages 
in  quarto,  and  entitled,  "  Paradise  Lost ;  or,  the  Origin  of 
the  Evil  called  Sin,  examined  ;  or  how  it  ever  did,  or  ever 
can  come  to  pass,  that  a  creature  should  or  could  do  any  thing 
unfit  or  improper  for  that  creature  to  do,"  &c.  This  work 
was  never  published  ;  but  those  who  have  had  access  to  tho 
manuscript,  pronounce  it  a  very  singular  production. 


148  NEW-HAMPSHIRE    DELEGATION. 

It  is  not  a  little  remarkable,  that,  although  a  physician, 
and  consequently  often  exposed  to  the  whooping  cough,  he 
did  not  take  that  disease  until  he  had  passed  his  eightieth 
year.  Although  at  this  time  enfeebled  by  years,  he  survived 
the  attack,  and  even  continued  his  medical  practice. 

In  stature,  Dr.  Thornton  exceeded  six  feet  in  height,  but 
lie  was  remarkably  well  formed.  His  complexion  was  dark, 
and  his  eyes  black  and  piercing.  His  aspect  was  uncom 
monly  grave,  especially  for  one  who  was  naturally  given  to 
good  humour  and  hilarity. 

Dr.  Thornton  died  while  on  a  visit  at  Newburyport,  Mas 
sachusetts,  on  the  24th  of  June,  1803,  in  the  89th  year  of  his 
age.  In  the  funeral  sermon  by  Rev.  Dr.  Burnap,  we  are 
furnished  with  the  following  sketch.  "  He  was  venerable 
for  his  age,  and  skill  in  his  profession,  and  for  the  several 
very  important  and  honourable  offices  he  had  sustained  ; 
noted  for  the  knowledge  he  had  acquired,  and  his  quick 
penetration  into  matters  of  abstruse  speculation  ;  exemplary 
for  his  regard  for  the  public  institutions  of  religion,  and  foi 
his  constancy  in  attending  the  public  worship,  where  he  trod 
the  courts  o|  the  house  of  God,  with  steps  tottering  with 
age  and  infifflhity.  Such  is  a  brief  outline  of  one  who  was 
honoured  in  his  day  and  generation ;  whose  virtues  were  a 
model  for  imitation,  and  while  memory  does  her  office,  will 
be  had  in  grateful  recollection." 


THE 


RHODE  ISLAND  DELEGATION. 


STEPHEN  HOPKINS, 
WILLIAM  ELLERY. 


STEPHEN  HOPKINS 

STEPHEN  HOPKINS  was  a  native  of  tha  ;<irt  of  Providence 
which  is  now  called  Scituate,  where  he  v  is  born  on  the  7th 
of  March,  1707.  His  parentage  was  very  respectable,  being 
a  descendant  of  Benedict  Arnold,  the  first  governor  of  Rhode 
Island. 

His  early  education  was  limited,  being  confined  to  the  in 
struction  imparted  in  the  common  schools  of  the  country. 
Yet  it  is  recorded  of  him,  that  he  excelled  in  a  knowledge  of 
penmanship,  and  in  the  practical  branches  of  mathematics, 
particularly  surveying. 

For  several  years  he  followed  the  profession  of  a  farmer. 
At  an  early  period,  he  was  elected  town  clerk  of  Scituate, 
and  some  time  after  was  chosen  a  representative  from  that 
town  to  the  general  assembly.  He  was  subsequently  ap 
pointed  a  justice  of  the  peace,  and  a  justice  of  one  of  the 
courts  of  common  pleas.  In  1733,  he  became  chief  justice 
of  that  court. 

In  1742,  he  disposed  of  his  estate  in  Scituate,  and  removed 
to  Providence,  where  he  erected  a  house,  in  which  he  con 
tinued  to  reside  till  his  death.  In  this  latter  place  he  entered 
into  mercantile  business,  and  was- extensively  engaged  in 
builJing  and  fitting  out  vessels. 

13* 


150  RHODE    ISLAND    DELEGATION. 

When  a  representative  from  Scituate,  he  was  elected 
speaker  of  the  house  of  representatives.  To  this  latter  office 
he  was  again  chosen  after  his  removal  to  Providence,  and 
continued  to  occupy  the  station  for  several  successive  years, 
being  a  representative  from  the  latter  town.  In  1751,  he 
was  chosen  chief  justice  of  the  superior  court,  in  which  office 
he  continued  till  the  year  1754. 

In  this  latter  year  he  was  appointed  a  commissioner  from 
Rhode  Island,  to  the  celebrated  convention  which  met  at  Al 
bany  ;  which  had  for  its  object  the  securing  of  the  friendship 
of  the  five  nations  of  Indians,  in  the  approaching  French  war, 
and  an  union  between  the  several  colonies  of  America. 

In  1750,  he  was  elected  chief  magistrate  of  the  colony  of 
Rhode  Island,  which  office  he  continued  to  hold,  with  but  few 
intervals,  until  the  year  1767.  In  the  discharge  of  the  duties 
of  this  responsible  station,  he  acted  with  dignity  and  decision. 
The  prosperity  of  his  country  lay  near  his  heart,  nor  did  he 
hesitate  to  propose  and  support  the  measures,  which  appeared 
the  best  calculated  to  promote  the  interests  of  the  colonies  in 
opposition  to  the  encroachments  of  British  power. 

At  an  early  period  of  the  difficulties  between  the  colonies 
and  Great  Britain,  he  took  an  active  and  decided  part  in 
favour  of  the  former.  In  a  pamphlet,  entitled,  "  The  rights 
of  colonies  examined,"  he  exposed  the  injustice  of  the 
stamp  act,  and  various  other  acts  of  the  British  government. 
This  pamphlet  was  published  by  order  of  the  general  assem 
bly,  in  1765. 

The  siege  of  fort  William  Henry,  by  the  Marquis  de  Mont- 
calm,  1757,  and  its  surrender  to  the  force  under  that  general, 
with  the  subsequent  cruel  outrages  and  murders  committed 
by  the  savages  of  the  French  army,  are  too  well  known  to 
need  a  recital  in  this  place.  It  is  necessary  only  to  state, 
that  the  greatest  excitement  prevailed  throughout  all  the  colo 
nies.  In  this  excitement,  the  inhabitants  of  Rhode  Island 
largely  participated.  An  agreement  was  entered  into  by  a 
volunteer  corps,  couched  in  the  following  terms  : 

"  Whereas  the  British  colonies  in  America  are  invaded  by 
a  large  army  of  French  and  Indian  enemies,  who  have 


STEPHEN  HOPKINS.  151 

already  possessed  themselves  effort  William  Henry,  and  are 
now  on  their  march  to  penetrate  farther  into  the  country,  and 
from  whom  we  have  nothing  to  expect,  should  they  succeed 
in  their  enterprise,  but  death  and  devastation ;  and  as  his  ma 
jesty's  principal  officers  in  the  parts  invaded,  have  in  the 
most  pressing  and  moving  manner,  called  on  all  his  majesty's 
faithful  subjects,  for  assistance  to  defend  the  country : — There 
fore,  we,  whose  names  are  underwritten,  thinking  it  our  duty 
to  do  every  thing  in  our  power,  for  the  defence  of  our  liberties, 
families,  and  property,  are  willing,  and  have  agreed  to  enter 
voluntarily  into  the  service  of  our  country,  and  go  in  a  war 
like  manner  against  the  common  enemy ;  and  hereby  call  up 
on  and  invite  all  our  neighbours,  who  have  families  and  pro 
perty  to  defend,  to  join  with  us  in  this  undertaking,  promising  to 
march  as  soon  as  we  are  two  hundred  and  fifty  in  number, 
recommending  ourselves  and  our  cause  to  the  favourable 
protection  of  Almighty  God." 

To  this  agreement,  Mr.  Hopkins  was  the  first  to  affix  his 
name,  and  was  chosen  to  command  the  company  thus  raised, 
which  consisted  of  some  of  the  most  distinguished  men  in 
Providence.  Preparations  for  a  speedy  departure  for  the 
field  of  action  were  made,  but  on  the  eve  of  their  march,  in 
telligence  arrived,  that  their  services  were  no  longer  necessa 
ry,  as  the  progress  of  hostilities  towards  the  south  was  not  to 
be  expected. 

In  1774,  Mr.  Hopkins  received  the  appointment  of  a  dele 
gate  from  Rhode  Island  to  the  celebrated  congress,  which  met 
at  Philadelphia  that  year.  In  this  assembly  he  took  his  seat 
on  the  first  day  of  the  session,  where  he  became  one  of  the 
most  zealous  advocates  of  the  measures  adopted  by  that  illus 
trious  body  of  men. 

In  the  year  1775  and  1776,  he  again  represented  Rhode 
Island  in  the  continental  congress.  In  this  latter  year  he 
had  the  honour  of  affixing  his  name  to  the  imperishable  instru 
ment,  which  declared  the  colonies  to  be  free,  sovereign,  and 
independent  states.  He  recorded  his  name  with  a  trembling 
hand,  the  only  instance  in  which  a  tremulous  hand  is  visible 
among  the  fifty-six  patriots  who  then  wrote  their  names.  But 


152  RHODE    ISLAND    DELEGATION. 

it  was  in  this  case  only  that  the  flesh  was  weak.  Mr.  Hop 
kins  had  for  some  time  been  afflicted  with  a  paralytic  affection, 
which  compelled  him,  when  he  wrote,  to  guide  his  right  hand 
with  his  left.  The  spirit  of  the  man  knew  no  fear,  in  a  case 
where  life  and  liberty  were  at  hazard. 

In  1778,  Mr.  Hopkins  was  a  delegate  to  congress  for  the 
last  time.  But  in  several  subsequent  years,  he  was  a  member 
of  the  general  assembly  of  Rhode  Island.  The  last  year  in 
which  he  thus  served,  was  that  of  1779,  at  which  time  he  was 
seventy-two  years  of  age. 

Mr.  Hopkins  lived  to  the  13th  of  July,  1785,  when  he 
closed  his  long,  and  honourable  and  useful  life,  at  the  advan 
ced  age  of  78.  His  last  illness  was  long,  but  to  the  period  of 
his  dissolution,  he  retained  the  full  possession  of  his  faculties. 
A  vast  assemblage  of  persons,  consisting  of  judges  of  the 
courts,  the  president,  professors  and  students  of  the  college, 
together  with  the  citizens  of  the  town,  and  inhabitants  of  the 
state,  followed  the  remains  of  this  eminent  man  to  his  resting 
place  in  the  grave. 

Although  the  early  education  of  Mr.  Hopkins  was  limited, 
as  has  already  been  observed,  the  vigour  of  his  understanding 
enabled  him  to  surmount  his  early  deficiencies,  and  an 
assiduous  application  to  the  pursuit  of  knowledge,  at  length, 
placed  him  among  the  distinguished  literary  characters  of  the 
day.  He  delighted  in  literature  and  science.  He  was  atten 
tive  to  books,  and  a  close  observer  of  mankind  ;  thus  h.e  went 
on  improving,  until  the  period  of  his  death.  As  a  public 
speaker,  he  was  always  clear,  precise,  pertinent,  and  pow 
erful. 

As  a  mathematician,  Mr.  Hopkins  greatly  excelled.  Till 
in  advanced  age,  he  was  extensively  employed  in  surveying 
lands.  He  was  distinguished  for  great  exactness  in  his  calcu 
lations,  and  an  unusual  knowledge  of  his  business. 

As  a  statesman  and  a  patriot,  he  was  not  less  distinguished. 
He  was  well  instructed  in  the  science  of  politics;  had  an  ex 
tensive  knowledge  of  the  rights  of  his  country,  and  proved 
himself,  through  a  longer  life  than  falls  to  the  lot  of  most  men, 
an  unshaken  friend  of  his  country,  and  an  enemy  to  civil  ant) 


WILLIAM    ELLERY.  153 

religious  intolerance.  He  went  to  his  grave  honoured  as  a 
skilful  legislator,  a  righteous  judge,  an  able  representative,  a 
dignified  and  upright  governor.  Charity  was  an  inmate  of  his 
habitation.  To  the  cry  of  suffering  his  ear  was  ever  open, 
an  1  in  the  relief  of  affliction  he  ever  delighted. 


WILLIAM  ELLERY. 

WILLIAM  ELLERY,  the  son  of  a  gentleman  of  the  same 
name,  was  born  at  Newport,  on  the  22d  day  of  December, 
1727.  His  ancestors  were  originally  from  Bristol,  in  Eng 
land,  whence  they  emigrated  to  America  during  the  latter 
part  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  took  up  their  residence 
at  Newport,  in  Rhode  Island. 

The  early  education  of  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  was 
received  almost  exclusively  from  his  father,  who  was  a  gra 
duate  of  Harvard  university  ;  and  who  although  extensively 
engaged  in  mercantile  pursuits,  found  leisure  personally  to 
cultivate  the  mind  of  his  son.  At  the  age  of  sixteen,  he  was 
qualified  for  admission  to  the  university,  of  which  his  father 
had  been  a  member  before  him.  In  his  twentieth  year,  he 
left  the  university,  having  sustained,  during  his  collegiate 
course,  the  character  of  a  faithful  and  devoted  student.  In  a 
knowledge  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  languages,  he  is  said  to 
have  particularly  excelled,  and  through  the  whole  bustle  of 
his  active  life,  until  the  very  hour  of  dissolution,  he  retained 
his  fondness  for  them. 

On  his  return  to  Newport,  he  commenced  the  study  of  the 
law,  and  after  the  usual  preparatory  course,  he  entered  upon 
the  practice,  which  for  twenty  years  he  pursued  with  great 
zeal.  During  this  period,  no  other  particulars  have  been  re 
corded  of  him,  than  that  he  succeeded  in  acquiring  a  compe 
tent  fortune,  and  receiving  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  his 
fellow  citizens. 

u 


154  RHODE    ISLAND    DELEGATION. 

At  an  early  period  of  the  controversy  between  Great  Bri 
tain  and  the  colonies,  Rhode  Island  strongly  enlisted  herself 
in  the  patriotic  cause.  She  was  not  backward  in  expressing 
her  disapprobation  of  the  arbitrary  measures  of  the  parent 
country.  Indeed,  it  is  doubtful  whether  Rhode  Island  is  not 
equally  entitled,  with  Virginia  and  Massachusetts,  to  the  ho 
nour  which  they  claim,  of  being  earliest  in  the  measures  lead 
ing  to  the  revolution.  Among  the  great  scenes  which  led  the 
way  to  actual  resistance,  two  occurred  in  Narraganset  bay. 
The  first  of  these  was  an  attack  by  the  people  of  Rhode  Isl 
and,  upon  the  armed  revenue  sloop,  Liberty,  in  the  harbour 
of  Newport,  June  17th,  1769.  The  second  was  the  memora 
ble  affair  of  the  Gaspee,  June  9th,  1772,  and  in  which  it  may 
be  said,  was  shed  the  first  blood  in  the  revolution.  This  lat 
ter  occurrence  excited  an  unusual  alarm  among  the  royal 
party  in  the  provinces,  and  gave  occasion  to  Governor  Hutch- 
inson  to  address  the  following  letter  to  Commodore  Gambier  : 
"  Our  last  ships  carried  you  the  news  of  the  burning  of  the 
Gaspee  schooner,  at  Providence.  I  hope,  if  there  should  be 
another  like  attempt,  some  concerned  in  it  may  be  taken 
prisoners,  and  carried  directly  to  England.  A  few  punished 
at  execution  dock,  would  be  the  only  effectual  preventive  of 
any  further  attempts." 

By  other  acts  did  the  people  of  Rhode  Island,  at  an  early 
period,  evince  their  opposition  to  the  royal  government.  On 
the  arrival  in  the  year  1774  of  the  royal  proclamation  pro 
hibiting  the  importation  of  fire  arms  from  England,  they  dis 
mantled  the  fort  at  Newport,  and  took  possession  of  forty 
pieces  of  cannon.  Again,  on  the  occurrence  of  the  battle  of 
Lexington,  they  simultaneously  roused  to  the  defence  of  their 
fellow  citizens,  in  the  province  of  Massachusetts.  Within 
three  days  after  that  memorable  event,  a  large  number  of  her 
militia  were  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Boston,  ready  to  co 
operate  in  measures  either  of  hostility  or  defence.  In  the 
same  year  she  sent  twelve  hundred  regular  troops  into  the 
service,  and  afterwards  furnished  three  state  regiments  to  serve 
during  the  war. 

No  sooner  was  the  formation  of  a  continental  conress  su 


WILLIAM    ELLERY.  155 

gested,  than  Rhode  Island  took  measures  to  be  represented  in 
thai  body,  and  elected  as  delegates  two  of  her  most  distin 
guished  citizens,  Governor  Hopkins  and  Mr.  Ward. 

During  these  movements  in  Rhode  Island,  Mr.  Ellery, 
the  subject  of  this  notice,  was  by  no  means  an  idle  spectator. 
The  particular  history  of  the  part  which  he  took  in  these 
transactions  is,  indeed,  not  recorded  ;  but  the  tradition  is,  that 
he  was  not  behind  his  contemporaries  either  in  spirit  or  action. 

In  the  election  for  delegates  to  the  congress  of  1776,  Mr. 
Ellery  was  a  successful  candidate,  and  in  that  body  took  hi? 
seat,  on  the  seventeenth  of  May.  Here,  he  soon  became  ar 
active  and  influential  member,  and  rendered  important  ser 
vices  to  his  country,  by  his  indefatigable  attention  to  duties 
assigned  him,  on  several  committees.  During  this  session, 
he  had  the  honour  of  affixing  his  name  to  the  declaration  of 
independence.  Of  this  transaction  he  frequently  spoke,  and 
of  the  notice  he  took  of  the  members  of  congress  when  they 
signed  that  instrument.  He  placed  himself  beside  secretary 
Thompson,  that  he  might  see  how  they  looked,  as  they  put  their 
names  to  their  death  warrant.  But  while  all  appeared  to 
feel  the  solemnity  of  the  occasion,  and  their  countenances 
bespoke  their  awe,  it  was  unmingled  with  fear.  They  re 
corded  their  names  as  patriots,  who  were  ready,  should  occa 
sion  require,  to  lead  the  way  to  martyrdom. 

In  the  year  1777,  the  marine  committee  of  congress,  of 
which  Mr.  Ellery  was  a  member,  recommended  the  plan,  and 
it  is  supposed,  at  his  suggestion,  of  preparing  fire  ships,  and 
sending  them  out  from  the  state  of  Rhode  Island.  Of  this 
plan,  the  journals  of  congress  speak  in  the  following  terms  : 

"  If  upon  due  consideration,  jointly  had  by  the  navy  board 
for  the  eastern  department,  and  the  governor  and  council  of 
war  for  the  state  of  Rhode  Island,  and  for  which  purpose  the 
said  navy  board  are  directed  to  attend  upon  the  said  gover 
nor  and  council  of  war,  the  preparing  fire  ships  be  judged 
practicable,  expedient,  and  advisable,  the  said  navy  board  im 
mediately  purchase,  upon  as  reasonable  terms  as  possible, 
six  ships,  or  square  rigged  vessels,  at  Providence,  in  the  state 
of  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations,  the  best  calcu- 


156  RHODE    ISLAND    DELEGATION. 

lated  for  fire  ships,  with  all  possible  expedition  ;  that  the  said 
navy  board  provide  proper  materials  for  the  same,  and  employ 
a  proper  captain  or  commander,  one  lieutenant,  and  a  suitable 
number  of  men  for  each  of  the  said  ships,  or  vessels,  of  ap 
proved  courage  and  prudence  ;  and  that  notice  be  given  to  all 
the  commanders  of  the  continental  ships  and  vessels  in  the 
port  of  Providence,  to  be  in  readiness  to  sail  at  a  moment's 
warning  :  that  as  soon  as  the  said  fire  ships  are  well  prepared, 
the  first  favourable  wind  be  embraced  to  attack  the  British 
ships  and  navy  in  the  rivers  and  bays  of  the  state  of  Rhode  Isl 
and  and  Providence  Plantations :  that  the  officers  of  the  conti 
nental  navy  there,  favour,  as  much  as  possible,  the  design,  and 
use  their  utmost  efforts  to  get  out  to  sea,  and  proceed  to  such 
cruise,  or  to  such  ports,  as  the  said  navy  board,  or  the  marine 
committee,  shall  appoint  or  order." 

During  the  year  that  the  British  army  under  General  Pig- 
got  took  possession  of  Newport,  where  they  fortified  them 
selves,  and  continued  their  head  quarters  for  some  time, 
the  inhabitants  sustained  much  injury  in  their  property.  Mr. 
Ellery  shared  in  the  common  loss,  his  dwelling  house  being 
burned,  and  other  destruction  of  property  occasioned. 

Mr.  Ellery  continued  a  member  of  congress  until  the  year 
1785,  and  indeed,  through  that  year,  when  he  retired  to  his 
native  state.  Soon  after,  however,  he  was  elected  by  con 
gress,  a  commissioner  of  the  continental  loan  office,  to  which 
was  subsequently  added,  by  the  citizens  of  Rhode  Island,  the 
office  of  chief  justice  of  their  superior  court,  a  station  which 
he  did  not  continue  to  hold  long.  On  the  organization  of  the 
federal  government,  he  received  from  General  Washington 
the  appointment  of  collector  of  the  customs  for  the  town  of 
Newport,  an  office  which  he  retained  during  the  remainder  of 
his  life. 

On  the  15th  of  February,  1820,  this  venerable  man — vene 
rable  for  his  age,  which  had  been  prolonged  to  ninety-two 
years,  and  venerable  for  the  services  which  he  had  rendered 
his  country,  was  summoned  to  his  account.  His  death  was 
in  unison  with  his  life.  He  wasted  gradually  and  almost  im 
perceptibly,  until  the  powers  of  nature  were  literally  worn 


WILLIAM    ELLEUY.  157 

sut  by  use.  On  the  day  on  which  his  death  occurred,  he  had 
risen,  as  usual,  and  rested  in  his  old  flag  bottomed  chair,  the 
relict  of  half  a  century  ;  he  had  employed  himself  in  reading 
Tully's  offices  in  Latin. 

"While  thus  engaged,  his  family  physician  called  to  see  him. 
On  feeling  his  pulse,  he  found  that  it  had  ceased  to  beat.  A 
draught  of  wine  and  water  quickened  it  into  life,  however, 
again,  and  being  placed  and  supported  on  the  bed,  he  continu 
ed  reading,  until  the  lamp  of  life,  in  a  moment  of  which  his 
friends  were  ignorant,  was  extinguished. 

"Of  no  distemper,  of  no  blast  he  died, 
But  fell  like  autumn  fruit  that  mellowed  long1, 
E'en  wonder'd  at  because  he  falls  no  sooner. 
Fate  seem'd  to  wind  him  up  for  fourscore  years, 
Yet  freshly  ran  he  on  twelve  winters  more: 
Till,  like  a  clock  worn  out  with  eating1  time, 
The  wheels  of  weary  life  at  last  stood  still." 

In  the  character  of  Mr.  Ellery  there  was  much  to  admire.  He 
was,  indeed,  thought  by  some  to  have  been  too  tenacious  of  his 
opinion,  and  not  always  free  from  asperity  to  others.  But 
years  mellowed  down  these  unpleasant  traits  of  his  cha 
racter,  and  showed  that  he  had  exercised  a  watchfulness  over 
himself,  not  entirely  in  vain.  He  manifested  an  uncommon 
disregard  of  the  applause  of  men.  It  was  often  upon  his 
lips :  "  humility  rather  than  pride  becomes  such  creatures  as 
we  are."  He  looked  upon  the  world  and  its  convulsions  with 
religious  serenity,  and  in  times  of  public  danger,  and  of  public 
difficulty,  he  comforted  himself  and  others,  with  the  pious  re 
flection  of  the  psalmist,  "  The  Lord  reigneth." 

In  conversation,  Mr.  Ellery  was  at  once  interesting  and  in 
structive.  His  advice  was  often  sought,  and  his  opinions  re 
garded  with  great  reverence.  In  letter  writing  he  excelled, 
as  he  did  in  fine  penmanship,  which  latter  would  be  inferred 
from  his  signature  to  the  declaration  of  independence.  In 
stature,  he  was  of  middling  height,  and  carried  in  his  person 
the  indications  of  a  sound  frame  and  an  easy  mind.  In  the 
courtesies  of  life,  he  kept  pace  with  the  improvements  of  the 
age;  but  his  conversation,  and  dress,  and  habits  of  life,  plainly 
showed  that  he  belonged  to  a  more  primitive  generation. 
14 


THE 


CONNECTICUT   DELEGATION. 


ROGER  SHERMAN, 
SAMUEL  HUNTINGTON, 
WILLIAM  WILLIAMS, 
OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 


ROGER  SHERMAN. 

ROGER  SHERMAN,  the  subject  of  the  present  memoir,  was 
a  native  of  Newton,  Massachusetts,  where  he  was  born  on 
the  19th  of  April,  1721.  His  ancestors  were  from  Dedham, 
in  England,  whence  they  removed  to  America  about  the  year 
1635,  and  settled  at  Watertown  in  the  same  state.  The 
father  of  Mr.  Sherman,  whose  name  was  William,  was  a 
respectable  farmer,  but  from  his  moderate  circumstances  was 
unable  to  give  his  son  the  advantages  of  an  education,  be 
yond  those  which  were  furnished  by  a  parochial  school. 

He  was' early  apprenticed  to  a  shoemaker,  which  occupa 
tion  he  followed  for  some  time  after  he  was  twenty-two  years 
of  age.  It  is  recorded  of  him,  however,  that  he  early 
evinced  an  uncommon  thirst  for  knowledge,  and  was  wont, 
even  while  at  work  on  his  seat,  to  have  a  book  open  before 
him,  upon  which  he  would  employ  every  moment,  not  ne 
cessarily  devoted  to  the  duties  of  his  calling. 

The  father  of  Mr.  Sherman*  died  in  the  year  1741,  leaving 
his  family,  which  was  quite  numerous,  in  circumstances  of 
dependence.  The  care  of  the  family  devolved  upon  Roger, 


ROGER    SHERMAN.  159 

Ms  older  brother  having  sometime  before  removed  to  New- 
Milford,  in  Connecticut.  This  was  a  serious  charge  for  a 
young  man  only  nineteen  years  of  age.  Yet,  with  great 
kindness  and  cheerfulness  did  he  engage  in  the  duties  which 
devolved  upon  him.  Towards  his  mother,  whose  life  was 
protracted  to  a  great  age,  he  continued  to  manifest  the  ten- 
oercst  affection,  and  assisted  two  of  his  younger  brothers  to 
obtain  a  liberal  education.  These,  afterwards,  became  clergy 
men  of  some  distinction  in  Connecticut. 

It  has  already  been  observed,  that  an  older  brother  had 
established  himself  in  New-Milford,  Connecticut.  In  1743, 
it  was  judged  expedient  for  the  family,  also,  to  remove  to 
that  place.  Accordingly,  having  disposed  of  their  small 
farm,  they  became  residents  of  New-Milford,  in  June  of  that 
year.  This  journey  was  performed  by  young  Roger  on  foot, 
with  his  tools  on  his  back. 

At  New-Milford,  he  commenced  business  as  a  shoemaker  ; 
but  not  long  after  he  relinquished  his  trade,  having  entered 
into  partnership  with  his  older  brother,  in  the  more  agree 
able  occupation  of  a  country  merchant. 

Mr.  Sherman  early  evinced,  as  has  already  been  observed, 
an  unusual  thirst  for  knowledge.  This  led  him  to  seize  with 
avidity  every  opportunity  to  acquire  it.  The  acquisitions 
of  such  a  mind,  even  with  the  disadvantages  under  which  he 
laboured,  must  have  been  comparatively  easy,  and  his  im 
provement  was  rapid.  The  variety  and  extent  of  his  attain 
ments,  even  at  this  early  age,  are  almost  incredible.  He  soon 
became  known  in  the  county  of  Litchfield,  where  he  resided, 
as  a  man  of  more  than  ordinary  talents,  and  of  unusual  skill 
in  the  science  of  mathematics.  In  1745,  only  two  years 
after  his  removal  into  the  above  county,  and  at  the  age  of 
twenty-four,  he  was  appointed  to  the  office  of  county  sur 
veyor.  At  this  time  it  appears,  also,  he  had  made  no  small 
advance  in  the  science  of  astronomy.  As  early  as  1748,  he 
supplied  the  astronomical  calculations  for  an  almanac,  pub- 
'ishetl  in  the  city  of  New-York,  and  continued  this  supply 
for  several  succeeding  years. 

In  1749,  he  was  married  to  Miss   Elizabeth  Hartwell,  of 


160  CONNECTICUT  DELEGATION. 

Stoughton,  in  Massachusetts.  After  her  decease,  in  1760,  he 
married  Miss  Rebecca  Prescot,  of  Danvers,  in  the  same  state. 
By  these  wives  he  had  fifteen  children,  seven  by  the  former, 
and  eight  by  the  latter. 

In  1754,  Mr.  Sherman  was  admitted  as  an  attorney  to  the 
bar.  It  is  a  trite  remark,  that  great  effects  often  proceed  from 
small  causes,  and  that  not  unfrequently  some  apparently 
trivial  occurrence,  exercises  a  controling  influence  over  the 
whole  after  life  of  an  individual.  Both  these  remarks  are 
eminently  verified  in  the  history  of  Mr.  Sherman.  While 
yet  a  young  man,  and,  it  is  believed  before  he  had  relinquish 
ed  his  mechanical  occupation,  he  had  occasion  to  go  to  a 
neighbouring  town  to  transact  some  business  for  himself.  A 
short  time  previous  to  this,  a  neighbour  of  his,  in  settling  the 
affairs  of  a  person  deceased,  became  involved  in  a  difficulty 
which  required  the  assistance  of  legal  counsel.  The  neigh 
bour  stated  the  case  to  young  Sherman,  and  authorized  him 
to  seek  the  advice  of  the  lawyer  of  the  town  to  which  he 
was  going. 

As  the  subject  was  not  without  intricacy,  Sherman  com 
mitted  the  case  to  paper,  and  on  his  arrival  in  the  town,  pro 
ceeded  with  his  manuscript  to  the  lawyer's  office.  In  stating 
the  case  to  the  lawyer,  he  had  frequent  occasion  to  recur  to 
his  manuscript.  This  \vas  noticed  by  the  lawyer,  and,  as  it 
was  necessary  to  present  a  petition  in  the  case  to  some  court, 
Sherman  was  requested  to  leave  the  paper,  as  an  assistance 
in  framing  the  petition.  The  modesty  of  young  Sherman 
would  scarcely  permit  him  to  comply  with  this  request. 
"  The  paper,"  he  said,/4  was  only  a  memorandum  drawn  by 
himself  to  assist  his  memory."  He  gave  it,  however,  into 
the  hands  of  the  lawyer,  who  read  it  with  surprise.  He 
found  it  to  contain  a  clear  statement  of  the  case,  and  remark 
ed,  that  with  some  slight  verbal  alterations,  it  would  be  equal 
to  any  petition  which  he  himself  could  draft. 

The  conversation  now  passed  to  the  situation  and  circum 
stances  of  young  Sherman.  The  lawyer  urged  him  seriously 
to  think  upon  the  profession  of  law.  At  this  time,  he  was 
deeply  involved  in  the  care  of  his  father's  family,  which,  as 


ROGER    SHERMAN.  161 

before  noticed,  were  left  in  a  great  measure  destitute  at  his 
decease.  The  suggestion,  however,  appears  not  to  have 
been  lost  upon  him.  A  new  direction  was  given  to  his 
thoughts.  A  stronger  impulse  was  added  to  his  energies. 
His  leisure  hours  were  devoted  to  the  acquisition  of  legal 
knowledge,  and  in  1754,  as  already  remarked,  he  entered 
upon  a  professional  career,  in  which  few  have  attained  to 
greater  honour  and  distinction. 

From  this  date,  Mr.  Sherman  soon  became  distinguished 
as  a  judicious  counsellor,  and  was  rapidly  promoted  to  offices 
of  trust  and  responsibility.  The  year  following  his  admis 
sion  to  the  bar,  he  was  appointed  a  justice  of  the  peace  for 
New-Milford,  which  town  he  also  represented  the  same  year 
in  the  colonial  assembly.  In  1759,  he  was  appointed  judge 
of  the  court  of  common  pleas  for  the  county  of  Litchfield, 
an  office  which  he  filled  with  great  reputation  for  the  two 
following  years. 

At  the  expiration  of  this  time,  that  is  in  1761,  he  became 
a  resident  of  New-Haven,  of  which  town  he  was  soon  after 
appointed  a  justice  of  the  peace,  and  often  represented  it  in 
the  colonial  assembly.  To  these  offices  was  added,  in  1765, 
that  of  judge  of  the  court  of  common  pleas.  About  the 
same  time  he  was  appointed  treasurer  of  Yale  College,  which 
institution  bestowed  upon  him  the  honorary  degree  of  Master 
of  Arts. 

In  1766,  he  was  elected  by  the  freemen  of  the  colony  a 
member  of  the  upper  house,  in  the  general  assembly  of  Con 
necticut.  The  members  of  the  upper  house  were  called 
assistants.  This  body  held  their  deliberations  with  closed 
doors.  The  precise  rank,  therefore,  which  Mr.  Sherman 
held  among  his  colleagues,  or  the  services  which  he  rendered 
his  country,  cannot  now  be  ascertained.  Few  men,  however, 
were  better  fitted  for  a  deliberative  assembly.  During  the 
same  year,  the  confidence  of  his  fellow-citizens  was  still  far 
ther  expressed,  by  his  appointment  to  the  office  of  judge  of 
the  superior  court.  The  offices,  thus  conferred  upon  him, 
during  the  same  year,  were  not  then  considered  as  incompa 
tible.  He  continued  a  member  of  the  upper  house  for  nine- 
X  14* 


162  CONNECTICUT  DELEGATION 

teen  years,  until  1785,  at  which  time  the  two  offices  which 
he  held  being  considered  as  incompatible,  he  relinquished 
his  seat  at  the  council  board,  preferring  his  station  as  a  judge. 
This  latter  office  he  continued  to  exercise  until  1789,  when 
he  resigned  it,  on  being  elected  to  congress  under  the  federal 
constitution. 

At  an  early  stage  of  the  controversy  between  Great  Britain 
and  her  American  colonies,  Mr.  Sherman  warmly  espoused 
the  cause  of  his  country.  This  was  to  be  expected  of  him. 
A  man  of  so  much  integrity  and  consistency  of  character,  of 
such  firmness  and  solidity,  would  not  be  likely  to  be  wanting 
in  the  day  of  trial.  It  was  fortunate  for  America  that  she 
had  some  such  men  in  her  councils,  to  balance  and  keep  in 
check  the  feverish  spirits  which,  in  their  zeal,  might  have  in 
jured,  rather  than  beneritted  the  cause.  Mr.  Sherman  was 
no  enthusiast,  nor  was  he  to  be  seduced  from  the  path  of  duty 
by  motives  of  \vorldljr  ambition,  or  love  of  applause.  He 
early  perceived,  that  the  contest  would  have  to  be  terminated 
by  a  resort  to  arms.  Keuce,  he  felt  the  paramount  import 
ance  of  union  among  the  colonies.  He  felt  the  full  force  of 
the  sentiment,  "  United  we  stand,  divided  we  fall."  From 
the  justice  or  clemency  of  Great  Britain,  he  expected  no 
thing  ;  nor,  at  an  early  day,  could  he  perceive  any  rational 
ground  to  hope  that  the  contest  could  be  settled,  but  by  the 
entire  separation  of  American  and  British  interests.  He  was, 
therefore,  prepared  to  proceed,  not  rash.y,  but  with  delibe 
rate  firmness,  and  to  resist,  even  unto  blood,  the  unrighteous 
attempts  of  the  British  parliament  to  enthral  and  enslave  the 
American  colonies. 

Of  the  celebrated  congress  of  1774,  Mr.  Sherman  was  a 
conspicuous  member.  He  was  present  at  the  opening  of 
the  session;  and  continued  uninterruptedly  a  member  o^  that 
body  for  the  long  space  of  nineteen  years,  until  his  death 
in  1793. 

Of  the  important  services  which  he  rendered  his  country: 
during  his  congressional  career,  it  is  difficult  and  even  impos 
sible  to  form  an  estimate.  He  served  on  various  committees, 
whose  deliberations  often  involved  the  highest  interest  of  the 


ROGER    SHERMAN.  163 

country.  During  the  continuance  of  the  war  of  the  revolu 
tion,  the  duties  of  committees  were  frequently  arduous  and 
.fatiguing.  No  man  adventured  upon  these  duties  with  more 
courage  ;  no  one  exercised  a  more  indefatigable  zeal  than  did 
Mr.  Sherman.  He  investigated  every  subject  with  uncom 
mon  particularity,  and  formed  his  judgment  with  a  compre 
hensive  view  of  the  whole.  This,  together  with  the  well 
known  integrity  of  his  character,  attracted  universal  confi 
dence.  He  naturally  became,  therefore,  one  of  the  leading 
and  most  influential  members  of  congress,  during  the  whole 
period  of  his  holding  a  seat  in  that  body. 

Of  the  congress  of  1775,  Mr.  Sherman  was  again  a  mem- 
oer  ;  but  of  this  day  of  clouds  and  darkness,  when  the  storm 
which  had  long  lowered,  began  to  burst  forth  on  every  side, 
we  can  take  no  further  notice  than  to  mention,  with  gratitude 
and  admiration,  the  firmness  of  those  assembled  sages  who, 
with  courage,  breasted  themselves  to  the  coming  shock. 
They  calmly  and  fearlessly  applied  themselves  to  the  defence 
of  die  liberties  of  their  country,  having  counted  the  cost, 
and  being  prepared  to  surrender  their  rights  only  with  their 
lives. 

In  the  congress  of  1776,  Mr.  Sherman  took  a  distinguished 
part.  He  assisted  on  committees  appointed  to  give  instruc 
tions  for  the  military  operations  of  the  army  in  Canada ;  to 
establish  regulations  and  restrictions  on  the  trade  of  the 
United  States  ;  to  regulate  the  currency  of  the  country;  to 
furnish  supplies  for  the  army  ;  to  provide  for  the  expenses  of 
the  government ;  to  prepare  articles  of  confederation  between 
the  several  states,  and  to  propose  a  plan  of  military  opera 
tions  for  the  campaign  of  1776. 

During  this  year,  also,  he  received  the  most  flattering  tes 
timony  of  the  high  estimation  in  which  he  was  held  by  con 
gress,  in  being  associated  with  Adams,  Jefferson,  Franklin, 
and  Livingston,  in  the  responsible  duty  of  preparing  the  de 
claration  of  independence. 

The  reputation  of  Mr.  Sherman  abroad,  was  cordially  re 
ciprocated  in  the  state  in  which  he  resided.  Few  men  were 
ever  more  highly  esteemed  in  Connecticut.  The  people  im- 


164  CONNECTICUT  DELEGATION. 

derstood  his  worth.  They  respected  him  for  his  abilities, 
but  still  more  for  his  unbending  integrity.  During  the  war 
he  belonged  to  the  governor's  council  of  safety  ;  and  from  the 
year  1784  to  his  death,  he  held  the  mayoralty  of  the  city  of 
New-Haven.  In  1783,  he  was  appointed,  with  the  honoura 
ble  Richard  Law,  both  of  whom  were  at  this  time  judges  of 
the  superior  court,  to  revise  the  statutes  of  the  state.  This 
service,  rendered  doubly  onerous  to  the  committee  from  their 
being  instructed  to  digest  all  the  statutes  relating  to  the  same 
subject  into  one,  and  to  reduce  the  whole  to  alphabetical  or 
der,  was  performed  with  great  ability.  Many  useless  statutes 
were  omitted ;  others  were  altered  to  correspond  to  the  great 
changes  which  had  then  recently  taken  place  in  the  state  of 
the  country,  and  the  whole  reduced  to  comparative  order 
and  simplicity. 

Another  expression  of  the  public  confidence  awaited  Mr 
Sherman  in  1787.  Soon  after  the  close  of  the  war,  the  in 
efficacy  of  the  old  confederation  between  the  states  was  ap 
parent.  The  necessity  of  a  federal  constitution,  by  which 
the  powers  of  the  state  governments  and  of  the  general  go 
vernment  should  be  more  nicely  balanced,  became  every 
day  more  obvious.  Accordingly,  in  1787,  a  general  conven 
tion  of  the  states,  for  forming  a  new  constitution,  was  called, 
and  Mr.  Sherman,  in  connexion  with  the  learned  Mr.  Ells 
worth  and  Dr.  Johnson,  were  appointed  to  attend  it,  on  the 
part  of  Connecticut.  In  this  assemblage  of  patriots,  distin 
guished  for  their  political  wisdom,  Mr.  Sherman  was  con 
spicuous,  and  contributed,  in  no  small  degree,  to  the  perfec 
tion  of  that  constitution,  under  which  the  people  of  America 
have  for  more  than  forty  years  enjoyed  as  much  civil  liberty 
and  political  prosperity  as  is,  probably,  compatible  with  the 
lapsed  condition  of  the  human  race.  Many  of  the  conven 
tion,  who  warmly  advocated  the  adoption  of  the  constitution, 
were  not,  indeed,  well  pleased  with  every  feature  of  that  in 
strument.  To  this  number  Mr.  Sherman  belonged.  He  was 

& 

of  the  opinion,  however,  as  were  others,  that  it  was  the  best 
which,  under  existing  circumstances,  the  convention  could 
nave  framed.  On  his  return  to  Connecticut,  when  the  ques- 


ROGER  SHERMAN.  165 

tion  respecting  the  adoption  of  the  constitution  came  before 
tne  convention  of  that  state,  its  adoption,  according  to  the 
testimony  of  the  late  Chief  Justice  Ellsworth,  was,  in  no 
small  degree,  owing  to  the  influence  of  Mr.  Sherman.  On 
that  occasion,  he  appeared  before  the  convention,  and,  with 
great  plainness  and  perspicuity,  entered  into  an  explanation 
of  the  probable  operation  of  the  principles  of  the  constitution. 

Under  this  new  constitution,  he  was  elected  a  representa 
tive  to  congress,  from  the  state  of  Connecticut.  At  the  ex 
piration  of  two  years,  a  vacancy  occurring  in  the  senate,  he 
was  elevated  to  a  seat  in  that  body,  an  office  which  he  con 
tinued  to  hold,  and  the  duties  of  which  he  continued  to  dis 
charge  with  honour  and  reputation  to  himself,  and  with  great 
usefulness  to  his  country,  until  the  23d  day  of  July,  1793, 
when  he  was  gathered  to  his  fathers,  in  the  73d  year  of  his 
age. 

In  estimating  the  character  of  Mr.  Sherman,  we  must 
dwell  a  moment  upon  his  practical  wisdom  This,  in  him, 
was  a  predominant  trait.  He  possessed,  more  than  most 
men,  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  human  nature.  He  un 
derstood  the  springs  of  human  action  in  a  remarkable  de 
gree,  and  well  knew  in  what  manner  to  touch  them,  to  pro 
duce  a  designed  effect.  This  practical  wisdom,  another  name 
for  common  sense,  powerfully  contributed  to  guide  him  to 
safe  results,  on  all  the  great  political  questions  in  which  he 
was  concerned  ,  and  assisted  him  to  select  the  means  which 
were  best  adapted  to  accomplish  the  best  ends.  With  the 
habits  and  opinions,  with  the  virtues  and  vices,  the  prejudices 
and  weaknesses  of  his  countrymen,  he  was  also  well  ac 
quainted.  Hence,  he  understood,  better  than  many  others, 
who  were  superior  to  him  in  the  rapidity  of  their  genius, 
what  laws  and  principles  they  would  bear,  and  what  they 
would  not  bear,  in  government.  Of  the  practical  wisdom  of 
Mr.  Sherman,  we  might  furnish  many  honourable  testimonies 
and  numerous  illustrations.  We  must  content  ourselves, 
nowever,  with  recording  a  remark  of  President  Jefferson,  to 
the  late  Dr.  Spring,  of  Newburyport.  During  the  sitting  of 
Congress  at  Philadelphia,  the  latter  gentleman,  in  company 


166  CONNECTICUT  DELEGATION 

with  Mr.  Jefferson,  visited  the  national  hall.  Mr.  Jefferson 
pointed  out  to  the  doctor  several  of  the  members,  who  were 
most  conspicuous.  At  length,  his  eye  rested  upon  Roger 
Sherman.  "  That,"  said  he,  pointing  his  finger,  "  is  Mr 
Sherman  of  Connecticut,  a  man  who  never  said  a  foolish 
thing  in  his  life.11  Not  less  complimentary  was  the  remark 
of  Mr.  Macon,  the  aged  and  distinguished  senator,  who  has 
recently  retired  from  public  life  :  "  Roger  Sherman  had  more 
common  sense  than  any  man  I  ever  knew." 

Another  distinguishing  trait  in  the  character  of  Roger 
Sherman,  was  his  unbending  integrity.  No  man,  probably, 
ever  stood  more  aloof  from  the  suspicion  of  a  selfish  bias, 
or  of  sinister  motives.  In  both  his  public  and  private  con 
duct,  he  was  actuated  by  principle.  The  opinion  which  ap 
peared  correct,  he  adopted,  and  the  measure  which  appeared 
the  best,  he  pursued,  apparently  uninfluenced  by  passion,  pre- 
iudice,  or  interest.  It  was  probably  owing  to  this  trait  in 
his  character,  that  he  enjoyed  such  extraordinary  influence 
in  those  deliberative  bodies  of  which  he  was  a  member.  In 
his  speech,  he  was  slow  and  hesitatrng.  He  had  few  of  the 
graces  of  oratory;  yet  no  man  was  heard  with  deeper  atten 
tion.  This  attention  arose  from  the  solid  conviction  of  the 
hearers,  that  he  was  an  honest  man.  What  he  said,  was  in 
deed  always  applicable  to  the  point,  was  clear,  was  weighty; 
and,  as  the  late  President  D wight  remarked,  was  generally 
new  and  important.  Yet  the  weight  of  his  observations, 
obviously,  sprung  from  the  integrity  of  the  man.  It  was  this 
trait  in  his  character,  which  elicited  the  observation  of  the 
distinguished  Fisher  Ames.  "If  I  am  absent,"  said  he,  "  dur 
ing  the  discussion  of  a  subject,  and  consequently  know  not 
on  which  side  to  vote,  I  always  look  at  Roger  ShermcMi,  for 
I  am  sure  if  I  vote  with  him  I  shall  vote  right" 

To  the  above  excellent  traits  in  the  character  of  Mr.  Shci 
man,  it  may  be  added,  that  he  was  eminently  a  pious  iran 
He  was  long  a  professor  of  religion,  and  one  of  its  brightest 
ornaments.  Nor  was  his  religion  that  which  appeared  only 
on  occasions.  It  was  with  him  a  principle  and  a  habit.  It 
appeared  in  the  closet,  in  the  family,  on  the  bench,  and  in  the 


ROGER  SHERMAN.  167 

senate  house.  Few  men  had  a  higher  reverence  for  the 
bible  ;  few  men  studied  it  with  deeper  attention ;  few  were 
more  intimately  acquainted  with  the  doctrines  of  the  gospel, 
and  the  metaphysical  controversies  of  the  day.  On  these 
subjects,  he  maintained  an  extended  correspondence  with 
some  of  the  most  distinguished  divines  of  that  period,  among 
whom  were  Dr.  Edwards,  Dr.  Hopkins,  Dr.  Trumbull,  Presi 
dent  Dickenson,  and  President  Witherspoon,  all  of  whom 
had  a  high  opinion  of  him  as  a  theologian,  and  derived  much 
instruction  from  their  correspondence  with  him. 

If  the  character  of  a  man's  religion  is  to  be  tested  by  the 
fruits  it  produces,  the  religion  of  Mr.  Sherman  must  be  ad 
mitted  to  have  been  not  of  this  world.  He  was  naturally 
possessed  of  strong  passions  ;  but  over  these  he  at  length 
obtained  an  extraordinary  control.  He  became  habitually 
calm,  sedate,  and  self-possessed.  The  following  instance  of 
his  self-possession  is  worthy  of  being  recorded. 

Mr.  Sherman  was  one  of  those  men  who  are  not  ashamea 
to  maintain  the  forms  of  religion  in  his  family.  One  morn 
ing  he  called  them  together,  as  usual,  to  lead  them  in  prayer 
to  God  :  the  "  old  family  bible"  was  brought  out,  and  laid  on 
the  table.  Mr.  Sherman  took  his  seat,  and  beside  him  placea 
one  of  his  children,  a  small  child,  a  child  of  his  old  age ;  the 
rest  of  the  family  were  seated  round  the  room  ;  several  of 
these  were  now  grown  up.  Besides  these,  some  of  the  tutors 
of  the  college,  and  it  is  believed,  some  of  the  students,  were 
boarders  in  the  family,  and  were  present  at  the  time  alluded 
to.  His  aged,  and  now  superanuated  mother,  occupied  a 
corner  of  the  room,  opposite  to  the  place  where  the  distin 
guished  judge  of  Connecticut  sat.  At  length  he  opened  the 
bible,  and  began  to  read.  The  child  which  was  seated  beside 
him,  made  some  little  disturbance,  upon  which  Mr.  Sherman 
paused,  and  told  it  to  be  still.  Again  he  proceeded,  but  again 
he  paused,  to  reprimand  the  little  offender,  whose  playful 
disposition  would  scarcely  permit  it  to  be  still.  At  this  time, 
he  gently  tapped  its  ear.  The  blow,  if  it  might  be  called  a 
blow,  caught  the  attention  of  his  aged  mother,  who  now  with 
some  effort  rose  from  her  seat,  and  tottered  across  the  room. 


168  CONNECTICUT  DELEGATION. 

At  length,  she  reached  the  chair  of  Mr.  Sherman,  and  in  a 
moment  most  unexpected  to  him,  she  gave  him  a  blow  on 
the  ear,  with  all  the  power  she  could  summon.  "  TAere,"  said 
she,  "  you  strike  your  child,  and  I  will  strike  mine.'1'1 

For  a  moment,  the  blood  was  seen  rushing  to  the  face  of 
Mr.  Sherman  ;  but  it  was  only  for  a  moment,  when  all  was 
as  mild  and  calm  as  usual.  He  paused — he  raised  his  specta 
cles — he  cast  his  eye  upon  his  mother — again  it  fell  upon  the 
book,  from  which  he  had  been  reading.  Perhaps  he  re 
membered  the  injunction,  "  honour  thy  mother,"  and  he  did 
honour  her.  Not  a  word  escaped  him  ;  but  again  he  calmly 
pursued  the  service,  and  soon  after  sought  in  prayer  ability  to 
set  an  example  before  his  household,  which  should  be  worthy 
their  imitation.  Such  self-possession  is  rare.  Such  a  victory 
was  worth  more  than  the  proudest  victory  ever  achieved  in 
the  field  of  battle. 

We  have  room  only  to  add  the  inscription,  which  is  record 
ed  upon  the  tablet  which  covers  the  tomb  of  this  truly  excel 
lent  man  : 

In  memory  of 
THE  HON.  ROGER  SHERMAN,  ES<^ 

Mayor  of  the  city  of  New-Haven, 

and  Senator  of  the  United  States. 

He  was  born  at  Newton,  in  Massachusetts, 

April  19th,  1721, 
And  died  in  New-Haven,  July  23d,  A,  D.  1793, 

aged  LXXI1. 
Possessed  of  a  strong1,  clear,  penetrating1  mind, 

and  singular  perseverance, 

he  became  the  self-taught  scholar, 

eminent  for  jurisprudence  and  policy. 

He  was  nineteen  years  an  assistant, 

and  twenty-three  years  a  judge  of  the  superior  court, 

in  hisrh  reputation. 

He  was  a  Delegate  in  the  first  Congress, 

signed  the  glorious  act  of  Independence, 

and  many  years  displayed  superior  talents  arid  ability 

in  the  national  legislature. 
He  was  a  member  of  the  general  convention, 

approved  the  federal  constitution, 

And  served  his  country  with  fidelity  and  honoin; 

in  the  House  of  Representatives. 


SAMUEL    HUNTINGTON.  109 

and  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 
He  was  a  man  of  approved  integrity ; 

a  cool,  discerning-  Judge  ; 
a  prudent,  sagacious  Politician ; 
a  true,  faithful,  and  firm  Patriot. 

He  ever  adorned 
the  profession  of  Christianity 

which  he  made  in  youth  ; 
and  distinguished  through  life 

for  public  usefulness, 
died  in  the  prospect  of  a  blessed  immortality. 


SAMUEL  HUNTINGTON. 

SAMUEL  HUNTINGTON  was  born  in  Windham,  Connecticut, 
on  the  2d  day  of  July,  1732.  His  ancestors  were  respect 
able  ;  they  came  to  America  at  an  early  period  of  the  country, 
and  settled  in  Connecticut. 

The  father  of  the  subject  of  the  present  memoir  was 
Nathaniel  Huntington,  who  resided  in  the  town  of  Windham, 
where  he  was  a  plain  but  worthy  farmer.  His  mother  was 
distinguished  for  her  many  virtues.  She  was  a  pious,  dis 
creet  woman,  and  endued  with  a  more  than  ordinary  share 
of  mental  vigour.  A  numerous  family  of  children  cemented 
the  affection  of  this  worthy  pair.  Several  of  the  sons  devoted 
themselves  to  the  gospel  ministry,  and  attained  to  a  highly 
respectable  standing  in  their  profession.  Of  those  who  thus 
devoted  themselves  to  the  clerical  profession,  Dr.  Joseph 
Huntington  was  one.  He  is  well  known  as  the  author  of  a 
posthumous  work,  on  universal  salvation.  It  was  entitled, 
"  Calvinism  Improved,  or  the  Gospel  illustrated  as  a  system 
of  real  Grace,  issuing  in  the  salvation  of  all  men."  This 
work  was  afterwards  ably  answered  by  Dr.  Nathan  Strong, 
of  Hartford. 

In  the  benefits  of  a  public  education,  which  were  thus  con 
Y  15 


17C  CONNECTICUT    DELEGATION. 

ferred  on  several  of  his  brothers,  Samuel  Huntington  did  not 
share.  He  was  the  eldest  son,  and  his  father  needed  his  as 
sistance  on  the  farm.  Indeed,  his  opportunities  for  obtaining 
knowledge  were  extremely  limited,  not  extending  beyond 
those  furnished  by  the  common  schools  of  that  day. 

Mr.  Huntington,  however,  possessed  a  vigorous  under 
standing,  and,  when  released  from  the  toils  of  the  field,  he 
devoted  himself  with  great  assiduity  to  reading  and  study. 
Thus,  the  deficiencies  of  the  common  school  were  more  than 
supplied.  He  became  possessed  of  an  extensive  fund  of  in 
formation  upon  various  subjects,  and  by  the  time  he  was 
twenty-one  years  of  age,  he  probably  fell  little  short  in  hig 
acquisitions  of  those  who  had  received  a  collegiate  educa 
tion,  except  in  some  particular  branches.  His  knowledge 
was  less  scientific,  but  more  practical  and  useful. 

Although  not  averse  to  husbandry,  he  early  manifested  a 
fondness  for  legal  pursuits,  and  at  the  age  of  twenty-two  he 
relinquished  the  labours  of  the  field,  for  the  more  agreeable 
study  of  the  law.  Pecuniary  circumstances  prevented  his 
availing  himself  of  legal  tuition  in  the  office  of  a  lawyer. 
But  he  was  contented  to  explore  the  labyrinths  of  the  pro 
fession  unaided,  except  by  his  own  judgment.  The  library 
of  a  respectable  lawyer  in  a  neighbouring  town,  furnished 
him  with  the  necessary  books,  and  his  diligence  and  perse 
verance  accomplished  the  rest. 

Mr.  Huntington  soon  obtained  a  competent  knowledge  of 
the  principles  of  law,  to  commence  the  practice  of  the  pro 
fession.  He  opened  an  office  in  his  native  town,  but  in  1760^ 
removed  to  Norwich,  where  a  wider  field  presented  itself, 
for  the  exercise  of  his  talents.  Here,  he  soon  became  emi 
nent  in  his  profession.  He  was  distinguished  by  a  strict 
integrity,  and  no  man  exceeded  him  in  punctuality.  These 
traits  of  character,  united  to  no  ordinary  legal  attainments, 
and  strong  common  sense,  insured  him  the  respect  of  the 
community,  and  a  large  share  of  professional  business. 

In  1764,  Mr.  .Huntington  represented  the  town  of  Nor 
wich  in  the  general  assembly.  This  was  the  commencement 
of  his  political  career.  In  the  year  following  he  was  ap- 


SAMUEL  HUNTINGTON.  171 

pointed  to  the  office  of  king's  attorney,  the  duties  of  which 
he  continued  to  discharge,  with  great  fidelity,  for  several 
years.  In  1774,  he  became  an  associate  judge  in  the  supe 
rior  court,  and  soon  after  an  assistant  in  the  council  of  Con 
necticut. 

Mr.  Huntington  was  among  those  who  early  and  strongly 
set  themselves  in  opposition  to  the  claims  and  oppressions  of 
the  British  parliament.  In  his  opinions  on  national  subjects, 
he  was  eminently  independent ;  nor  was  he  backward  in 
expressing  those  opinions,  on  every  suitable  occasion.  His 
talents  and  patriotism  recommended  him  to  public  favour,  and 
in  October,  1775,  he  was  appointed  by  the  general  assembly  of 
Connecticut  to  represent  that  colony  in  the  continental  con 
gress.  In  the  January  following,  in  conjunction  with  his  dis 
tinguished  colleagues,  Roger  Sherman,  Oliver  Wolcott,  &c. 
he  took  his  seat  in  that  venerable  body.  In  the  subsequent 
J|uly  he  voted  in  favour  of  the  declaration  of  independence. 

Of  the  continental  congress,  Mr.  Huntington  continued  a 
member  until  the  year  1781,  when  the  ill  state  of  his  health 
required  the  relinquishment  of  the  arduous  services  in  which 
he  had  been  engaged  for  several  years.  These  services  had 
been  rendered  still  more  onerous  by  an  appointment,  in  1779, 
to  the  presidency  of  the  congress,  in  which  station  he  suc 
ceeded  Mr.  Jay,  on  the  appointment  of  the  latter  as  minister 
plenipotentiary  to  the  court  of  Madrid.  The  honourable  sta 
tion  of  president,  Mr.  Huntington  filled  with  great  dignity 
and  distinguished  ability.  "  In  testimony  of  their  approba 
tion  of  his  conduct  in  the  chair,  and  in  the  execution  of  public 
business,"  congress,  soon  after  his  retirement,  accorded  to 
him  the  expression  of  their  public  thanks. 

Thus  relieved  from  the  toils  which  his  high  official  station 
in  congress  had  imposed  upon  him,  Mr.  Huntington  was  soon 
able  to  resume  his  judicial  functions  in  the  superior  court  of 
Connecticut,  and  his  duties  as  an  assistant  in  the  council  of 
that  state,  both  of  which  oflices  had  been  kept  vacant  during 
his  absence. 

The  public,  however,  were  unwilling  long  to  dispense  with 
his  services  in  the  great  national  assembly.  Accordingly,  io 


172  CONNECTICUT  DELEGATION. 

1782,  he  was  re-elected  a  delegate  to  congress  ;  but  eithei 
feeble  health,  or  his  duties  as  a  judge,  prevented  his  attend 
ance  for  that  year.  He  was  re-appointed  the  following  yeai 
to  the  same  office,  and  in  July  resumed  his  seat  in  congress, 
where  he  continued  a  conspicuous  and  influential  member, 
until  November,  when  he  finally  retired  from  the  national 
assembly. 

Soon  after  his  return  to  his  native  state,  he  was  placed  at 
the  head  of  the  superior  court,  and  the  following  year,  1785, 
was  elected  lieutenant  governor  of  the  state.  The  next  year 
he  succeeded  Governor  Griswold  in  the  office  of  chief  magis 
trate  of  the  state,  and  to  this  office  he  was  annually  re-elected 
during  the  remainder  of  his  life. 

The  death  of  this  excellent  and  distinguished  man  occurred 
on  the  5th  of  January,  1796,  in  the  64th  year  of  his  age. 
His  departure  from  the  world,  as  might  be  expected,  from 
the  even  tenor  of  his  life,  and  from  the  decided  Christian 
character  and  conversation  which  he  had  manifested,  was 
tranquil.  He  had  for  many  years  been  a  professor  of  reli 
gion,  and  a  devoted  attendant  upon  the  ordinances  of  the 
gospel.  His  seat  in  the  house  of  God  was  seldom  vacant, 
and,  when  occasion  required,  he  was  ready  to  lead  in  an  ad 
dress  to  the  throne  of  grace,  and  was  able  to  impart  instruc 
tion  to  the  people,  drawn  from  the  pure  oracles  of  God. 

Such,  in  few  words,  was  the  religious  character  of  Governos 
Huntington.  His  domestic  character  was  not  less  excellent 
To  strangers,  he  might  appear  formal.  He  possessed  a  dig 
nity,  and  a  natural  reserve,  which  repressed  the  advances  of 
all,  except  his  intimate  friends  ;  but  to  these  he  was  ever  ac 
cessible  and  pleasant.  Few  men  ever  possessed  a  greatei 
share  of  mildness  and  equanimity  of  temper.  Sentiments  of 
anger  seem  to  have  found  no  place  in  his  breast ;  nor  was  he 
scarcely  ever  known  to  utter  a  word  which  could  wound  the 
feelings  of  another,  or  asperse  the  good  name  of  an  absent 
person. 

To  show  and  parade,  Mr.  Huntington  was  singularly 
averse.  In  early  life  he  had  acquired  rigid  habits  of  econo 
my,  which  appear  to  have  continued  during  his  life.  Hence, 


SAMUEL    HUNTINGTON.  173 

in  his  domestic  arrangements,  in  his  cliet,  in  his  dress,  his 
simplicity  was  such  as  to  bring  upon  him  the  charge  of  par 
simony.  The  justice  or  injustice  of  this  charge,  we  have  not 
the  means  of  determining  ;  but  the  private  beneficence  of 
Mr.  Huntington  is  so  amply  attested  to,  that  the  charge  of 
parsimony  was  probably  brought  against  him  only  by  the 
profuse. 

Mr.  Huntington  was  not  connected  in  life  untii  the  30th 
year  of  his  age.  At  that  time  he  married  a  daughter  of  Ebe- 
nezer  Devotion,  the  worthy  minister  of  the  town  of  "Wind- 
ham.  Having  no  children,  Mr.  Huntington  adopted  two  of 
the  children  of  his  brother,  the  Reverend  Joseph  Huntington, 
one  of  whom  afterwards  became  governor  of  Ohio  ;  and  the 
other  is  at  present  the  wife  of  the  Reverend  Doctor  Griffin, 
president  of  Williams'  College,  in  Massachusetts.  The  death 
of  Mrs.  Huntington  preceded  that  of  her  husband  about  two 
years. 

On  the  public  character,  or  the  public  services  of  Governor 
Huntington,  it  is  unnecessary  to  enlarge.  It  is  pleasant, 
however,  to  mark  the  progress  of  such  a  man,  from  obscurity 
to  the  exalted  and  dignified  walks  of  life,  and  from  the  hum 
ble  occupation  of  a  plough  boy,  to  the  deep  and  learned  in 
vestigations  of  the  judge,  and  to  the  wise  and  sagacious  plans 
of  the  statesman.  What  was  true  of  Mr.  Huntington,  in  this 
respect,  was  true  of  a  great  proportion  of  that  phalanx  of  pa 
triots  who,  during  the  days  of  our  revolutionary  struggle, 
opposed  themselves  with  success  to  British  exactions  and 
British  oppressions.  They  came  from  humble  life.  They 
rose  by  the  force  of  their  native  genius.  Obstacles  served 
only  to  rouse  their  latent  strength.  They  threw  aside  dis 
couragements,  as  the  skilful  swimmer  dashes  aside  the  wa 
ters  which  impede  his  course. 

Mr.  Huntington  was  one  of  these  men.  He  had  not  the 
advantage  of  family  patronage,  or  the  benefit  of  a  liberal 
education  ;  nor  did  hereditary  wealth  lend  him  her  aid.  But, 
instead  of  these,  he  had  genius,  courage,  and  perseverance. 
With  the  united  assistance  of  these,  he  entered  upon  his  pro 
fessional  course,  and  afterwards,  on  his  political  career.  He 
15* 


174  CONNECTICUT  DELEGATION. 

rendered  services  to  his  country,  which  will  long  be  remem 
bered  with  gratitude  ;  he  attained  to  honours  with  which  a 
high  ambition  might  have  been  satisfied  ;  and,  at  length,  went 
down  to  the  grave,  cheered  with  the  prospect  of  a  happy  im 
mortality. 


WILLIAM  WILLIAMS. 

THE  family  of  WILLIAM  WILLIAMS  is  said  to  have  been 
originally  from  Wales.  A  branch  of  it  came  to  America  in 
the  year  1630,  and  settled  in  Roxbury,  Massachusetts.  His 
grandfather,  who  bore  the  same  name,  was  the  minister  of 
Hatfield,  Massachusetts  ;  and  his  father,  Solomon  Williams, 
D.  D.  was  the  minister  of  a  parish  in  Lebanon,  Avhere  he  was 
settled  fifty-four  years.  Solomon  Williams,  the  father,  mar 
ried  a  daughter  of  Colonel  Porter,  of  Hadley,  by  whom  he 
had  five  sons  and  three  daughters.  The  sons  were  all  libe 
rally  educated.  Of  these,  Eliphalet  was  settled,  as  a  minister 
of  the  gospel,  in  East-Hartford,  where  he  continued  to  offi 
ciate  for  about  half  a  century.  Ezekiel  was  sheriff  of  the 
county  of  Hartford  for  more  than  thirty  years;  he  died  a 
few  years  since  at  Wethersfield,  leaving  behind  him  a  cha 
racter  distinguished  for  energy  and  enterprise,  liberality  and 
benevolence. 

William  Williams,  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  w?p  borr»  in 
Lebanon,  Connecticut,  on  the  eighth  of  Apri1,  1731.  A.t  the 
age  of  sixteen,  he  entered  Harvard  college.  During  his  col 
legiate  course,  he  was  distinguished  for  a  diligent  attention, 
and,  at  the  proper  period,  was  honourably  graduated.  From 
the  university  he  returned  home,  and,  for  a  considerable  time, 
devoted  himself  to  theological  studies,  under  the  direction  of 
his  father. 

In  September,  1755,  was  fought,  at  the  head  of  Lake 
George,  a  celebrated  battle  between  the  provincial  troops, 


WILLIAM  WILLIAMS.  175 

under  command  of  major  general,  afterwards  Sir  William 
Johnson,  aided  by  a  body  of  indians  led  by  the  celebrated 
Hendrick,  and  a  body  of  French  Canadians  and  indians,  com 
manded  by  Monsieur  le  Baron  de  Dieskau.  At  this  time,  Co 
lonel  Epliraim  Williams  commanded  a  regiment  of  provincial 
troops,  raised  by  Massachusetts,  with  which  he  was  engaged 
in  the  above  battle.  William  Williams,  the  subject  of  our 
memoir,  belonged  to  his  staff. 

Colonel  Williams  was  an  officer  of  great  merit.  He  was 
much  beloved  by  his  soldiers,  and  highly  respected  by  the 
people  of  Massachusetts,  in  the  place  where  he  resided. 
Williams'  college  owes  its  existence  to  him.  As  he  was  pro 
ceeding  through  Albany,  to  the  head  of  Lake  George,  he 
made  his  will  in  that  city.  In  this  instrument,  after  giving 
certain  legacies  to  his  connexions,  he  directed  that  the  remain 
der  of  his  land  should  be  sold  at  the  discretion  of  his  execu 
tors,  within  five  years  after  an  established  peace,  and  that  the 
interest  of  the  monies  arising  from  the  sale,  together  with 
some  other  property,  should  be  applied  to  the  support  of  a 
free  school,  in  some  township  in  the  western  part  of  Massa 
chusetts.  This  was  the  origin  of  Williams'  college.  Both 
the  college,  and  the  town  in  which  it  is  situated,  were  named 
after  their  distinguished  benefactor. 

Previous  to  the  battle  of  Lake  George,  Colonel  Williams 
was  despatched  with  a  party  of  twelve  hundred  men,  to  ob 
serve  the  motions  of  the  French  and  Indian  army,  under  BL- 
ron  Dieskau.  He  met  the  enemy  at  Rocky  Brook,  four  miles 
from  Lake  George.  A  tremendous  battle  now  ensued.  The 
English  soldiers  fought  with  great  courage,  but  at  length 
they  were  overpowered,  and  obliged  to  retreat.  During  the 
contest,  Colonel  Williams  was  shot  through  the  head  by  an 
Indian,  and  killed.  The  command  of  the  detachment  now 
devolved  upon  Colonel  Whiting,  of  New-Haven,  who  succeed 
ed  in  joining  Sir  William  Johnson,  with  the  force  which  had 
escaped  the  power  of  the  enemy.  The  issue  of  this  day  is 
well  known.  The  French  army  was  finally  repulsed,  and  the 
Baron  Dieskau  was  both  wounded  and  taken  prisoner. 

Soon  after  the  death  of  Colonel  Williams,  the  subject  of 


176  CONNECTICUT  DELEGATION. 

this  memoir,  returned  to  Lebanon,  where  he  resolved  to  fix 
his  permanent  residence.  In  1750,  at  the  age  of  twenty-five 
years,  he  was  chosen  clerk  of  the  town  of  Lebanon,  an  office 
which  he  continued  to  hold  for  the  space  of  forty-five  years. 
About  the  same  time,  he  was  appointed  to  represent  the  town 
in  the  general  assembly  of  Connecticut.  In  this  latter  capa 
city,  he  served  a  long  succession  of  years,  during  which  he 
was  often  chosen  clerk  of  the  house,  and  not  unfrequently 
filled,  and  always  with  dignity  and  reputation,  the  speaker's 
chair.  In  1780,  he  was  transferred  to  the  upper  house,  being 
elected  an  assistant ;  an  office  to  which  he  was  annually  re- 
elected  for  twenty-four  years.  It  was  recorded  of  him,  what 
can  probably  be  recorded  of  few,  and  perhaps  of  no  other  man, 
that  for  more  than  ninety  sessions,  lie  was  scarcely  absent 
from  his  seat  in  the  legislature,  excepting  when  he  was  a 
member  of  the  continental  congress,  in  177G  and  1777. 

During  the  years  last  mentioned,  he  was  a  member  of  the 
national  council;  and  in  the  deliberations  of  that  body  OOA  a 
part,  during  the  memorable  period,  when  the  charter  of  our 
independence  received  the  final  approbation  of  congress. 

At  an  early  period  of  the  revolution,  he  embarked  with 
great  zeal  in  the  cause  of  his  country.  During  the  campaign 
of  1755,  while  at  the  north,  he  had  learned  a  lesson,  which  he 
did  not  forget.  lie  was  at  that  time  disgusted  with  the 
British  commanders,  on  account  of  the  haughtiness  of  their 
conduct,  and  the  little  attachment  which  they  manifested  for 
his  native  country.  The  impression  was  powerful  and  last 
ing.  At  that  time  he  adopted  the  opinion,  that  America  would 
see  no  days  of  prosperity  and  peace,  so  long  as  British  officers 
should  manage  her  affairs.  On  the  arrival  of  the  day,  there 
fore,  when  the  revolutionary  struggle  commenced,  and  a 
chance  was  presented  of  release  from  the  British  yoke,  Mr. 
Williams  was  ready  to  engage  with  ardour,  in  bringing  about 
this  happy  state  of  things.  He  had  for  several  years  been  in 
terested  in  mercantile  pursuits.  These  he  now  relinquished, 
that  he  might  devote  himself  to  the  cause  of  his  country.  He 
powerfully  contributed  to  awaken  public  feeling,  by  several 
essays  on  political  subjects  and  when  an  occasion  called  him 


WILLIAM  WILLIAMS.  177 

to  speak  in  public,  his  patriotic  zeal  and  independent  spirit 
were  manifested,  in  a  powerful  and  impressive  eloquence. 

Nor  was  Mr.  Williams  one  of  those  patriots  with  whom 
words  are  all.  He  was  ready  to  make  sacrifices,  whenever 
occasion  required.  An  instance  of  his  public  spirit  is  recorded, 
in  the  early  part  of  the  revolution.  At  this  time  the  paper 
money  of  the  country  was  of  so  little  value,  that  military  ser 
vices  could  not  be  procured  for  it.  Mr.  Williams,  with  great 
liberality,  exchanged  more  than  two  thousand  dollars  in 
specie,  for  this  paper,  for  the  benefit  of  his  country.  In  the 
issue,  he  lost  the  whole  sum. 

A  similar  spirit  of  liberality  marked  his  dealings,  in  the 
settlement  of  his  affairs,  on  the  eve  and  during  the  course  of 
the  revolution.  He  was  peculiarly  kind  to  debtors  impover 
ished  by  the  war  ;  and  from  the  widow  and  the  fatherless, 
made  so  by  the  struggle  for  freedom,  he  seldom  made  any 
exactions,  even  though  he  himself  suffered  by  his  kindness. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  war,  it  is  well  known,  there 
was  little  provision  made  for  the  support  of  an  army.  There 
were  no  public  stores,  no  arsenals  filled  with  warlike  instru 
ments,  and  no  clothing  prepared  for  the  soldiers.  For  many 
articles  of  the  first  necessity,  resort  was  had  to  private  contri 
butions.  The  selectmen  in  many  of  the  towns  of  Connecti 
cut  volunteered  their  services,  to  obtain  articles  for  the  neces 
sary  outfit  of  new  recruits,  for  the  maintenance  of  the  families 
of  indigent  soldiers,  and  to  furnish  supplies  even  for  the 
army  itself. 

Mr.  Williams  was,  at  this  time,  one  of  the  selectmen  of  the 
town  of  Lebanon,  an  office  which  he  continued  to  hold 
during  the  whole  revolutionary  war.  No  man  was  better 
fitted  for  such  a  station,  and  none  could  have  manifested  more 
unwearied  zeal  than  he  did,  in  soliciting  the  benefactions 
of  private  families  for  the  above  objects.  Such  was  his  suc 
cess,  that  he  forwarded  to  the  army  more  than  one  thousand 
blankets.  In  many  instances,  families  parted  with  their  last 
blanket,  for  the  use  of  the  soldiers  in  the  camp  ;  and  bullets 
were  made  from  the  lead  taken  from  the  weights  of  clocks. 
Such  was  the  patriotism  of  the  fathers  and  mothers  of  the 
Z 


178  CONNECTICUT  DELEGATION. 

land,  in  those  days  of  trial.  There  were  no  comforts,  which 
they  could  not  cheerfully  forego,  and  no  sacrifices  which 
they  did  not  joyfully  make,  that  the  blessings  of  freedom 
might  be  theirs,  and  might  descend  to  their  posterity. 

In  confirmation  of  the  above  evidence  of  the  firmness  and 
patriotism  of  Mr.  Williams,  the  following  anecdote  may  be 
added.  Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1776,  the  military 
affairs  of  the  colonies  wore  a  gloomy  aspect,  and  strong 
fears  began  to  prevail  that  the  contest  would  go  against 
them.  In  this  dubious  state  of  things,  the  council  of  safety 
for  Connecticut  was  called  to  sit  at  Lebanon.  Two  of  the 
members  of  this  council,  William  Ilillhouse  and  Benjamin 
Huntington,  quartered  with  Mr.  Williams. 

One  evening,  the  conversation  turned  upon  the  gloomy 
state  of  the  country,  and  the  probability  that,  after  all,  success 
would  crown  the  British  arms.  "  Well,"  said  Mr.  Williams, 
with  great  calmness,  "if  they  succeed,  it  is  pretty  evident 
what  will  be  my  fate.  I  have  done  much  to  prosecute  the 
contest,  and  one  thing  I  have  done,  which  the  British  will 
never  pardon — I  have  signed  the  Declaration  of  Indepen 
dence.  I  shall  be  hung"  Mr.  Hillhouse  expressed  his 
hope,  that  America  would  yet  be  successful,  and  his  confi 
dence  that  this  would  be  her  happy  fortune.  Mr.  Hunting- 
ton  observed,  that  in  case  of  ill  success,  he  should  be  exempt 
from  the  gallows,  as  his  signature  was  not  attached  to  the 
declaration  of  independence,  nor  had  he  written  any  thing 
against  the  British  government.  To  this  Mr.  Williams  re 
plied,  his  eye  kindling  as  he  spoke,  "  Then,  sir,  you  deserve 
to  be  hanged,  for  not  having  done  your  duty." 

At  the  age  of  41,  he  became  settled  in  domestic  life,  having 
connected  himself  with  the  daughter  of  Jonathan  Trumbull, 
at  that  time  governor  of  the  state.  His  lady,  it  is  believed, 
is  still  living.  Three  children  were  the  offspring  of  this 
marriage.  Of  these  children,  Solomon,  the  eldest,  died  in 
New-York,  in  1810,  a.  man  greatly  beloved  by  all  who  had  the 
pleasure  to  know  him.  The  only  daughter  is  respectably 
connected  in  Woodstock,  and  tLe  remaining  son  resides  in 
Lebanon. 


OLIVER    WOLCOTT.  179 

The  demise  of  his  eldest  son  was  a  great  affliction  to  the 
aged  and  infirm  father.  The  intelligence  produced  a  shock 
from  which  he  never  recovered.  From  this  time,  he  gradu 
ally  declined.  Four  days  before  his  death,  he  lost  the  power 
of  utterance,  nor  was  it  expected  that  he  would  again  speak 
on  this  side  the  grave.  A  short  time,  however,  previously  to 
his  death,  he  called  aloud  for  his  deceased  son,  and  requested 
him  to  attend  his  dying  parent.  In  a  few  moments  he  closed 
his  life.  This  event  occurred  on  the  *2d  day  of  August,  1811, 
in  the  81st  year  of  his  age. 

To  this  biographical  sketch  of  Mr.  Williams,  we  have 
only  to  add  a  word,  respecting  his  character  as  a  Christian. 
He  made  a  profession  of  religion  at  an  early  age,  and  through 
the  long  course  of  his  life,  he  was  distinguished  for  a  humble 
and  consistent  conduct  and  conversation.  While  yet  almost 
a  youth,  he  was  elected  to  the  office  of  deacon,  in  the  congre 
gational  church  to  which  he  belonged,  an  office  which  he  re 
tained  during  the  remainder  of  his  life.  His  latter  days  were 
chiefly  devoted  to  reading,  meditation,  and  prayer.  At  length 
the  hour  arrived,  when  God  would  take  him  to  himself.  He 
gave  up  the  ghost,  in  a  good  old  age,  and  was  gathered  to 
his  fathers. 


OLIVER  WOLCOTT. 

FEW  families  have  been  more  distinguished  in  the  annals 
of  Connecticut,  than  the  Wolcott  family.  The  ancestor  of 
this  family  was  Henry  Wolcott,  an  English  gentleman  of 
considerable  fortune,  who  was  born  in  the  year  1578.  Dur 
ing  the  progress  of  the  Independents  in  England,  he  em 
braced  the  principles  of  that  sect,  and  hence  becoming  ob 
noxious  to  the  British  government,  he  found  it  expedient  to 
emigrate  to  America.  His  emigration,  with  his  family,  took 


180  CONNECTICUT  DELEGATION. 

place  in  1630.     They  settled  for  a  time  at  Dorchester,  in 
Massachusetts. 

Mr.  Wolcott  is  represented  to  have  been  a  man  of  talents 
and  enterprise.  Possessing  an  ample  fortune,  he  associated 
himself  with  John  Mason,  Roger  Ludlow,  Mr.  Stoughton,  and 
Mr.  Newberry,  who  were  also  men  of  wealth,  in  the  settle 
ment  of  Windsor,  in  Connecticut.  About  the  same  time,  as 
is  well  known,  settlements  were  made  at  Hartford  and 
Mrethersneld. 

In  1639,  the  first  general  assembly  of  Connecticut  was 
holden  at  Hartford.  It  was  composed  of  delegates  from  the 
above  towns.  Among  these  delegates  was  Henry  Wolcott. 
Since  that  date,  down  to  the  present  time,  some  of  the  mem 
bers  of  this  distinguished  family  have  been  concerned  in  the 
civil  government  of  the  state. 

Simon  Wolcott  was  the  youngest  son  of  Henry  Wolcott. 
Roger  Wolcott,  who  is  distinguished  both  in  the  civil  and 
military  annals  of  the  state,  was  the  youngest  son  of  Simon 
Wolcott.  Oliver  Wolcott,  the  subject  of  the  present  me 
moir,  was  the  youngest  son  of  Roger  Wolcott.  He  was 
born  in  the  year  1726,  and  graduated  at  Yale  College  in  1747. 
In  this  latter  year  he  received  a  commission  as  captain  in 
the  army,  in  the  French  war.  At  the  head  of  a  company, 
which  was  raised  by  his  own  exertions,  he  proceeded  to  the 
defence  of  the  northern  frontiers,  where  he  continued  until 
the  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle. 

At  this  time  he  returned  to  Connecticut,  and  commenced 
the  study  of  medicine.  He,  however,  never  entered  into  the 
practice  of  the  profession,  in  consequence  of  receiving  the 
appointment  of  sheriff  of  the  county  of  Litchfield,  which 
was  organized  about  the  year  1751. 

In  1774  he  was  appointed  an  assistant  in  the  council  of  the 
state.  This  may  be  considered  as  the  commencement  of  his 
political  career.  To  the  office  of  assistant,  he  continued  to 
be  annually  re-elected  till  1786.  In  the  interval,  he  was  for 
some  time  chief  judge  of  the  court  of  common  pleas  for  the 
county,  and  judge  of  the  court  of  probate  for  the  district  of 
Litchfield 


OLIVER    WOLCOTT.  181 

In  the  revolutionary  contest,  Mr.  Wolcott  was  one  of  the 
strong  pillars  of  the  American  cause.  He  inherited  much  of 
the  independent  feeling  of  the  ancestor  of  the  family,  of 
whom  we  have  spoken  in  the  commencement  of  this  me 
moir.  In  1776,  he  was  summoned  by  his  native  state  to  re 
present  it  in  the  national  congress  in  Philadelphia.  He  had 
the  honour  of  participating  in  the  deliberations  of  that  body, 
on  the  declaration  of  independence,  and  of  recording  his 
vote  in  favour  of  its  adoption. 

Immediately  after  the  adoption  of  that  instrument,  he  re 
turned  to  Connecticut,  and  was  now  invested  with  the  com 
mand  of  fourteen  regiments  of  the  state  militia,  which  were 
raised  for  the  defence  of  New- York.  In  November,  he  re 
sumed  his  seat  in  congress,  and  on  the  adjournment  of  that 
body  to  Baltimore,  he  accompanied  them,  and  there  spent 
the  winter  of  1777.  In  the  ensuing  summer,  he  was  engaged 
in  several  military  movements ;  after  which,  he  joined  the 
northern  army,  under  General  Gates,  with  a  corps  of  several 
hundred  volunteers,  and  assisted  in  the  memorable  defeat  of 
the  British  army  under  General  Burgoyne.  From  this  period, 
until  1786,  he  was  either  in  attendance  upon  congress,  in  the 
field  in  defence  of  his  country,  or,  as  a  commissioner  of  indian 
affairs  for  the  northern  department,  he  was  assisting  in 
settling  the  terms  of  peace  with  the  six  nations.  In  1786  he 
was  elected  lieutenant  governor,  an  office  to  which  he  was 
annually  elected  for  ten  years,  when  he  was  raised  to  the 
chief  magistracy  of  the  state.  This  latter  office,  however, 
he  enjoyed  but  a  little  time,  death  putting  an  end  to  his  active 
and  laborious  life,  on  the  first  of  December,  1797,  in  the  72d 
year  of  his  age. 

The  life  of  Mr.  Wolcott  was  extended  beyond  the  common 
age  of  man,  but  it  was  well  filled  with  honourable  services 
for  his  country.  He  merited  and  received  the  confidence  of 
his  fellow  citizens.  In  his  person,  he  was  tall,  and  had  the 
appearance  of  great  muscular  strength.  His  manners  were 
dignified.  He  had  great  resolution  of  character,  and  might 
be  said  to  be  tenacious  of  his  own  opinions;  yet  he  could 
surrender  them,  in  view  of  evidence,  and  was  ready  to  alter 

16 


182  CONNECTICUT  DELEGATION. 

a  course  which  he  had  prescribed  for  himself,  when  duty  and 
propriety  seemed  to  require  it. 

In  1755,  he  was  married  to  a  Miss  Collins,  of  Guilford, 
with  whom  he  enjoyed  great  domestic  felicity,  for  the  space 
of  forty  years.  Few  women  were  better  qualified  for  the 
discharge  of  domestic  duties,  than  was  Mrs.  Wolcott.  During 
the  long  absence  of  her  husband,  she  superintended  the  edu 
cation  of  her  children,  and  by  her  prudence  and  frugality  ad 
ministered  to  the  necessities  of  her  family,  and  rendered  her 
house  the  seat  of  comfort  and  hospitality. 

Mr.  Wolcott  never  pursued  any  of  the  learned  professions, 
yet  his  reading  was  various  and  extensive.  He  cultivated  an 
acquaintance  with  the  sciences,  through  the  works  of  some 
of  the  most  learned  men  of  Europe,  and  was  intimately  ac 
quainted  with  history,  both  ancient  and  modern.  He  has 
the  reputation,  and  it  is  believed  justly,  of  having  been  an 
accomplished  scholar. 

Mr.  Wolcott  was  also  distinguished  for  his  love  of  order 
and  religion.  In  his  last  sickness  he  expressed,  according  to 
Dr.  Backus,  who  preached  his  funeral  sermon,  a  deep  sense 
of  his  personal  unworthiness  and  guilt.  For  several  days 
before  his  departure,  every  breath  seemed  to  bring  with  it  a 
prayer.  At  length,  he  fell  asleep.  He  was  an  old  man,  and 
full  of  years,  and  went  to  his  grave  distinguished  for  a  long- 
series  of  services  rendered  both  to  his  state  and  nation.  The 
memory  of  his  personal  worth,  of  his  patriotism,  his  in 
tegrity,  his  Christian  walk  and  conversation,  will  go  down  tu 
generations  yet  unborn. 


THE 


JTEW-YORK  DELEGATION- 


FLOYD, 
PHILIP  LIVINGSTON, 
FRANCIS  LEWIS, 
LEWIS  MORRIS, 
HENRY  MISNER.* 


WILLIAM  FLOYD. 

WILLIAM  FLOYD,  who  was  the  first  delegate  from  New- 
York  that  signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  was  born 
on  Long  Island,  on  the  17th  of  December,  1734.  His  father 
was  Nicoll  Floyd,  an  opulent  and  respectable  landholder, 
whose  ancestors  came  to  America  from  Wales,  about  the 
year  1680,  and  settled  on  Long  Island.  The  father  of  Wil 
liam  died  while  his  son  was  young,  and  left  him  heir  to  a 
large  estate. 

The  early  education  of  young  Floyd,  by  no  means  corres 
ponded  to  the  wealth  and  ability  of  his  father.  His  studies 
were  limited  to  a  few  of  the  useful  branches  of  knowledge, 
and  these  were  left  unfinished,  in  consequence  of  the  death 
of  that  gentleman.  The  native  powers  of  Floyd  were,  how 
ever,  respectable,  and  his  house  being  the  resort  of  an  exten 

*  This  gentleman  was  present  when  congress  expressed  their  approbation 
of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  voted  in  favour  of  it.  But,  before 
the  engrossed  copy  was  signed  by  Mic  several  members,  Mr.  Misncr  left 
congress,  and  thus  failed  of  aflixing  his  name  to  this  memorable  instrument. 


184  NEW-YORK    DELEGATION. 

sive  circle  of  connexions  and  acquaintance,  which  included 
many  intelligent  and  distinguished  families,  his  mind,  by  the 
intercourse  which  he  thus  enjoyed  with  those  who  were  en 
lightened  and  improved,  became  stored  with  rich  and  varied 
knowledge.  His  wealth  enabled  him  to  practice  a  generous 
hospitality,  and  few  enjoyed  the  society  of  friends  with  more 
pleasure. 

At  an  early  period  in  the  controversy  between  Great  Bri 
tain  and  the  colonies,  the  feelings  of  Mr.  Floyd  were  strongly 
enlisted  in  the  cause  of  the  latter.  He  was  a  friend  to  the 
people  ;  and,  with  zeal  and  ardour,  entered  into  every  mea 
sure  which  seemed  calculated  to  ensure  to  them  their  just 
rights.  These  sentiments  on  his  part  excited  a  reciprocal 
confidence  on  the  part  of  the  people,  and  led  to  his  appoint 
ment  as  a  delegate  from  New-York  to  the  first  continental 
congress,  which  met  in  Philadelphia  on  the  fifth  of  Septem 
ber,  1774.  In  the  measures  adopted  by  that  body,  so  justly 
eulogized  by  the  advocates  of  freedom,  from  that  day  to  the 
present,  Mr.  Floyd  most  heartily  concurred. 

In  the  following  year,  he  was  again  elected  a  delegate  to 
congress,  and  continued  a  member  of  that  body  until  after  the 
Declaration  of  American  Independence.  On  that  occasion, 
he  assisted  in  dissolving  the  political  bonds  which  had  united 
the  colonies  to  the  British  government ;  and  in  consequence 
of  which,  they  had  suffered  numberless  oppressions  for  years. 
Into  other  measures  of  congress,  Mr.  Floyd  entered  with 
zeal.  He  served  on  numerous  important  committees,  and 
by  his  fidelity  rendered  essential  service  to  the  patriotic 
cause. 

It  was  the  lot  of  not  a  few,  while  thus  devoted  to  the  pub 
lic  good,  to  experience  the  destructive  effects  of  the  war 
upon  their  property,  or  the  serious  inconveniences  arising 
from  it  in  relation  to  their  families.  In  both  these  respects 
Mr.  Floyd  suffered  severely.  While  at  Philadelphia,  attend 
ing  upon  congress,  the  American  troops  evacuated  Long 
Island,  which  was  taken  possession  of  by  the  British  army. 
On  this  latter  event,  the  family  of  Mr.  Floyd  were  obliged  to 
flee  for  safety  to  Connecticut.  His  house  was  occupied  by  a 


WILLIAM    FLOYD.  185 

company  of  horsemen,  which  made  it  the  place  of  their  ren 
dezvous  during  the  remainder  of  the  war.  Thus,  for  nearly 
seven  years,  Mr.  Floyd  and  his  family  were  refugees  from 
their  habitation,  nor  did  he,  during  this  long  perod,  derive 
any  benefit  from  his  landed  estate. 

In  the  year  1777,  General  Floyd  (we  give  him  this  military 
appellation,  from  the  circumstance  of  his  having  some  time 
before  been  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  militia  on 
Long  Island)  was  appointed  a  senator  of  the  state  of  New- 
York,  under  the  new  constitution.  In  this  body,  he  assisted 
to  organize  the  government,  and  to  accommodate  the  code 
of  laws  to  the  changes  which  had  recently  been  effected  in 
the  political  condition  of  the  state. 

In  October,  1778,  he  was  again  elected  to  represent  the 
state  of  New-York  in  the  continental  congress.  From  this 
time,  until  the  expiration  of  the  first  congress,  under  the 
federal  constitution,  General  Floyd  was  either  a  member  of 
the  national  assembly,  or  a  member  of  the  senate  of  New- 
York.  In  this  latter  body,  he  maintained  a  distinguished 
rank,  and  was  often  called  to  preside  over  its  deliberations, 
when  the  lieutenant  governor  left  the  chair. 

In  1784,  he  purchased  an  uninhabited  tract  of  land  upon 
the  Mohawk  River  To  the  clearing  and  subduing  of  this 
tract,  he  devoted  the  leisure  of  several  successive  summers. 
Under  his  skilful  management,  and  persevering  labours,  a 
considerable  portion  of  the  tract  was  converted  into  a  well 
cultivated  farm  ;  arid  hither,  in  1803,  he  removed  his  resi 
dence.  Although,  at  this  time,  he  was  advanced  in  life,  his 
bodily  strength  and  activity  were  much  greater  than  often 
pertain  to  men  of  fewer  years.  He  enjoyed  unusual  health, 
until  a  year  or  two  before  his  death.  The  faculties  of  his 
mind  continued  unimpaired  to  the  last.  A  little  previous  to 
nis  death,  he  appeared  to  be  affected  with  a  general  debility, 
which  continuing  to  increase,  the  lamp  of  life  was  at  length 
extinguished.  This  event  occurred  on  the  4th  of  August, 
1821,  ana  when  he  had  attained  to  the  extraordinary  age  of 
eighty-seven  years. 

In  his  person,  General  Floyd  was  of  a  middle  stature.  He 
2  A  16* 


186  NEW-YORK  DELEGATION. 

possessed  a  natural  dignity,  which  seldom  failed  to  impress 
those  into  whose  company  he  was  thrown.  He  appeared  to 
enjoy  the  pleasures  of  private  life,  yet  in  his  manners  he  was 
less  familiar,  and  in  his  disposition  less  affable,  than  most 
men.  Few  men,  however,  were  more  respected.  He  was 
eminently  a  practical  man.  The  projects  to  which  he  gave 
his  sanction,  or  which  he  attempted,  were  those  which  judg 
ment  could  approve.  When  his  purposes  were  once  formed, 
he  seldom  found  reason  to  alter  them.  His  firmness  and  re 
solution  were  not  often  equalled. 

In  his  political  character,  there  was  much  to  admire.  He 
was  uniform  and  independent.  He  manifested  great  candour 
and  sincerity  towards  those  from  whom  he  happened  to  dif 
fer  ;  and  such  was  his  well  known  integrity,  that  his  motives 
were  rarely,  if  ever,  impeached.  He  seldom  took  part  in  the 
public  discussion  of  a  subject,  nor  was  he  dependent  upon 
others  for  the  opinions  which  he  adopted.  His  views  were 
his  own,  and  his  opinions  the  result  of  reason  and  reflection. 
If  the  public  estimation  of  a  man  be  a  just  criterion  by  which 
to  judge  of  him,  General  Floyd  was  excelled  by  few  of  his 
contemporaries,  since,  for  more  than  fifty  years  he  was  ho 
noured  with  offices  of  trust  and  responsibility  by  his  fellow 
citizens. 


PHILIP   LIVINGSTON. 

PHILIP  LIVINGSTON  was  born  at  Albany,  on  the  fifteenth 
of  January,  1716.  His  ancestors  were  highly  respectable,  and 
for  several  generations  the  family  have  held  a  distinguished 
rank  in  New-York.  His  great  grandfather,  John  Livingston, 
was  a  divine  of  some  celebrity  in  the  church  of  Scotland, 
from  which  country  he  removed  to  Rotterdam  in  the  year 
1663.  In  1772,  or  about  that  time,  his  son  Robert  emigrated 
to  America,  and  settled  in  the  colony  of  New-York,  He  was 


PHILIP  LIVINGSTON.  187 

fortunate  in  obtaining  a  grant  of  a  tract  of  land  in  that  colo 
ny,  delightfully  situated  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson.  This 
tract,  since  known  as  the  Manor  of  Livingston,  has  been  in 
possession  of  the  family  from  that  time  to  the  present. 

Robert  Livingston  had  three  sons,  Philip,  Robert,  and 
Gilbert.  The  first  named  of  these,  being  the  eldest,  inherit 
ed  the  manor.  The  fourth  son  of  this  latter  is  the  subject  of 
the  present  memoir. 

The  settlement  of  New-York,  it  is  well  known,  was  com 
menced  by  the  Dutch.  For  many  years  scarcely  any  atten 
tion  was  paid  by  them  to  the  subject  of  education.  They 
had  few  schools,  few  academies,  and,  until  the  year  1754,  no 
college  in  the  territory.  Such  gentlemen  as  gave  their  sons 
a  liberal  education,  sent  them  either  to  New-England,  or  to 
some  foreign  university.  But  the  number  of  liberally  edu 
cated  men  was  extremely  small.  As  late  as  1746,  their  num 
ber  did  not  exceed  fifteen  in  the  whole  colony.  The  subject 
of  this  memoir,  and  his  three  brothers,  were  included  in  the 
number.  The  author  is  ignorant  where  the  brothers  of  Mr. 
Livingston  received  their  education,  but  he  was  himself  gra 
duated  at  Yale  College,  1737. 

Soon  after  leaving  college  he  settled  in  the  city  ot  New- 
York,  where  he  became  extensively  engaged  in  commercial 
operations.  Mercantile  life  was,  at  this  time,  the  fashionable 
purs  ait.  Mr.  Livingston  followed  it  with  great  ardour  ;  and, 
having  the  advantage  of  an  excellent  education,  and  being 
distinguished  for  a  more  than  ordinary  share  of  integrity  and 
sagacity,  he  was  prosperous  in  an  eminent  degree. 

In  1754,  he  was  elected  an  alderman  in  the  city  of  New- 
York.  This  was  his  first  appearance  in  public  life.  The 
office  was  important  and  respectable.  The  population  of 
the  city  was  ten  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eighty-one 
souls.  Mr.  Livingston  continued  to  be  elected  to  this  office 
for  nine  successive  years,  by  his  fellow  citizens,  to  whom  he 
gave  great  satisfaction,  by  his  faithful  attention  to  their  in 
terests. 

In  1759,  Mr.  Livingston  was  returned  a  member  from  the 
of  New-York  to  the  general  assembly  of  the  colony, 


188  NEW-YORK    DELEGATION. 

which  was  convened  on  the-  thirty-first  of  January  of  that 
year.  This  body  consisted  of  twenty-seven  members,  repre 
senting  a  population  of  about  one  hundred  thousand  inhabit 
ants,  the  number  which  the  colony  at  that  time  confined. 

At  this  period,  Great  Britain  was  engaged  in  a  war  with 
France.  A  plan  had  been  formed  for  the  reduction  of  Cana 
da  by  the  United  Colonies.  For  this  object,  it  was  proposed 
to  raise  twenty  thousand  men.  The  quota  of  New-York  was 
two  thousand  six  hundred  and  eighty.  This  number  the 
general  assembly  directed  to  be  raised,  and  appropriated  one 
hundred  thousand  pounds  for  the  support  of  the  troops,  and 
ordered  an  advance  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  pounds 
to  the  British  commissariat,  for  the  general  objects  of  the 
expedition.  Similar  measures  were  adopted  by  the  other 
colonies,  which,  together  with  the  assistance  of  the  mother 
country,  led  to  the  capture  of  several  important  posts  in  Ca 
nada  ;  and,  in  the  following  year,  to  the  subjugation  of  the 
whole  territory  to  the  British  power. 

In  this  assembly,  Mr.  Livingston  acted  a  distinguished 
part.  His  talents  and  education  gave  him  influence,  which 
was  powerfully  exerted  in  promoting  the  above  important 
measures.  He  als«»  suggested  several  plans,  which  were  cal 
culated  to  improve  the  condition  of  the  colony,  particularly 
in  relation  to  agriculture  and  commerce.  He  was  deeply 
impressed  with  the  importance  of  giving  to  the  productions 
of  the  country  a  high  character  in  the  markets  abroad,  and 
of  increasing  the  facilities  of  communication  with  other  coun 
tries.  In  respect  to  these  and  other  subjects,  he  possessed  a 
well  informed  mind,  and  was  desirous  of  pursuing  a  most  libe 
ral  policy. 

Previous  to  the  revolution,  it  was  usual  for  the  respective 
colonies  to  have  an  agent  in  England,  to  manage  their  indi 
vidual  concerns  with  the  British  government.  This  agent 
was  appointed  by  the  popular  branch  of  the  colonial  assem 
blies.  In  1770,  the  agent  of  the  colony  of  New-York  dying, 
the  celebrated  Edmund  Burke  was  chosen  in  his  stead.  Be 
tween  this  gentleman  and  a  committee  of  the  colonial  as 
sembly,  a  correspondence  was  maintained.  As  the  agent 


PHILIP  LIVINGSTON.  189 

of  the  colony,  he  received  a  salary  of  five  hundred  pounds. 
He  represented  the  colony  in  England,  and  advocated  her 
rights.  Hence  the  office  was  one  of  great  importance.  Not 
less  important  were  the  duties  of  the  committee  of  correspon 
dence.  Upon  their  representations,  the  agent  depended  for 
a  knowledge  of  the  state  of  the  colony.  Of  this  committee 
Mr.  Livingston  was  a  member.  From  his  communications, 
and  those  of  his  colleagues,  Mr.  Burke  doubtless  obtained 
that  information  of  the  state  of  the  colonies,  which  he  some 
times  brought  forward,  to  the  perfect  surprise  of  the  house 
of  commons,  and  upon  which  he  often  founded  arguments, 
and  proposed  measures,  which  were  not  to  be  resisted. 

The  patriotic  character  and  sentiments  of  Mr.  Livingston, 
led  him  to  regard,  with  great  jealousy,  the  power  of  the  Bri 
tish  government  over  the  colonies.  With  other  patriots,  he 
was  probably  willing  to  submit  to  the  authority  of  the  mother 
country,  while  that  authority  was  confined  to  such  acts  asrea 
son  and  justice  approved.  But,  when  the  British  ministers 
began  to  evince  a  disposition  to  oppress  the  colonies,  by  way 
of  humbling  them,  no  man  manifested  a  stronger  opposition 
than  Mr.  Livingston.  His  sentiments  on  this  subject  may  be 
gathered  from  an  answer,  which  he  reported  in  1764,  to  the 
speech  of  Lieutenant  Governor  Golden.  In  the  extract  we 
give,  may  be  seen  the  very  spirit  of  the  revolution,  which  led 
to  American  independence. 

"  But  nothing  can  add  to  the  pleasure  we  receive  from  the 
information  your  honour  gives  us,  that  his  majesty,  our  most 
gracious  sovereign,  distinguishes  and  approves  our  conduct. 
When  his  service  requires  it,  we  shall  ever  be  ready  to  exert  our 
selves  with  loyalty,  fidelity,  and  zeal ;  and  as  we  have  always 
complied,  in  the  most  dutiful  manner,  with  every  requisi 
tion  made  by  his  directions,  we,  with  all  humility,  hope  tha 
his  majesty,  who,  and  whose  ancestors,  have  long  been  the 
guardians  of  British  liberty,  will  so  protect  us  in  our  rights, 
as  to  prevent  our  falling  into  the  abject  state  of  being  forever 
hereafter  incapable  of  doing  what  can  merit  either  his  distinc 
tion  or  approbation.  Such  must  be  the  deplorable  state  of 
that  wretched  people,  who  (being  taxed  by  a  power  subordi- 


190  NEW-YORK    DELEGATION. 

nate  to  none,  and  in  a  great  degree  unacquainted  with  their 
circumstances)  can  call  nothing  their  own.  This  we  speak 
with  the  greatest  deference  to  the  wisdom  and  justice  of  the 
British  parliament,  in  which  we  confide.  Depressed  with  this 
prospect  of  inevitable  ruin,  by  the  alarming  information  we 
have  from  home,  neither  we  nor  our  constituents  can  attend 
to  improvements,  conducive  either  to  the  interests  of  our  mo 
ther  country,  or  of  this  colony.  We  shall,  however,  renew 
the  act  for  granting  a  bounty  on  hemp,  still  hoping  that  a  stop 
may  be  put  to  those  measures,  which,  if  carried  into  execu 
tion,  will  oblige  us  to  think  that  nothing  but  extreme  poverty 
can  preserve  us  from  the  most  insupportable  bondage.  We 
hope  your  honour  will  join  with  us  in  an  endeavour  to  secure 
that  great  badge  of  English  liberty,  of  being  taxed  only  with 
OUT  own  consent ;  which  we  conceive  all  his  majesty's  sub 
jects  at  home  and  abroad  equally  entitled  to." 

The  colony  of  New-York,  it  is  well  known,  was,  for  a 
time,  more  under  the  influence  of  the  British  crown  than  se 
veral  others,  and  more  slowly,  as  a  colony,  adopted  measures 
which  hastened  forward  the  revolution.  But  all  along,  there 
were  individuals  in  that  colony,  of  kindred  feelings  with  those 
who  acted  so  conspicuous  a  part  in  Massachusetts  and  Vir 
ginia. 

Among  these  individuals,  none  possessed  a  more  patriotic 
spirit,  or  was  more  ready  to  rise  in  opposition  to  British  ag 
gressions,  than  Philip  Livingston.  The  sentiments  which  he 
had  avowed,  and  the  distinguished  part  which  he  had  all  along 
taken,  in  favour  of  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  marked  him  out 
as  a  proper  person  to  represent  the  colony  in  the  important 
congress  of  1774.  In  the  deliberations  of  this  body  he  bore 
his  proper  share,  and  assisted  in  preparing  an  address  to  the 
people  of  Great  Britain. 

Of  the  equally  distinguished  congress  of  1776,  Mr.  Living 
ston  was  a  member,  and  had  the  honour  of  jnvino-  his  vote  in 

7  o  o 

favour  of  that  declaration,  which,  while  it  was  destined  to  per 
petuate  the  memory  of  the  illustrious  men  who  adopted  it, 
was  to  prove  the  charter  of  our  national  existence.  In  the 
following  year,  he  was  re-elected  to  congress  by  the  state 


PHILIP  LIVINGSTON.  191 

convention,  which,  at  this  time,  tendered  to  him  and  his  col 
leagues  an  expression  of  public  thanks,  for  the  long  and  faith 
ful  services  which  they  had  rendered  to  the  colony  of  the 
state  of  New- York. 

The  constitution  of  the  state  of  New- York  was  adopted  at 
Kingston,  on  the  twentieth  of  April,  1777.  Under  this 
constitution,  Mr.  Livingston,  in  May  following,  was  chosen 
a  senator  for  the  southern  district,  and  in  that  capacity  at 
tended  the  first  meeting  of  the  first  legislature  of  the  state  oi 
New-York. 

In  October  of  the  same  year,  an  election  took  place  for 
members  of  congress,  under  the  new  constitution.  Among 
the  number  chosen,  Mr.  Livingston  was  one.  On  the  5th 
of  May,  1778,  he  took  his  seat  in  that  body.  This  was  an 
eminently  critical  and  gloomy  period  in  the  history  of  the  re 
volution.  The  British  had  taken  possession  of  Philadelphia, 
compelling  congress  to  retire  from  that  city.  They  had 
agreed  to  hold  a  session  at  York. 

At  this  time,  the  health  of  Mr.  Livingston  was  exceedingly 
precarious.  And  such  was  the  nature  of  his  complaint,  which 
was  a  dropsy  in  the  chest,  that  no  rational  prospect  existed 
of  his  recovery.  Indeed,  he  was  daily  liable  to  be  summoned 
from  the  active  scenes  of  life  to  his  final  account.  Yet,  in 
this  dubious  and  anxious  state,  his  love  to  his  country  conti 
nued  strong  and  unwavering.  For  her  good  he  had  made 
many  sacrifices ;  and,  now  that  her  interests  seemed  to  re 
quire  his  presence  in  congress,  he  hesitated  not  to  relinquish 
the  comforts  of  home,  and  those  attentions  which,  in  his  fee 
ble  and  declining  state,  he  peculiarly  needed  from  a  beloved 
family. 

Previous  to  his  departure,  he  visited  his  friends  in  Albany, 
whom  he  now  bid  a  final  farewell,  as  he  expected  to  see  them 
no  more.  His  family,  at  this  time,  were  at  Kingston,  whi 
ther  they  had  been  obliged  to  .flee  to  escape  the  British  army. 
To  these,  also,  he  bid  an  affectionate  adieu,  at  the  same  time 
expressing  his  conviction,  that  he  should  no  more  return. 

These  sad  anticipations  proved  too  true.  On  the  fifth 
of  May,  he  took  his  seat  in  congress,  from  which  time  his  de- 


192  NEW-YORK    DELEGATION. 

cline  was  rapid.  On  the  twelfth  of  June,  he  ended  his  valu 
able  life.  Although  deprived  of  the  consolations  of  home, 
he  was  attended,  during  the  few  last  days  of  his  illness,  by 
his  son,  Henry,  who  was  at  that  time  a  member  of  General 
Washington's  family.  Hearing  of  the  illness  of  his  father, 
he  hastened  to  administer  such  comforts  as  might  be  in  his 
power,  and  to  perform  the  last  duties  to  a  dying  parent. 

On  the  day  of  his  decease,  his  death  was  announced  in  the 
hall  of  congress,  and  by  that  body  the  following  resolutions 
adopted : 

"  Congress  being  informed  that  Mr.  P.  Livingston,  one  of 
the  delegates  for  the  state  of  New-York,  died  last  night,  and 
that  circumstances  require  that  his  corpse  be  interred  this 
evening, 

"  Resolved,  that  congress  will  in  a  body  attend  the  funeral 
this  evening,  at  six  o'clock,  with  a  crape  round  the  arm,  and 
will  continue  in  mourning  for  the  space  of  one  month. 

"  Ordered,  that  Mr.  Lewis,  Mr.  Duer,  and  Mr.  G.  Morris, 
be  a  committee  to  superintend  the  funeral ;  and  that  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Duffield,  the  attending  chaplain,  be  notified  to  officiate  on 
the  occasion." 

Mr.  Livingston  married  the  daughter  of  Colonel  DirckTen 
Broeck,  by  whom  he  had  several  children.  His  family  has 
furnished  several  characters  who  have  adorned  society,  and 
whose  virtues  have  imparted  dignity  to  human  nature.  Mr. 
Livingston  is  said  to  have  been  naturally  silent  and  reserved, 
and,  to  strangers,  to  have  appeared  austere.  Yet  he  was  un 
commonly  mild  and  affectionate  to  his  family  and  friends. 
He  was  a  firm  believer  in  the  great  truths  of  the  Christian 
system,  and  a  sincere  and  humble  follower  of  the  divine  Re 
deemer. 


FRANCIS  LEWIS.  193 


FRANCIS  LEWIS. 

FRANCIS  LEWIS  was  a  native  of  Landaff,  in  South  Wales, 
where  he  was  born  in  the  year  1713.  His  father  was  a 
clergyman,  belonging  to  the  established  church.  His  mo 
ther  was  the  daughter  of  Dr.  Pettingal,  who  was  also  a 
clergyman  of  the  episcopal  establishment,  and  had  his  resi 
dence  in  North  Wales.  At  the  early  age  of  four  or  five  years, 
being  left  an  orphan,  the  care  of  him  devolved  upon  a  mater 
nal  maiden  aunt,  who  took  singular  pains  to  have  him  in 
structed  in  the  native  language  of  his  country.  He  was 
afterwards  sent  to  Scotland,  where,  in  the  family  of  a  relation, 
he  acquired  a  knowledge  of  the  Gaelic.  From  this,  he  was 
transferred  to  the  school  of  Westminster,  where  he  completed 
his  education  ;  and  enjoyed  the  reputation  of  being  a  good 
classical  scholar. 

Mercantile  pursuits  being  his  object,  he  entered  the  count 
ing  room  of  a  London  merchant ;  where,  in  a  few  years,  he 
acquired  a  competent  knowledge  of  the  profession.  On  at 
taining  to  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  he  collected  the  property 
which  had  been  left  him  by  his  father,  and  having  converted  it 
into  merchandise,  he  sailed  for  New-York,  where  he  arrived 
in  the  spring  of  1735. 

Leaving  a  part  of  his  goods  to  be  sold  in  New- York,  by 
Mr.  Edward  Annesly,  with  whom  he  had  formed  a  commer 
cial  connexion,  he  transported  the  remainder  to  Philadelphia, 
whence,  after  a  residence  of  two  years,  he  returned  to  the 
former  city,  and  there  became  extensively  engaged  in  naviga 
tion  and  foreign  trade.  About  this  time  he  connected  him 
self  by  marriage  with  the  sister  of  his  partner,  by  whom  ho 
had  several  children. 

Mr.  Lewis  acquired  the  character  of  an  active  and  enter 
prising  merchant.  In  the  course  of  his  commercial  transac 
tions,  he  traversed  a  considerable  part  of  the  continent  of 
Europe.  He  visited  several  of  the  seaports  of  Russia,  the 
Orkney  and  Shetland  Islands,  and  twice  suffered  shipwreck 
of  the  Irish  coast. 

SB  17 


194  NEW-YORK    DELEGATION. 

During  the  French  or  Canadian  war,  Mr.  Lewis  was,  for 
a  time,  agent  for  supplying  the  British  troops.  In  this  capa 
city,  he  was  present  at  the  time,  when,  in  August,  1756,  the 
fort  of  Oswego  was  surrendered  to  the  distinguished  French 
general,  de  Montcalm.  The  fort  was,  at  that  time,  command 
ed  by  the  British  Colonel  Mersey.  On  the  tenth  of  August, 
Montcalm  approached  it  with  more  than  five  thousand  Europe 
ans,  Canadians,  and  Indians.  On  the  twelfth,  at  midnight, 
he  opened  the  trenches,  with  thirty-two  pieces  of  cannon,  be 
sides  several  brass  mortars  and  howitzers.  The  garrison 
having  fired  away  all  their  shells  and  ammunition.  Colonel 
Mersey  ordered  the  cannon  to  be  spiked,  and  crossed  the  rivei 
to  Little  Oswego  Fort,  without  the  loss  of  a  single  man.  Oi 
the  deserted  fort,  the  enemy  took  immediate  possession,  and 
from  it  began  a  fire,  which  was  kept  up  without  intermission. 
The  next  day,  Colonel  Mersey  was  killed  while  standing  by 
the  side  of  Mr.  Lewis. 

The  garrison,  being  thus  deprived  of  their  commander, 
their  fort  destitute  of  a  cover,  and  no  prospect  of  aid  present 
ing  itself,  demanded  a  capitulation,  and  surrendered  as  prison 
ers  of  war.  The  garrison  consisted  at  this  time  of  the  re 
giments  of  Shirley  and  Pepperell,  and  amounted  to  one  thou 
sand  and  four  hundred  men.  The  conditions  required,  and 
acceded  to,  were,  that  they  should  be  exempted  from  plunder, 
conducted  to  Montreal,  and  treated  with  humanity.  The 
services  rendered  by  Mr.  Lewis,  during  the  war,  were 
held  in  such  consideration  by  the  British  government,  that 
at  the  close  of  it  he  received  a  grant  of  five  thousand  acres 
of  land. 

The  conditions,  upon  which  the  garrison  at  Fort  Oswego 
surrendered  to  Montcalm,  were  shamefully  violated  by  that 
commander.  They  were  assured  of  kind  treatment  ;  but  no 
sooner  had  the  surrender  been  made,  than  Montcalm  allowed 
the  chief  warrior  of  the  Indians,  who  assisted  in  taking  the 
fort,  to  select  about  thirty  of  the  prisoners,  and  do  with 
them  as  he  pleased.  Of  this  number  Mr.  Lewis  was  one. 
Placed  thus  at  the  disposal  of  savage  power,  a  speedy  and 
cruel  death  was  to  be  expected.  The  tradition  is,  however 


FRANCIS     LEWIS.  195 

that  he  soon  discovered  that  he  was  able  to  converse  with 
the  indians,  by  reason  of  the  similarity  of  the  ancient  lan 
guage  of  Wales,  which  he  understood,  to  the  indian  dialect. 
The  ability  of  Mr.  Lewis,  thus  readily  to  communicate  with 
the  chief,  so  pleased  the  latter,  that  he  treated  him  kindly  ; 
and  on  arriving  at  Montreal,  he  requested  the  French  go 
vernor  to  allow  him  to  return  to  his  family,  without  ransom. 
The  request,  however,  was  not  granted,  and  Mr.  Lewis 
was  sent  as  a  prisoner  to  France,  from  which  country, 
being  some  time  after  exchanged,  he  returned  to  America. 

This  tradition  as  to  the  cause  of  the  liberation  of  Mr. 
Lewis,  is  incorrect  ;  no  such  affinity  existing  between  the 
Cymreag,  or  ancient  language  of  Wales,  and  the  language  of 
any  of  the  indian  tribes  found  in  North  America.  The  cause 
might  have  been,  and  probably  was,  some  unusual  occurrence, 
or  adventure  ;  but  of  its  precise  nature  we  are  not  informed. 

Although  Mr.  Lewis  was  not  born  in  America,  his  attach 
ment  to  the  country  was  coeval  with  his  settlement  in  it. 
He  early  espoused  the  patriotic  cause,  against  the  encroach 
ments  of  the  British  government,  and  was  among  the  first  to 
unite  with  an  association,  which  existed  in  several  parts  ot 
the  country,  called  the  "  sons  of  liberty,"  the  object  of  which 
was  to  concert  measures  against  the  exercise  of  an  undue 
power  on  the  part  of  the  mother  country. 

The  independent  and  patriotic  character  which  Mr.  Lewis 
was  known  to  possess,  the  uniform  integrity  of  his  life,  the 
distinguished  intellectual  powers  with  which  he  was  en 
dued,  all  pointed  him  out  as  a  proper  person  to  assist  in  ta 
king  charge  of  the  interest  of  the  colony  in  the  continental 
congress.  Accordingly,  in  April,  1775,  he  was  unanimously 
elected  a  delegate  to  that  body.  In  this  honourable  station  he 
was  continued  by  the  provincial  congress  of  New-York, 
through  the  following  year,  1776;  and  was  among  the  num 
ber  who  declared  the  colonies  forever  absolved  from  their 
allegiance  to  the  British  crown,  and  from  that  time  en 
titled  to  the  rank  and  privileges  of  free  and  independent 
states. 

In  several  subsequent  years,  he  was  appointed  to  represent 


196  NEW-YORK.    DELEGATION. 

the  state  in  the  national  legislature.  During  his  congressional 
career,  Mr.  Lewis  was  distinguished  for  a  becoming  zeal  in 
the  cause  of  liberty,  tempered  by  the  influence  of  a  correct 
judgment  and  a  cautious  prudence.  He  was  employed  in 
several  secret  services ;  in  the  purchase  of  provisions  and 
clothing  for  the  army ;  and  in  the  importation  of  military 
stores,  particularly  arms  and  ammunition.  In  transactions 
of  this  kind,  his  commercial  experience  gave  him  great  facili 
ties.  He  was  also  employed  on  various  committees,  in 
which  capacity,  he. rendered  many  valuable  services  to  his 
country. 

In  1775,  Mr.  Lewis  removed  his  family  and  effects  to  a 
country  seat  which  he  owned  on  Long  Island.  This  proved 
to  be  an  unfortunate  step.  In  the  autumn  of  the  following 
year,  his  house  was  plundered  by  a  party  of  British  light 
horse.  His  extensive  library  and  valuable  papers  of  every 
description  were  wantonly  destroyed.  Nor  were  they  con 
tented  with  this  ruin  of  his  property.  They  thirsted  for  re 
venge  upon  a  man,  who  had  dared  to  affix  his  signature  to  a 
document,  which  proclaimed  the  independence  of  America. 
Unfortunately  Mrs.  Lewis  fell  into  their  power,  and  was  re 
tained  a  prisoner  for  several  months.  During  her  captivity, 
she  was  closely  confined,  without  even  ^he  comfort  of  a  bed 
to  lie  upon,  or  a  change  of  clothes. 

In  November,  1776,  the  attention  of  congress  was  called  to 
her  distressed  condition,  and  shortly  after  a  resolution  was 
passed  that  a  lady,  who  had  been  taken  prisoner  by  the  Ame 
ricans,  should  be  permitted  to  return  to  her  husband,  and 
that  Mrs.  Lewis  be  required  in  exchange.  But  the  ex 
change  could  not  at  that  time  be  effected.  Through  the  in 
fluence  of  Washington,  however,  Mrs.  Lewis  was  at  length 
released ;  but  her  sufferings  during  her  confinement  had  so 
much  impaired  her  constitution,  that  in  the  course  of  a  year 
or  two,  she  sunk  into  the  grave. 

Of  the  subsequent  life  of  Mr.  Lewis,  we  have  little  to 
record.  His  latter  days  were  spent  in  comparative  poverty, 
his  independent  fortune  having  in  a  great  measure  been  sac 
rificed  on  the  altar  of  patriotism,  during  his  country's  strug- 


LEWIS  MORRIS.  197 

glc  for  independence.  The  life  of  this  excellent  man,  and 
distinguished  patriot,  was  extended  to  his  ninetieth  year.  His 
death  occurred  on  the  30th  day  of  December,  1803. 


LEWIS  MORRIS. 

LEWIS  MORRIS  was  born  at  the  manor  of  Morrisania,  ia 
the  state  of  New  York,  in  the  year  1726.  His  family  was  of 
ancient  date  ;  the  pedigree  of  it  has  been  preserved  ;  but  it  is 
too  extended  to  admit  of  a  particular  notice  in  these  pages. 
Richard  Morris,  an  ancestor  of  the  family,  beyond  whom  it  is 
unnecessary  to  trace  its  genealogy,  was  an  officer  of  some  dis 
tinction  in  the  time  of  Cromwell.  At  the  restoration,  how 
ever,  he  left  England,  and  came  to  New-York  ;  soon  after 
which  he  obtained  a  grant  of  several  thousand  acres  of  land, 
in  the  county  of  West-Chester,  not  far  from  the  city.  This 
was  erected  into  a  manor,  and  invested  with  the  privileges, 
which  usually  pertain  to  manorial  estates. 

Richard  Morris  died  in  the  year  1673,  leaving  an  infant 
child  by  the  name  of  Lewis,  who  afterwards  held  the  office  of 
chief  justice  of  the  province  of  New-York,  and  became  go 
vernor  of  New-Jersey.  In  both  these  offices  he  was  much 
respected,  and  exercised  an  enviable  influence  in  both  these 
colonies.  The  sons  of  Lewis  were  not  less  eminent ;  one 
being  appointed  a  judge  of  the  court  of  vice  admiralty;  ano 
ther  chief  justice  of  New-Jersey ;  and  a  third  lieutenant  go 
vernor  of  the  state  of  Pennsylvania. 

From  one  of  these  sons,  Lewis  Morris,  the  subject  of  the 
present  memoir,  was  descended.  He  was  the  eldest  of  four 
brothers.  Staats  became  an  officer  in  the  British  service,  and 
for  some  time  a  member  of  parliament.  Richard  and  Gover- 
neur  both  settled  in  the  state  of  New- York,  and  both  became 
men  of  considerable  distinction ;  the  former  as  judge  of  the 

17* 


198  NEW-YORK  DELEGATION. 

of  the  vice  admiralty  court,  and  chief  justice  of  the  state,  and 
the  latter  as  a  representative  in  congress. 

The  early  education  of  Lewis  was  respectable.  At  the 
age  of  sixteen  he  was  fitted  for  college,  and  was  entered 
at  Yale  college,  the  honours  of  which  he  received  in  due 
course,  having  acquired  the  reputation  of  good  scholarship, 
and  a  strict  morality.  Immediately  on  leaving  college,  he 
returned  to  his  father's  residence,  where  he  devoted  himself 
to  the  pursuits  of  agriculture.  As  he  entered  upon  manhood, 
he  seems  to  have  possessed  every  thing  which  naturally  com 
mands  the  respect,  and  attracts  the  admiration  of  men.  His 
person  was  of  lofty  stature,  and  of  fine  proportions,  imparting 
to  kis  presence  an  uncommon  dignity,  softened,  however,  by 
a  disposition  unusually  generous  and  benevolent,  and  by  a 
demeanor  so  graceful,  that  few  could  fail  to  do  him  homage. 

Although  thus  apparently  fitted  for  the  enjoyment  of  so 
ciety,  Mr.  Morris  found  his  greatest  pleasure  in  the  endear 
ments  of  domestic  life,  and  in  attention  to  his  agricultural  ope 
rations.  He  was  early  married  to  a  Miss  Walton,  a  lady  of 
fortune  and  accomplishments,  by  whom  he  had  a  large  family 
of  six  sons  and  four  daughters. 

The  condition  of  Mr.  Morris,  at  the  time  the  troubles  of 
the  colonies  began,  was  singularly  felicitous.  His  fortune 
was  ample  ;  his  pursuits  in  life  consonant  to  his  taste  ;  his 
family  and  connexions  eminently  respectable,  and  eminently 
prosperous.  No  change  was,  therefore,  likely  to  occur  which 
would  improve  his  condition,  or  add  to  the  happiness  which 
he  enjoyed.  On  the  contrary,  every  collision  between  the 
royal  government  and  the  colonies,  was  likely  to  abridge 
some  of  his  privileges,  and  might  even  strip  his  family  of  all 
their  domestic  comforts,  should  he  participate  in  the  struggle 
which  was  likely  to  ensue. 

These  considerations,  no  doubt,  had  their  influence  at 
times  upon  the  mind  of  Mr.  Morris.  He  possessed,  however, 
too  great  a  share  of  patriotism,  to  suffer  private  fortune,  or 
individual  happiness,  to  come  in  competition  with  the  interests 
of  his  country.  He  could  neither  feel  indifferent  on  a  subject 
of  so  much  magnitude,  nor  could  he  pursue  a  course  of  neu- 


LEWIS  MORRIS.  199 

trality.  He  entered,  therefore,  with  zeal  into  the  growing  con 
troversy  ;  he  hesitated  not  to  pronounce  the  measures  of  the 
British  ministry  unconstitutional  and  tyrannical,  and  beyond 
peaceful  endurance.  As  the  political  condition  of  the  coun 
try  became  more  gloomy,  and  the  prospect  of  a  resort  to  arms 
increased,  his  patriotic  feeling  appeared  to  gather  strength ; 
and  although  he  was  desirous  that  the  controversy  should  be 
settled  without  bloodshed,  yet  he  preferred  the  latter  alterna 
tive,  to  the  surrender  of  those  rights  which  the  God  of  nature 
had  given  to  the  American  people. 

About  this  time,  the  celebrated  congress  of  1774  assembled 
at  New-York.  Of  this  congress  Mr.  Morris  was  not  a  mem 
ber.  He  possessed  a  spirit  too  bold  and  independent,  to  act 
with  the  prudence  which  the  situation  of  the  country  seemed 
to  require.  The  object  of  this  congress  was  not  war,  bul 
peace.  That  object,  however,  it  is  well  known,  failed,  not 
withstanding  that  an  universal  desire  pervaded  the  country, 
that  a  compromise  might  be  effected  between  the  colonies 
and  the  British  government,  and  was  made  known  to  the  lat 
ter,  by  a  dignified  address,  both  to  the  king  and  to  the  people 
of  Great  Britain. 

In  the  spring  of  1775,  it  was  no  longer  doubtful  that  a  re 
sort  must  be  had  to  arms.  Indeed,  the  battle  of  Lexington 
had  opened  the  war  ;  shortly  after  which  the  New-York  con 
vention  of  deputies  were  assembled  to  appoint  delegates  to 
the  general  congress.  Men  of  a  zealous,  bold,  and  indepen 
dent  stamp,  appeared  now  to  be  required.  It  was  not  singu 
lar,  therefore,  that  Mr.  Morris  should  have  been  elected. 

On  the  15th  of  May,  he  took  his  seat  in  that  body,  and 
eminently  contributed,  by  his  indefatigable  zeal,  to  promote 
-*he  interests  of  the  country.  He  was  placed  on  a  committee 
of  which  Washington  was  the  chairman,  to  devise  ways  and 
means  to  supply  the  colonies  with  ammunition  and  military 
stores,  of  which  they  were  nearly  destitute.  The  labours  of 
this  committee  were  exceedingly  arduous. 

During  this  session  of  congress,  Mr.  Morris  was  appointed 
to  the  delicate  and  difficult  task  of  detaching  the  western 
Indians  from  a  coalition  with  the  British  government,  and 


200  NEW-YORK    DELEGATION. 

securing  their  co-operation  with  the  American  colonies. 
Soon  after  his  appointment  to  this  duty,  he  repaired  to  Pitts 
burg,  in  which  place,  and  the  vicinity,  he  continued  for  some 
time  zealously  engaged  in  accomplishing  the  object  of  his 
mission.  In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1776,  he  resumed  his 
seat  in  congress,  and  was  a  member  of  several  committees, 
which  were  appointed  to  purchase  muskets  and  bayonets, 
and  to  encourage  the  manufacture  of  salt-petre  and  gun 
powder. 

During  the  winter  of  1775  and  1776,  the  subject  of  a  De 
claration  of  Independence  began  to  occupy  the  thoughts  of 
many  in  all  parts  of  the  country.  Such  a  declaration  seemed 
manifestly  desirable  to  the  leading  patriots  of  the  day,  but 
an  unwillingness  prevailed  extensively  in  the  country,  to 
destroy  all  connexion  with  Great  Britain.  In  none  of  the 
colonies  was  this  unwillingness  more  apparent  than  in  New- 
York. 

The  reason  which  has  been  assigned  for  this  strong  reluc 
tance  in  that  colony,  was  the  peculiar  intimacy  which  existed 
between  the  people  of  the  city  and  the  officers  of  the  royal 
government.  The  military  officers,  in  particular,  had  ren 
dered  themselves  very  acceptable  to  the  citizens,  by  their 
urbanity ;  and  had  even  formed  connexions  with  some  of  the 
most  respectable  families. 

This  intercourse  continued  even  after  the  commencement 
of  hostilities,  and  occasioned  the  reluctance  which  existed  in 
that  colony  to  separate  from  the  mother  country.  Even  as 
late  as  the  middle  of  March,  1776,  Governor  Tryon,  although 
he  had  been  forced  to  retreat  on  board  a  British  armed  vessel 
in  the  harbour  for  safety,  had  great  influence  over  the  citi 
zens,  by  means  of  artful  and  insinuating  addresses,  which  he 
caused  to  be  published  and  spread  through  the  city.  The  fol 
lowing  extract  from  one  of  these  addresses,  will  convey  to 
the  reader  some  idea  of  the  art  employed  by  this  minister  of 
the  crown,  to  prevent  the  people  of  that  colony  from  mingling 
in  the  struggle. 

"It  is  in  the  clemency  and  authority  of  Great  Britain  only 
that  we  can  look  for  happiness,  peace,  and  protection;  and  I 


LEWIS    MORRIS.  201 

have  it  in  command  from  the  king,  to  encourage,  by  every 
means  in  my  power,  the  expectations  in  his  majesty's  well- 
disposed  subjects  in  this  government,  of  every  assistance  and 
protection  the  state  of  Great  Britain  will  enable  his  majesty 
to  afford  them,  and  to  crush  every  appearance  of  a  disposi 
tion,  on  their  part,  to  withstand  the  tyranny  and  misrule, 
which  accompany  the  acts  of  those  who  have  but  too  well, 
hitherto,  succeeded  in  the  total  subversion  of  legal  govern 
ment.  Under  such  assurances,  therefore,  I  exhort  all  the 
friends  to  good  order,  and  our  justly  admired  constitution,  still 
to  preserve  that  constancy  of  mind  which  is  inherent  in  the 
breasts  of  virtuous  and  loyal  citizens,  and,  I  trust,  a  very  few 
months  will  relieve  them  from  their  present  oppressed,  in 
jured,  and  insulted  condition. 

"I  have  the  satisfaction  to  inform  you,  that  a  door  is  still 
open  to  such  honest,  but  deluded  people,  as  will  avail  them 
selves  of  the  justice  and  benevolence,  which  the  supreme  le 
gislature  has  held  out  to  them,  of  being  restored  to  the  king's 
grace  and  peace  ;  and  that  proper  steps  have  been  taken  for 
passing  a  commission  for  that  purpose,  under  the  great  seal 
of  Great  Britain,  in  conformity  to  a  provision  in  a  late  act  of 
parliament,  the  commissioners  thereby  to  be  appointed  having, 
also,  power  to  inquire  into  the  state  and  condition  of  the  colo 
nies  for  effecting  a  restoration  of  the  public  tranquillity. " 

To  prevent  an  intercourse  between  the  citizens  and  the 
fleet,  so  injurious  to  the  patriotic  cause,  timely  measures 
were  adopted  by  the  committee  of  safety ;  but  for  a  long 
time  no  efforts  were  availing,  and  even  after  General  Wash 
ington  had  established  his  head-quarters  at  New-York,  he 
was  obliged  to  issue  his  proclamation,  interdicting  all  inter 
course  and  correspondence  with  the  ships  of  war  and  other 
vessels  belonging  to  the  king  of  Great  Britain. 

But,  notwithstanding  this  prevalent  aversion  to  a  separation 
from  Great  Britain,  there  were  many  in  the  colony  who 
believed  that  a  declaration  of  independence  was  not  only  a 
point  of  political  expediency,  but  a  matter  of  paramount 
duty.  Of  this  latter  class,  Mr.  Morris  was  one ;  and,  in 
giving  his  vote  for  that  declaration,  he  exhibited  a  patriotism 
2C 


203  NEW-YORK  DELEGATION. 

and  disinterestedness  which  few  lhad  it  in  their  power  to  dia 
play.  He  was  at  this  time  in  possession  of  an  extensive  domain, 
within  a  few  miles  of  the  city  of  New-York.  A  British 
army  had  already  landed  from  their  ships,  which  lay  within 
cannon  shot  of  the  dwelling  of  his  family.  A  signature  to 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  would  insure  the  devasta 
tion  of  the  former,  and  the  destruction  of  the  latter.  But, 
upon  the  ruin  of  his  individual  property,  he  could  look  with 
comparative  indifference,  while  he  knew  that  his  honour  was 
untarnished,  and  the  interests  of  his  country  were  safe.  He 
voted,  therefore,  for  a  separation  from  the  mother  country,  in 
the  spirit  of  a  man  of  honour,  and  of  enlarged  benevolence. 

It  happened  as  was  anticipated.  The  hostile  army  soon 
spread  desolation  over  the  beautiful  and  fertile  manor  of  Mor- 
risania.  His  tract  of  woodland  of  more  than  a  thousand 
acres  in  extent5  and,  from  its  proximity  to  the  city,  of  incal 
culable  value,  was  destroyed  ;  his  house  was  greatly  injured; 
his  fences  ruined ;  his  stock  driven  away ;  and  his  family  obliged 
to  live  in  a  state  of  exile.  Few  men  during  the  revolution 
were  called  to  make  greater  sacrifices  than  Mr.  Morris;  none 
made  them  more  cheerfully.  It  made  some  amends  for  his 
losses  and  sacrifices,  that  the  colony  of  New- York,  which 
had  been  backward  in  agreeing  to  a  Declaration  of  Indepen 
dence,  unanimously  concurred  in  that  measure  by  her  con 
vention,  when  it  was  learned  that  congress  had  taken  that 
step. 

It  imparts  pleasure  to  record,  that  the  three  eldest  sons 
of  Mr.  Morris  followed  the  noble  example  of  their  father, 
and  gave  their  personal  services  to  their  country,  during  the 
revolutionary  struggle.  One  served  for  a  time  a?  aid-de-camp 
to  General  Sullivan,  but  afterwards  entered  the  family  of 
General  Greene,  and  was  with  that  officer  during  his  brilliant 
campaign  in  the  Carolinas  ;  the  second  son  was  appointed 
aid-de-camp  to  General  Charles  Lee,  and  was  present  at  the 
gallant  defence  of  Fort  Moultrie,  where  he  greatly  distin 
guished  himself.  The  youngest  of  these  sons,  though  but  a 
youth,  entered  the  army  as  a  lieutenant  of  artillery,  and 
honourably  served  during  the  war. 


LEWIS   MORRIS.  203 

Mr.  Morris  left  congress  in  1777,  at  which  time,  he  re 
ceived,  together  with  his  colleagues,  the  thanks  of  the  pro 
vincial  convention,  "  for  their  long  and  faithful  services  ren 
dered  to  the  colony  of  New-York,  and  the  said  state." 

In  subsequent  years,  Mr.  Morris  served  his  state  in  various 
ways.  He  was  often  a  member  of  the  state  legislature,  and 
rose  to  the  rank  of  major  general  of  the  militia. 

The  latter  years  of  Mr.  Morris  were  passed  at  his  favourite 
residence  at  Morrisania,  where  he  devoted  himself  to  the 
noiseless,  but  happy  pursuit  of  agriculture  ;  a  kind  of  life  to 
which  he  was  much  attached,  and  which  was  an  appropriate 
mode  of  closing  a  long  life,  devoted  to  the  cause  of  his  coun 
try.  He  died  on  his  paternal  estate  at  Morrisania,  in  the 
bosom  of  his  family,  January,  1798,  at  the  good  old  age  of 
seventy-one  years. 


THE 


NEW-JERSEY   DELEGATION. 


RICHARD  STOCKTON, 
JOHN  WITHERSPOON, 
FRANCIS  HOPKINSON, 
JOHN  HART, 
ABRAHAM  CLARK. 


RICHARD  STOCKTON. 

THE  first  of  the  New-Jersey  delegation,  who  signed  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  was  Richard  Stockton.  He 
was  born  near  Princeton,  on  the  1st  day  of  October,  1730. 
His  family  was  ancient  and  respectable.  His  great  grand 
father,  who  bore  the  same  name,  came  from  England,  about 
the  year  1670,  and  after  residing  a  few  years  on  Long  Island, 
removed  with  a  number  of  associates  to  an  extensive  tract 
of  land,  of  which  the  present  village  of  Princeton  is  nearly 
the  centre.  This  tract  consisted  of  six  thousand  and  four 
hundred  acres.  This  gentleman  died  in  the  year  1705,  leav 
ing  handsome  legacies  to  his  several  children  ;  but  the  chief 
portion  of  his  landed  estate  to  his  son,  Richard.  The  death 
of  Richard  followed  in  1720.  He  was  succeeded  in  the 
family  seat  by  his  youngest  son,  John;  a  man  distinguished 
for  his  moral  and  religious  character,  for  his  liberality  to  the 
college  of  New-Jersey,  and  for  great  fidelity  in  the  discharge 
of  the  duties  of  public  and  private  life. 

Richard  Stockton,  the  subject  of  the  present  memoir,  was 
the  eldest  son  of  the  last  mentioned  gentleman.  His  early 


RICHARD    STOCKTON.  205 

education  was  highly  respectable,  being  superintended  by 
that  accomplished  scholar,  Rev.  Dr.  Samuel  Finley,  in  a  ce 
lebrated  academy  at  West-Nottingham.  His  preliminary 
studies  being  finished,  he  entered  the  college  of  New-Jersey, 
whose  honours  he  received  in  1748.  He  was  even  at  this 
time  greatly  distinguished  for  intellectual  superiority  ;  giving 
promise  of  future  eminence  in  any  profession  he  might 
choose. 

On  leaving  college,  he  commenced  the  study  of  law  with 
the  honourable  David  Ogclen,  of  Ne\vark,  at  that  time  at  the 
head  of  the  legal  profession  in  the  province.  At  length,  Mr. 
Stockton  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  soon  rose,  as  had  been 
anticipated,  to  great  distinction,  both  as  a  counsellor  and  an 
advocate.  He  was  an  able  reasoner,  and  equally  distinguish 
ed  for  an  easy,  and,  at  the  same  time,  impressive  eloquence. 

In  1766  and  1767,  he  relinquished  his  professional  busi 
ness,  for  the  purpose  of  visiting  England,  Scotland,  and  Ire 
land.  During  his  tour  through  those  countries,  he  was  re 
ceived  with  that  attention  to  which  he  was  eminently  entitled, 
by  the  estimable  character  which  he  had  sustained  at  home, 
and  his  high  professional  reputation.  He  was  presented  at 
court,  by  a  minister  of  the  king,  and  had  the  honour  of  being 
consulted  on  American  affairs,  by  the  Marquis  of  Rocking- 
ham,  by  the  Earl  of  Chatham,  and  many  other  distinguished 
personages. 

On  visiting  Edinburgh,  he  was  received  with  still  greater 
attention.  He  was  complimented  with  a  public  dinner,  by 
the  authorities  of  that  city,  the  freedom  of  which  was  unani 
mously  conferred  upon  him,  as  a  testimony  of  respect  for  his 
distinguished  character. 

A  short  time  previous,  the  presidency  of  New-Jersey  col 
lege  had  been  conferred  upon  the  Reverend  Dr.  Wither- 
spoon,  a  distinguished  divine,  of  the  town  of  Paisley,  in  the 
vicinity  of  Glasgow.  This  appointment  Dr.  Witherspoon 
had  been  induced  to  decline,  by  reason  of  the  reluctance  of 
the  female  members  of  his  family  to  emigrate  to  America. 
At  the  request  of  the  trustees  of  the  college,  Mr.  Stockton 
dsited  Dr.  Witherspoon,  and  was  so  fortunate  in  removing 
18 


206  NEW-JERSEY    DELEGATION. 

objections,  that  not  long  after  the  latter  gentleman  accepted 
the  appointment,  and  removed  to  America,  where  he  became 
a  distinguished  supporter  of  the  college  over  which  he  pre 
sided,  a  friend  to  religion  and  science  in  the  country,  and  one 
of  the  strong  pillars  in  the  temple  of  American  freedom. 

The  following  instances  in  which  Mr.  Stockton  narrowly 
escaped  death,  during  his  absence,  deserve  notice.  While 
he  was  in  the  city  of  Edinburgh,  he  was  waylaid  one  night  by 
a  furious  robber.  He  defended  himself,  however,  by  means 
of  a  small  sword,  and  even  succeeded  in  wounding  the  despe 
rado.  He  was  not  materially  injured  himself,  but  was  not  so 
fortunate  as  to  prevent  the  escape  of  his  assailant.  In  the 
other  case,  he  was  designing  to  cross  the  Irish  channel,  and 
had  actually  engaged  a  passage  in  a  packet  for  that  purpose. 
The  unseasonable  arrival  of  his  baggage,  however,  detained 
him,  and  fortunate  it  was  that  he  was  thus  detained,  for  the 
packet,  on  her  voyage,  was  shipwrecked  during  a  storm,  and 
both  passengers  and  crew  found  a  watery  grave. 

The  following  year  he  was  appointed  one  of  the  royal 
judges  of  the  province,  and  a  member  of  the  executive  coun 
cil.  At  that  time  he  was  high  in  the  royal  favour,  and  his 
domestic  felicity  seemed  without  alloy.  He  possessed  an 
ample  fortune,  was  surrounded  by  a  family  whom  he  greatly 
loved,  and  held  a  high  and  honourable  station  under  the  king 
of  Great  Britain. 

But  the  time  at  length  arrived,  when  the  question  arose, 
whether  he  should  renounce  his  allegiance  to  his  sovereign, 
and  encounter  the  sacrilices  which  such  a  step  must  bring 
upon  him,  or  continue  that  allegiance,  and  forfeit  his  charac 
ter  as  a  friend  to  his  country. 

Situated  as  was  Mr.  Stockton,  the  above  question  could 
not  long  remain  unsettled  ;  nor  was  it  for  any  length  of  time 
doubtful  into  which  scale  he  would  throw  the  weight  of  his 
influence  and  character.  The  sacrilices  which  he  was  called 
upon  to  make,  were  cheerfully  endured.  He  separated  him 
self  from  the  royal  council,  of  which  he  was  a  member  in 
New-Jersey,  and  joyfully  concurred  in  all  those  measures 
of  the  day,  which  had  for  their  object  the  establishment  of 


RICHARD  STOCKTON.  207 

American  rights,  in  opposition  to  the  arbitrary  and  oppressive 
acts  of  the  British  ministry. 

On  the  twenty-first  of  June,  1776,  he  was  elected  by  the 
provincial  congress  of  New-Jersey  a  delegate  to  the  general 
congress,  then  sitting  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  On  the 
occurrence  of  the  question  relating  to  a  declaration  of  inde 
pendence,  it  is  understood  that  he  had  some  doubts  as  to  the 
expediency  of  the  measure.  These  doubts,  however,  were 
soon  dissipated  by  the  powerful  and  impressive  eloquence  of 
John  Adams,  the  great  Colossus  on  this  subject  on  the  floor 
of  congress.  Mr.  Stockton  was  not  only  convinced  of  the 
importance  of  the  measure,  but  even  addressed  the  house  in 
its  behalf,  before  the  close  of  the  debate.  It  is  needless  to 
detain  the  reader  by  a  particular  mention  of  the  many  im 
portant  services  which  Mr.  Stockton  rendered  his  country, 
while  a  member  of  congress.  In  all  the  duties  assigned  to 
him,  which  were  numerous  and  often  arduous,  he  acted  with 
an  energy  and  fidelity  alike  honourable  to  him  as  a  man  and 
a  patriot. 

On  the  thirtieth  of  November  he  was  unfortunately  taken 
prisoner  by  a  party  of  refugee  royalists.  He  was  dragged 
from  his  bed  by  night,  and  carried  to  New-York.  During 
his  removal  to  the  latter  place  he  was  treated  with  great  in 
dignity,  and  in  New- York  he  was  placed  in  the  common 
prison,  where  he  was  in  want  of  even  the  necessaries  of  life. 
The  news  of  his  capture  and  sufferings  being  made  known  to 
congress,  that  body  unanimously  passed  the  following  re 
solution  : 

'*  Whereas  congress  hath  received  information  that  the 
honourable  Richard  Stockton,  of  New-Jersey,  and  a  member 
of  this  congress,  hath  been  made  a  prisoner  by  the  enemy, 
and  that  he  hath  been  ignominiously  thrown  into  a  common 
goal,  and  there  detained — Resolved,  that  General  Washing 
ton  be  directed  to  make  immediate  inquiry  into  the  truth  of 
this  report,  and  if  he  finds  reason  to  believe  it  well  founded, 
that  he  send  a  flag  to  General  Howe,  remonstrating  against 
this  departure  from  that  humane  procedure  which  has  mark 
ed  the  conduct  of  these  states  to  prisoners  who  have  fallen 


208  NEW-JERSEY  DELEGATION*. 

into  their  hands ;  and  to  know  of  General  Howe  whether  he 
chooses  this  shall  be  the  future  rule  for  treating  all  such,  on 
both  sides,  as  the  fortune  of  war  may  place  in  the  hands  of 
either  party." 

Mr.  Stockton  was  at  length  released ;  but  his  confinement 
had  been  so  strict,  and  his  sufferings  so  severe,  that  his  con 
stitution  could  never  after  recover  the  shock.  Besides  this, 
his  fortune,  which  had  been  ample,  was  now  greatly  reduced. 
His  lands  were  devastated ;  his  papers  and  library  were  burnt; 
his  implements  of  husbandry  destroyed  ;  and  his  stock  seized 
and  driven  away.  He  was  now  obliged  to  depend,  for  a 
season,  upon  the  assistance  of  friends,  for  even  the  necessa 
ries  of  life.  From  the  time  of  his  imprisonment  his  health 
began  to  fail  him  ;  nor  was  it  particularly  benefitted  by  his 
release,  and  a  restoration  to  the  society  of  his  friends.  He 
continued  to  languish  for  several  years,  and  at  length  died  at 
his  residence,  at  Princeton,  on  the  28th  of  February,  1781, 
in  the  fifty-third  year  of  his  age. 

His  death  made  a  wide  chasm  among  the  circle  of  his 
friends  and  acquaintance.  He  was,  in  every  respect,  a  dis 
tinguished  man  ;  an  honour  to  his  country,  and  a  friend  to  the 
cause  of  science,  freedom,  and  religion,  throughout  the  world. 
The  following  extract  from  the  discourse  delivered  on  the 
occasion  of  his  interment,  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Samuel  S.  Smith, 
will  convey  to  the  reader  a  just  account  of  this  distinguished 
man: 

"  Behold,  my  brethren,  before  your  eyes,  a  most  sensible 
and  affecting  picture  of  the  transitory  nature  of  mortal  things, 
in  the  remains  of  a  man  who  hath  been  long  among  the  fore 
most  of  his  country  for  power,  for  wisdom,  and  for  fortune  ; 
whose  eloquence  only  wanted  a  theatre  like  Athens,  to  have 
rivalled  the  Greek  and  the  Roman  fame  ;  and  who,  if  what 
honours  this  young  country  can  bestow,  if  many  and  great 
personal  talents,  could  save  man  from  the  grave,  would  not 
thus  have  been  lamented  here  by  you.  Behold  there  *  the 
end  of  all  perfection.' 

"Young  gentlemen,  (the  students  of  the  college,)  another 
of  the  fathers  of  learning  and  eloquence  is  gone.  He  went 


RICHARD    STOCKTON.  209 

before  in  the  same  path  in  which  you  are  now  treacling,  and 
hath  since  long  presided  over,  and  helped  to  confirm  the 
footsteps  of  those  who  were  here  labouring  up  the  hill  of 
science  and  virtue.  While  you  feel  and  deplore  his  loss  as 
a  guardian  of  your  studies,  and  as  a  model  upon  which  you 
might  form  yourselves  for  public  life,  let  the  memory  of  what 
he  was  excite  you  to  emulate  his  fame  ;  let  the  sight  of  what 
he  is,  teach  you  that  every  thing  human  is  marked  with  im 
perfection. 

"At  the  bar  he  practised  for  many  years  with  unrivalled 
reputation  and  success.  Strictly  upright  in  his  profession, 
he  scorned  to  defend  a  cause  that  he  knew  to  be  unjust.  A 
friend  to  peace  and  to  the  happiness  of  mankind,  he  has  often 
with  great  pains  and  attention  reconciled  contending  parties, 
while  he  might  fairly,  by  the  rules  of  his  profession,  have 
drawn  from  their  litigation  no  inconsiderable  profit  to  him 
self.  Compassionate  to  the  injured  and  distressed,  he  hath 
often  protected  the  poor  and  helpless  widow  unrighteously 
robbed  of  her  dower,  hath  heard  her  with  patience,  when 
many  wealthier  clients  were  waiting,  and  hath  zealously  pro 
moted  her  interest,  without  the  prospect  of  reward,  unless  he 
could  prevail  to  have  right  done  to  her,  and  to  provide  her 
an  easy  competence  for  the  rest  of  her  days. 

"  Early  in  his  life,  his  merits  recommended  him  to  his 
prince  and  to  his  country,  under  the  late  constitution,  who 
called  him  to  the  first  honours  and  trusts  of  the  government. 
In  council  he  was  wise  and  firm,  but  always  prudent  and  mo 
derate.  Of  this  he  gave  a  public  and  conspicuous  instance, 
almost  under  your  own  observation,  when  a  dangerous  insur 
rection  in  a  neighbouring  county  had  driven  the  attorneys 
from  the  bar,  and  seemed  to  set  the  laws  at  defiance.  Whilst 
all  men  were  divided  betwixt  rash  and  timid  counsels,  he 
only,  with  wisdom  and  firmness,  seized  the  prudent  mean, 
appeased  the  rioters,  punished  the  ringleaders,  and  restored 
the  laws  to  their  regular  course. 

"  The  office  of  a  judge  of  the  province,  was  never  filled 
with  more  integrity  and  learning  than  it  was  by  him,  for 
several  years  before  the  revolution.  Since  that  period,  he 
2D  18* 


210  NEW-JERSEY    DELEGATION. 

hath  represented  New-Jersey  in  the  congress  of  the  United 
States.  But  a  declining  health,  and  a  constitution  worn  out 
with  application  and  with  service,  obliged!  him,  shortly  after, 
to  retire  from  the  line  of  public  duty,  and  hath  at  length 
dismissed  him  from  the  world. 

"  In  his  private  life,  he  was  easy  and  graceful  in  his  man 
ners  ;  in  his  conversation,  affable  and  entertaining,  and  mas 
ter  of  a  smooth  and  elegant  style  even  in  his  ordinary  dis 
course.  As  a  man  of  letters,  he  possessed  a  superior  genius, 
highly  cultivated  by  long  and  assiduous  application.  His 
researches  into  the  principles  of  morals  and  religion  were 
deep  and  accurate,  and  his  knowledge  of  the  laws  of  his 
country  extensive  and  profound.  He  was  well  acquainted 
with  all  the  branches  of  polite  learning ;  but  he  was  particu 
larly  admired  for  a  flowing  and  persuasive  eloquence,  by 
which  he  long  governed  in  the  courts  of  justice. 

"  As  a  Christian,  you  know  that,  many  years  a  member  of 
this  church,  he  was  not  ashamed  of  the  gospel  of  Christ. 
Nor  could  the  ridicule  of  licentious  wits,  nor  the  example  of 
vice  in  power,  tempt  him  to  disguise  the  profession  of  it,  or 
to  decline  from  the  practice  of  its  virtues.  He  was,  however, 
liberal  in  his  religious  principles.  Sensible,  as  became  a 
philosopher,  of  the  rights  of  private  judgment,  and  of  the 
difference  in  opinion  that  must  necessarily  arise  from  the 
variety  of  human  intellects  ;  he  was  candid,  as  became  a 
Christian,  to  those  who  differed  from  him,  where  he  observed 
their  practice  marked  with  virtue  and  piety.  But  if  we  follow 
him  to  the  last  scene  of  his  life,  and  consider  him  under  that 
severe  arid  tedious  disorder  which  put  a  period  to  it,  there 
the  sincerity  of  his  piety,  and  the  force  of  religion  to  sup 
port  the  mind  in  the  most  terrible  conflicts,  was  chiefly  visi 
ble.  For  nearly  two  years  he  bore  with  the  utmost  constancy 
and  patience,  a  disorder  that  makes  us  tremble  only  to  think 
of  it.  With  most  exquisite  pain  it  preyed  upon  him,  until  it 
reached  the  passages  by  which  life  is  sustained:  yet,  in  the 
midst  of  as  much  as  human  nature  could  endure,  he  always 
discovered  a  submission  to  the  will  of  heaven,  and  a  resigna- 


lmon  kPiLbr-ow  S 


JOHN    WITHERSPOON.  211 

tion  to  his  fate,  that  could  only  flow  from  the  expectation  of 
a  better  life. 

"  Such  was  the  man,  whose  remains  now  lie  before  us,  to 
teach  us  the  most  interesting  lessons  that  mortals  have  to 
learn,  the  vanity  of  human  things;  the  importance  of  eter 
nity  ;  the  holiness  of  the  divine  law  ;  the  value  of  religion ; 
and  the  certainty  and  rapid  approach  of  death  " 


JOHN   WITHERSPOON. 

JOHN  WITHERSPOON,  a  man  alike  distinguished  as  a  mi 
nister  of  the  gospel,  and  a  patriot  of  the  revolution,  was  born 
in  the  parish  of  Tester,  a  few  miles  from  Edinburgh,  on  the 
5th  of  February,  172*2.  He  was  lineally  descended  from 
John  Knox,  the  Scottish  reformer,  of  whom  Mary,  queen  of 
Scots,  said,  "she  was  more  afraid  of  his  prayers,  than  of  an 
army  of  ten  thousand  men." 

The  father  of  Mr.  Witherspoon  was  the  minister  of  the 
parish  of  Yester.  He  was  a  man,  eminent  for  his  piety  and 
literature,  and  for  a  habit  of  great  accuracy  in  his  writings 
and  discourses.  The  example  of  the  father  contributed,  in  no 
small  degree,  to  form  in  his  son  that  love  of  taste  and  simpli 
city,  for  which  he  was  deservedly  distinguished. 

He  was  sent,  at  an  early  age,  to  the  public  school  at  Had- 
dington,  where  he  soon  acquired  a  high  reputation  for  the  na 
tive  soundness  of  his  judgment,  his  close  application  to  study, 
and  the  quick  and  clear  conceptions  of  his  mind.  Many,  who 
at  that  time  were  the  companions  of  his  literary  toils,  after 
wards  filled  some  of  the  highest  stations  in  the  literary  and 
political  world. 

At  the  age  of  fourteen,  he  was  removed  to  the  university 
of  Edinburgh.  Here  he  was  distinguished,  as  he  had  been  at 
the  school  of  Haddington,  for  his  great  diligence  and  rapid 
literary  attainments.  In  the  theological  hall,  particularly,  he 


NEW-JERSEY  DELEGATION. 

exhibited  an  uncommon  taste  in  sacred  criticism,  and  an  unu 
sual  precision  of  thought,  and  perspicuity  of  expression.  At 
the  age  of  twenty-one,  he  finished  his  collegiate  studies,  and 
commenced  preaching. 

Immediately  on  leaving  the  university,  he  was  invited  to 
become  the  minister  of  Tester,  as  colleague  with  his  father, 
with  the  right  of  succeeding  to  the  charge.  He  chose,  rather, 
however,  to  accept  an  invitation  from  the  parish  of  Beith,  in 
the  west  of  Scotland,  and  here  he  was  ordained  and  settled, 
by  the  unanimous  consent  of  his  congregation. 

Soon  after  his  settlement  at  Beith,  a  circumstance  occur 
red  of  too  interesting  a  nature  to  be  omitted.  On  the  17th  of 
January,  1746,  was  fought  the  battle  of  Falkirk.  Of  this  bat 
tle,  Dr.  Witherspoon  and  several  others  were  spectators.  Un 
fortunately,  they  were  taken  prisoners  by  the  rebels,  and  shut 
up  in  close  confinement  in  the  castle  of  Doune.  In  the  same 
room  in  which  he  was  confined,  were  two  cells,  in  one  of 
which  were  five  members  of  a  military  company  from  Edin 
burgh,  who  had  also  been  taken  prisoners,  and  two  citizens 
of  Aberdeen,  who  had  been  threatened  to  be  hanged  as  spies. 
In  the  other  cell  were  several  others  who  had  been  made  pri 
soners,  under  circumstances  similar  to  those  of  Dr.  Wither 
spoon. 

During  the  night  which  followed  their  imprisonment,  the 
thoughts  of  the  prisoners,  who  were  able  to  communicate 
with  one  another,  were  turnbd  on  the  best  means  of  mak 
ing  their  escape.  The  room  where  they  were  confined  was 
the  highest  part  of  the  castle,  not  far  from  the  battlements, 
which  were  seventy  feet  high.  It  was  proposed  to  form  a 
rope  of  some  blankets  which  they  had  purchased,  and  by 
means  of  this  to  descend  from  the  battlements  to  the  ground. 

A  rope  was  accordingly  made,  in  the  best  manner  they 
were  able,  and  about  one  o'clock  in  the  morning  they  com 
menced  descending  upon  it.  Four  reached  the  ground  in 
safety.  Just  as  the  fifth  touched  the  ground  the  rope  broke, 
about  twenty  feet  above.  This  unfortunate  occurrence  was 
communicated  to  those  who  remained  on  the  battlements,  and 
warning  was  given  to  them  not  to  attempt  the  hazardous  de- 


JOHN    WITHERSPOON.  213 

scent  In  disregard,  however,  of  the  advice,  the  next  one 
whose  turn  it  was  to  descend,  immediately  went  down  the 
rope.  On  reaching  the  end  of  it,  his  companions  below  per 
ceiving  him  determined  to  let  go  his  hold,  put  themselves  in 
a  posture  to  break  his  fall.  They  succeeded,  however,  only 
in  part.  The  poor  fellow  was  seriously  injured,  having  one 
of  his  ancles  dislocated,  and  several  ribs  broken.  His  com 
panions,  however,  succeeded  in  conveying  him  to  a  village  on 
the  borders  of  the  sea,  whence  he  was  taken,  by  means  of  a 
boat,  to  a  sloop  of  war  lying  in  the  harbour. 

The  other  volunteer,  and  Dr.  Witherspoon,  were  left  be 
hind.  The  volunteer  now  drew  the  rope  up,  and  to  the  end 
of  it  attached  several  blankets.  Having  made  it  sufficiently 
long,  he  again  let  it  down  and  began  his  descent.  He  reached 
the  place  where  the  rope  was  originally  broken,  in  safety ; 
but  the  blankets,  which  he  had  attached  to  it,  being  too  large 
for  him  to  span,  like  his  predecessor,  he  fell,  and  was  so  much 
wounded,  that  he  afterwards  died.  The  fate  of  these  unhap 
py  men  induced  Dr.  Witherspoon  to  relinquish  the  hope  of 
escape  in  this  way,  and  to  wait  for  a  safer  mode  of  liberation. 

From  Beith,  Dr.  Witherspoon  was  translated,  in  the  course 
of  a  few  years,  to  the  flourishing  town  of  Paisley,  where  he 
was  happy  in  the  affections  of  a  large  congregation,  among 
whom  he  was  eminently  useful,  until  the  period  of  his  emi 
grating  to  America,  to  take  charge,  as  president,  of  the  col 
lege  of  New-Jersey. 

The  election  of  Dr.  Witherspoon  to  the  presidency  of  the 
above  college,  occurred  in  the  year  1766.  This  appointment, 
however,  he  was  induced  to  decline,  in  the  first  instance,  from 
the  reluctance  of  the  female  members  of  his  family,  and  espe 
cially  of  Mrs.  Witherspoon,  to  leave  the  scene  of  their  happi 
ness  and  honour,  for  a  land  of  strangers,  and  that  land  so  dis 
tant  from  her  father's  sepulchres. 

4t  a  subsequent  period,  however,  Dr.  Witherspoon  again 
took  the  subject  into  consideration  ;  and  at  length,  through  the 
influence  and  representations  of  Mr.  Stockton,  of  whom  we 
have  spoken  in  the  preceding  memoir,  acceded  to  the  wishes 
of  the  trustees,  in  accepting  the  presidency  of  the  college.  It 


214  NEW-JERSEY    DELEGATION. 

reflects  no  small  honour  upon  Dr.  Witherspoon,  that  he 
should  consent  to  cross  the  ocean,  and  take  charge  of  a  col 
lege  in  a  new  country,  leaving  behind  him  a  sphere  of  great 
respectability,  comfort,  and  usefulness.  Having  previously 
declined,  it  is  understood,  an  urgent  invitation  to  an  honoura 
ble  station  in  Dublin,  in  Rotterdam,  and  in  the  town  of  Dun 
dee,  in  his  own  country.  It  deserves  also  to  be  mentioned, 
that  a  little  previous  to  his  embarking  for  America,  and  while 
still  in  a  state  of  suspense,  respecting  his  duty,  an  unmarried 
gentleman  of  considerable  fortune,  and  a  relation  of  the 
family,  offered  to  make  him  his  heir,  provided  he  would  remain 
in  Scotland. 

Dr.  Witherspoon  arrived  in  America  in  August,  1768,  and 
in  the  same  month  was  inaugurated  president  of  the  college. 
The  fame  of  his  literary  character  caused  an  immediate  ac 
cession  to  the  number  of  students,  and  an  increase  of  the 
funds  of  the  college.  At  that  time  it  had  not  been  patronized 
by  the  state.  It  had  been  founded  and  supported  by  private 
liberality.  At  the  period  of  Dr.  Witherspoon's  arrival,  the 
finances  of  the  college  were  in  a  low  and  declining  condition. 
His  reputation,  however,  in  connexion  with  his  personal  ex 
ertions,  excited  the  generosity  of  all  parts  of  the  country, 
from  Massachusetts  to  Virginia ;  in  consequence  of  which, 
the  finances  of  the  institution  were  soon  raised  to  a  flourishing 
state.  During  the  war  of  the  revolution,  the  college  was 
broken  up,  and  its  resources  nearly  annihilated.  Yet  it  can 
scarcely  be  estimated  how  much  the  institution  owed,  at  that 
time,  to  the  enterprise  and  talents  of  Dr.  Witherspoon. 

"But  the  principal  advantages  it  derived,"  says  Dr.  Rogers, 
in  a  discourse  occasioned  by  his  death,  "  were  from  his  litera 
ture,  his  superintendency,  his  example  as  a  happy  model 
of  good  writing,  and  from  the  tone  and  taste  which  he  gave 
to  the  literary  pursuits  of  the  college." 

He  made  great  alterations  in  every  department  of  instruc 
tion.  "  He  endeavoured,"  says  the  same  writer,  "to  establish 
the  system  of  education  in  this  institution,  upon  the  most  ex 
tensive  and  respectable  basis,  that  its  situation  and  its  finances 
would  admit.  Formerly,  the  course  of  instruction  had  been 


JOHN  WITHERSPOON.  215 

too  superficial :  and  its  metaphysics  and  philosophy  were  too 
much  tinctured  with  the  dry  and  uninstructive  forms  of  the 
schools.  This,  however,  was  by  no  means  to  be  imputed  as 
a  defect  to  those  great  and  excellent  men  who  had  presided 
over  the  institution  before  him,  but  rather  to  the  recent  origin 
of  the  country,  the  imperfection  of  its  state  of  society,  and 
to  the  state  of  literature  in  it.  Since  his  presidency,  ma 
thematical  science  has  received  an  extension  that  was  not 
known  before  in  the  American  seminaries.  He  introduced 
into  philosophy  all  the  most  liberal  and  modern  improve 
ments  of  Europe.  He  extended  the  philosophical  course  to 
embrace  the  general  principles  of  policy  and  public  law ;  he 
incorporated  with  it  sound  and  rational  metaphysics,  equally 
i-emote  from  the  doctrines  of  fatality  and  contingency,  from 
the  barrenness  and  dogmatism  of  the  schools,  and  from  the 
excessive  refinements  of  those  contradictory,  but  equally  im 
pious  sects  of  scepticism,  who  wholly  deny  the  existence  of 
matter,  or  maintain  that  nothing  but  matter  exists  in  the 
universe. 

"  He  laid  the  foundation  of  a  course  of  history  in  the  col 
lege,  and  the  principles  of  taste,  and  the  rules  of  good  wri 
ting,  were  both  happily  explained  by  him,  and  exemplified  in 
his  manner"  He  possessed  an  admirable  faculty  for  go 
verning,  and  was  very  successful  in  exciting  a  good  degree 
of  emulation  among  the  pupils  committed  to  his  care.  Un 
der  his  auspices,  many  were  graduated,  who  became  distin 
guished  for  their  learning,  and  for  the  eminent  services  which 
they  rendered  their  countrymen  as  divines,  as  legislators,  and 
patriots. 

On  the  occurrence  of  the  American  war,  the  college  was 
broken  up,  as  has  already  been  noticed,  and  the  officers  and 
students  were  dispersed.  Dr.  Witherspoon  now  appeared  in 
a  new  attitude  before  the  American  public.  Although  a  fo 
reigner,  he  had  laid  aside  his  prejudices  on  becoming  a  citi 
zen  of  the  country,  and  now  warmly  espoused  the  cause  of 
the  Americans  against  the  English  ministry.  His  distin 
guished  abilities  pointed  him  out  to  the  citizens  of  New-Jer 
sey,  as  one  of  the  most  proper  delegates  to  that  convention 


216  NEW-JERSEY  DELEGATION. 

which  formed  their  republican  constitution.  In  this  respect 
able  assembly  he  appeared,  to  the  astonishment  of  all  the 
professors  of  the  law,  as  profound  a  civilian  as  he  had  before 
been  known  to  be  a  philosopher  and  divine. 

Early  in  the  year  1776,  he  was  elected  a  representative  to 
the  general  congress,  by  the  people  of  New-Jersey.  He 
took  his  seat  a  few  days  previously  to  the  fourtii  of  July,  and 
assisted  in  the  deliberations  on  the  momentous  question  of  a 
declaration  of  independence.  Of  this  measure  he  was  an  ad 
vocate.  It  was  a  happy  reply  which  he  made  to  a  gentleman 
who,  in  opposing  the  measure,  declared  that  the  country  was 
not  yet  ripe  for  a  declaration  of  independence.  "  Sir,"  said 
he,  "  in  my  judgment  the  country  is  not  only  ripe,  but 
rotting" 

For  the  space  of  seven  years,  Dr.  Witherspoon  continued 
to  represent  the  people  of  New-Jersey  in  the  general  con 
gress.  He  was  seldom  absent  from  his  seat,  and  never  al 
lowed  personal  considerations  to  prevent  his  attention  to  of 
ficial  duties.  Few  men  acted  with  more  energy  and  promp 
titude  ;  few  appeared  to  be  enriched  with  greater  political 
wisdom  ;  few  enjoyed  a  greater  share  of  public  confidence ; 
few  accomplished  more  for  the  country,  than  he  did,  in  the 
sphere  in  which  he  was  called  to  act.  In  the  most  gloomy  and 
formidable  aspect  of  public  affairs,  he  was  always  firm,  dis 
covering  the  greatest  reach  and  presence  of  mind,  in  the  most 
embarrassing  situations. 

It  is  impossible  here  to  particularise  all,  or  even  a  small 
part  of  the  important  services  which  he  rendered  his  country, 
during  his  continuance  in  the  grand  legislative  council.  He 
served  on  numerous  committees,  where  his  judgment  and  ex 
perience  were  of  eminent  importance.  He  seldom  took  part 
in  the  discussions  of  public  measures,  until,  by  reason  and 
reflection,  he  had  settled  his  ideas  on  the  subject.  He  would 
then  come  forward  with  great  clearness  and  power,  and  sel 
dom  did  he  fail  to  impart  light  to  a  subject,  and  cause  even 
his  opponents  to  hesitate.  His  speeches  were  usually  com 
posed  in  closet,  and  committed  to  memory.  His  memory  was 


JOHN  WITHERSPOON.  217 

unusually  tenacious.  He  could  repeat  verbatim  a  sermon, 
or  a  speech,  composed  by  himself,  by  reading  it  three  times. 

Dr.  Witherspoon,  it  must  be  admitted,  was  a  sagacious  po 
litician.  He  indeed  adopted  views  which,  in  some  respects, 
differed  from  those  of  his  brethren  in  congress  ;  yet  his  prin 
ciples  have  been  justified  by  the  result.  A  few  examples  may 
be  mentioned.  He  constantly  opposed  the  expensive  mode 
of  supplying  the  army  by  commission.  For  several  years 
this  was  the  mode  adopted.  A  certain  commission  per  cent, 
on  the  money  that  the  commissioners  expended,  was  allowed 
them,  as  a  compensation.  A  strong  temptation  was  thus  pre 
sented  to  purchase  at  extravagant  prices,  since  the  commis 
sioners  correspondingly  increased  their  compensation. 

In  consequence  of  this  mode  of  supplying  the  army,  the 
expenses  of  the  country  became  alarmingly  great.  Much 
dissatisfaction,  from  time  to  time,  existed  in  reference  to  the 
management  of  the  commissary  general's  department,  and  a 
reform  was  loudly  demanded  by  many  judicious  men  in  the 
country.  Among  those  who  loudly  complained  on  this  sub 
ject,  and  who  deemed  a  change  essential  to  the  salvation  of 
the  country,  Dr.  Witherspoon  was  one.  This  change,  so 
useful  and  economical,  was  at  length  agreed  to,  July  10th, 
1781.  The  superintendent  of  finance  was  authorized  to  pro 
cure  all  necessary  supplies  for  the  army  and  navy  of  the 
United  States  by  contract,  i.  c.  by  allowing  a  certain  sum  to 
the  purchaser  for  every  ration  furnished. 

Another  point  on  which  Dr.  Witherspoon  differed  from 
many  of  his  brethren  in  congress,  was  the  emission  of  a  pa 
per  currency.  After  the  first  or  second  emission,  he  strongly 
opposed  the  system,  predicting  the  wound  which  would  be 
ultimately  given  to  public  credit,  and  the  private  distress 
which  must  necessarily  follow.  Instead  of  emissions  of  an 
unfunded  paper  beyond  a  certain  quantum,  Dr.  Witherspoon 
urged  the  propriety  of  making  loans  and  establishing  funds 
for  the  payment  of  the  interest.  Happy  had  it  been  for  the 
country,  had  this  better  policy  been  adopted.  At  a  subse 
quent  date,  at  the  instance  of  some  of  the  very  gentlemen 
who  opposed  him  in  congress,  he  published  his  ideas  on  the 
2E  19 


218  NNW-JERSEY    DELEGATION, 

nature,  value,  and  uses  of  money,  in  one  of  the  most  clear 
and  judicious  essays  that  perhaps  was  ever  written  on  the 
subject. 

At  the  close  of  the  year  1779,  Dr.  Witherspoon  voluntari 
ly  retired  from  congress,  desirous  of  spending  the  remainder 
of  his  life,  as  he  said,  in  "  otio  cum  dignitate"  According 
ly,  he  resigned  his  house  in  the  vicinity  of  the  college  to  his 
son-in-law,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Samuel  Smith,  to  whom  was  com 
mitted  the  care  and  instruction  of  the  students,  who  now  be 
gan  to  return  from  their  dispersion.  Dr.  Witherspoon  retired 
to  a  country  seat,  at  the  distance  of  about  one  mile  from 
Princeton.  His  name,  however,  continued  to  add  celebrity 
to  the  institution,  which  not  long  after  recovered  its  former 
reputation. 

But  he  was  not  long  allowed  the  repose  which  he  so  much 
desired.  In  1781,  he  was  again  elected  a  representative  to 
congress.  But  at  the  close  of  the  following  year,  he  retired 
from  political  life.  In  the  year  1783,  he  was  induced,  through 
his  attachment  to  the  institution  over  which  he  had  so  long 
presided,  to  cross  the  ocean  to  promote  its  benefit.  He  was 
now  in  his  sixtieth  year,  and  strong  must  have  been  his  re 
gard  for  the  interests  of  learning,  to  induce  him,  at  this  ad 
vanced  age,  to  brave  the  dangers  of  the  ocean.  Much  suc 
cess  could  scarcely  be  expected  in  an  undertaking  of  this 
kind,  considering  the  hostility  which  still  subsisted  between 
England  and  America.  The  pecuniary  assistance  which  he 
.obtained  exceeded  only,  by  a  little,  his  necessary  expenses, 
although  he  was  not  wanting  in  enterprise  and  zeal  in  relation 
to  the  object  of  his  voyage. 

After  his  return  to  this  country,  in  1784,  finding  nothing 
to  obstruct  his  entering  on  that  retirement  which  was  now 
becoming  dear  to  him,  he  withdrew,  in  a  great  measure,  ex 
cept  on  some  important  occasions,  from  the  exercise  of  those 
public  functions  that  were  not  immediately  connected  with 
the  duties  of  his  office,  as  president  of  the  college,  or  his 
character  as  a  minister  of  the  gospel. 

Although  Dr.  Witherspoon  was  peculiarly  fitted  for  politi 
cal  life,  he  appeared  with  still  more  advantage  as  a  ministei 


JOHN    WITHERSPOON.  219 

of  the  gospel,  and  particularly  as  a  minister  in  the  pulpit. 
"  He  was,  in  many  respects,"  says  Dr.  Rogers,  "  one  of  the 
best  models  on  which  a  young  preacher  could  form  himself. 
It  was  a  singular  felicity  to  the  whole  college,  but  especially 
to  those  who  had  the  profession  of  the  ministry  in  contempla 
tion,  to  have  such  an  example  constantly  in  view.  Religion,  by 
the  manner  in  which  it  was  treated  by  him,  always  command 
ed  the  respect  of  those  who  heard  him,  even  when  it  was  not 
able  to  engage  their  hearts.  An  admirable  textuary  ;  a  pro 
found  theologian,  perspicuous  and  simple  in  his  manner  ;  an 
universal  scholar,  acquainted  with  human  nature  ;  a  grave, 
dignified,  solemn  speaker ; — he  brought  all  the  advantages 
derived  from  these  sources,  to  the  illustration  and  enforce 
ment  of  divine  truth." 

The  social  qualities  of  Dr.  Witherspoon  rendered  him  one 
of  the  most  companionable  of  men.  He  possessed  a  rich 
fund  of  anecdote,  both  amusing  and  instructive.  His  mo 
ments  of  relaxation  were  as  entertaining  as  his  serious  ones 
were  fraught  with  improvement  The  following  anecdote 
presents  a  specimen  of  his  pleasantry.  On  the  surrender  of 
the  British  army  to  General  Gates,  at  Saratoga,  that  officer 
dispatched  one  of  his  aids  to  convey  the  news  to  congress. 
The  interesting  character  of  the  intelligence  would  have 
prompted  most  men  to  have  made  as  expeditious  a  journey  as 
possible ;  but  the  aid  proceeded  so  leisurely,  that  the  intelli 
gence  reached  Philadelphia  three  days  before  his  arrival.  It 
was  usual  for  congress,  on  such  occasions,  to  bestow  some 
mark  of  their  esteem  upon  the  person  who  was  the  bearer  of 
intelligence  so  grateful ;  and  it  was  proposed,  in  this  case,  to 
best  w  upon  the  messenger  an  elegant  sword.  During  the 
conversation  on  this  subject  in  the  hall,  Dr.  Witherspoon 
rose,  and  begged  leave  to  amend  the  motion,  by  substituting 
for  an  elegant  sword,  a  pair  of  golden  spurs. 

Another  interesting  trait  in  his  character,  was  his  attention 
to  young  persons.  He  never  suffered  an  opportunity  to  es 
cape  him  of  imparting  the  most  useful  advice  to  them,  ac 
cording  to  their  circumstances,  when  they  happened  to  be  in 
his  company.  And  this  was  always  done  with  so  much  kind- 


220  NEW-JERSEY  DELEGATION. 

ness  and  suavity,  that  they  could  neither  be  inattentive  to  it 
or  easily  forget  it. 

In  domestic  life,  he  was  an  affectionate  husband,  a  tender 
parent,  a  kind  master,  and  a  sincere  friend.  He  was  twice 
married.  The  first  time  in  Scotland,  at  an  early  age,  to  a 
lady  by  the  name  of  Montgomery.  She  was  a  woman  dis 
tinguished  for  her  piety  and  benevolence.  At  the  time  of  his 
emigration  to  America,  he  had  three  sons  and  two  daughters. 
James,  his  eldest  son,  was  killed  in  the  battle  of  Germantown. 
John  was  bred  a  physician,  and  David  applied  himself  to  the 
study  of  the  law.  Both  were  respectable  men.  Of  the 
d  ughters,  one  was  married  to  the  Rev.  Samuel  S.  Smith, 
the  successor  of  Dr.  Witherspoon  in  the  presidency  of 
the  college.  The  other  became  connected  with  Dr.  Ramsay, 
the  celebrated  historian.  The  second  marriage  of  Dr.  With 
erspoon  occurred  when  he  was  seventy  years  old ;  the  lady 
whom  he  married  was  only  twenty-three. 

In  his  person,  Dr.  Witherspoon  was  remarkably  dignified. 
He  was  six  feet  in  height,  and  of  fine  proportion.  He  was 
distinguished  for  a  fervent  piety,  and  for  great  punctuality 
and  exactness  in  his  devotional  exercises.  "  Besides  his 
daily  devotions  of  the  closet,  and  the  family,  it  was  his  stated 
practice  to  observe  the  last  day  of  every  year,  with  his  family, 
as  a  day  of  fasting,  humiliation,  and  prayer:  and  it  was  also 
his  practice  to  set  apart  days  for  secret  fasting  and  prayer,  as 
occasion  suggested." 

"  Bodily  infirmities  began  at  length  to  come  upon  him.  For 
more  than  two  years  before  his  death,  he  was  afflicted  with 
the  loss  of  sight,  which  contributed  to  hasten  the  progress 
of  his  other  disorders.  These  he  bore  with  a  patience,  and 
even  with  a  cheerfulness,  rarely  to  be  met  with  in  the  most 
eminent  for  wisdom  and  piety.  Nor  would  his  active  mind, 
and  his  desire  of  usefulness  to  the  end,  permit  him,  even  in 
this  situation,  to  desist  from  the  exercise  of  his  ministry,  and 
nis  duties  in  the  college,  as  far  as  his  strength  and  health 
would  admit.  He  was  frequently  led  into  the  pulpit,  both  at 
home  and  abroad,  during  his  blindness  ;  and  always  acquitted 


JOHN  WITHERSPOON.  221 

himself  with   his  usual  accuracy,  and  frequently  with  more 
than  his  usual  solemnity  and  animation." 

At  length,  however,  he  sank  under  the  accumulated  pres 
sure  of  his  infirmities  ;  and  on  the  15th  day  of  November,  1794, 
in  the  seventy-third  year  of  his  age  he  retired  to  his  final  rest. 
The  following  epitaph  is  inscribed  on  the  marble  which  covers 
his  remains : 

Beneath  this  marble  lie  interred 

the  mortal  remains  of 

JOHN  WITHERSPOON,  D.  D.  LL.  D. 

a  venerable  and  beloved  President  of  the  College  of 

New- Jersey. 
He  was  born  in  the  parish  of  Ycster,  in  Scotland, 

on  the  5th  of  February,  1722,  O.  S. 

And  was  liberally  educated  in  the  University  of  Edinburgh, 

invested  with  holy  orders  in  the  year  1743, 

he  faithfully  performed  the  duties  of 

his  pastoral  charge, 

during  five  and  twenty  years, 

first  at  Beith,  and  then  at  Paisley. 

Elected  president  of  Nassau  Hall, 

he  assumed  the  duties  of  that  office  on  the  13th  of  August,  1768, 
with  the  elevated  expectations  of  the  public. 

Excelling  in  every  mental  gift, 

he  was  a  man  of  pre-eminent  piety  and  virtue 

and  deeply  versed  in  the  various  branches 

of  literature  and  the  liberal  arts. 

A  grave  and  solemn  preacher, 

his  sermons  abounded  in  the  most  excellent  doctrines  and  precepts, 

and  in  lucid  expositions  of  the  Holy  Scriptures. 
Affable,  pleasant,  and  courteous  in  familiar  conversation, 

he  was  eminently  distinguished 
in  concerns  and  deliberations  of  the  church, 

and  endowed  with  the  greatest  prudence 
in  the  management  and  instruction  of  youth. 

He  exalted 

the  reputation  of  the  college  amongst  foreigners, 

and  greatly  promoted  the  advancement 

of  its  literary  character  and  taste. 

He  was,  for  a  long  time,  conspicuous 

Among  the  most  brilliant  luminaries  of  learning  and  of  the  Church. 

At  length, 

universally  venerated,  beloved,  and  lamented, 

he  departed  this  life  on  the  fifteenth  of  November,  MDCCXCIV. 

aged  LXXIII  years. 


222  NEW-JERSEY    DELEGATION 

FRANCIS  HOPKINSON 

FRANCIS  HOPKINSON  was  a  native  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
was  born  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  in  the  year  1737.  His 
father,  Thomas  Hopkinson,  was  an  Englishman,  who  emigra 
ted  to  America,  but  in  what  year  is  unknown  to  the  writer. 
A  short  time  previous  to  his  emigration,  he  became  respecta 
bly  connected  by  marriage,  with  a  niece  of  the  bishop  of  Wor 
cester. 

On  his  arrival  in  America,  he  took  up  his  residence  in  the 
city  of  Philadelphia,  where  he  honourably  filled  several  offices 
of  distinction,  under  the  government  of  his  native  country. 
Mr.  Hopkinson  was  distinguished  for  his  scientific  attainments. 
He  was  intimate  with  that  distinguished  philosopher,  Benja 
min  Franklin,  by  whom  he  was  held  in  high  estimation.  The 
intimacy  which  subsisted  between  these  gentlemen,  seems  to 
have  arisen  from  a  similarity  of  taste,  particularly  on  philoso 
phical  subjects.  To  Mr.  Hopkinson  is  attributed  the  first  ex 
periment  of  attracting  the  electric  fluid,  by  means  of  a 
pointed  instrument,  instead  of  a  blunt  one.  This  experiment 
he  had  the  pleasure  of  first  exhibiting  to  Dr.  Franklin.  Its 
practical  importance  consisted  in  preventing  the  severe  explo 
sion,  which  always  takes  place  in  the  passage  of  the  electric 
fluid,  upon  a  blunted  instrument. 

Upon  the  death  of  Mr.  Hopkinson,  Avhich  occurred  while 
he  was  in  the  prime  of  life,  the  care  of  his  interesting  and 
numerous  family  devolved  upon  his  widoxv.  Fortunately, 
Mrs.  Hopkinson  was  a  lady  of  superior  mental  endowments, 
and  well  qualified  to  superintend  the  education  of  her  child 
ren.  At  an  early  period,  discovering  indications  of  genius  in 
her  son,  the  subject  of  the  present  memoir,  she  resolved  to 
make  every  sacrifice,  and  every  effort  in  her  power,  to  give 
him  the  advantages  of  a  superior  education.  Her  income 
was  comparatively  limited,  but  a  mother  can  relinquish  every 
enjoyment  for  her  children.  This  Mrs.  Hopkinson  did  with 
the  greatest  pleasure;  and  to  the  practice  of  self-denial  for  her 
son,  she  added,  for  his  benefit,  the  most  admirable  precepts. 


FRANCIS  HOPKINSON.  223 

and  the  most  excellent  example.  Her  efforts  were  crowned 
with  singular  success.  She  lived  to  see  him  graduate  with  repu 
tation,  from  the  college  of  Philadelphia,  and  become  eminent 
in  the  profession  of  law.  He  possessed  talents  of  a  high  or 
der.  His  genius  was  quick  and  versatile.  He  penetrated  the 
depths  of  science  with  ease,  and  with  grave  and  important 
truths  stored  his  capacious  mind.  But  he  by  no  means  ne 
glected  the  lighter  accomplishments.  In  music  and  poetry  he 
excelled,  and  had  some  knowledge  of  painting.  Few  men 
were  more  distinguished  for  their  humour  and  satire. 

In  the  year  1766,  Mr.  Hopkinson  embarked  for  England, 
for  the  purpose  of  visiting  the  land  of  his  fathers.  Such  was 
the  estimation  in  which  he  was  held  in  his  native  city,  that  he 
received  a  public  expression  of  respect  and  affection,  from 
the  board  of  trustees  of  the  college  of  Philadelphia,  which  the 
provost  of  that  institution  was  desired  to  communicate  to 
him,  and  wish  him,  in  the  behalf  of  his  Alma  Mater,  a  safe 
and  prosperous  voyage. 

After  a  residence  of  more  than  two  years  in  England,  he  re 
turned  to  America,  soon  after  which  he  became  settled  in  life, 
having  married  a  Miss  Borden,  of  Bordentown,  in  the  state 
of  New-Jersey.  His  acknowledged  talents  soon  drew  the  at 
tention  of  the  royal  government,  under  which  he  received  the 
appointment  of  collector  of  the  customs,  and  executive  coun 
sellor. 

These  offices,  however,  he  did  not  long  enjoy,  being  obli 
ged  to  sacrifice  them  in  the  cause  of  his  country.  He  entered 
with  strong  feelings  into  the  public  measures  which  preceded 
the  revolutionary  contest,  and  having  taken  up  his  residence 
in  New-Jersey,  his  abilities  and  patriotism  pointed  him  out 
as  a  proper  person  to  represent  her  in  congress.  According 
ly,  in  the  year  1776  he  received  this  appointment,  and  in  this 
capacity  he  voted  for  the  declaration  of  independence,  and 
subsequently  affixed  his  signature  to  the  engrossed  copy  of 
that  memorable  instrument. 

On  the  retirement  of  Mr.  Ross,  in  1779,  the  judge  of  the 
admiralty  court  of  Pennsylvania,  the  president  of  that  state 
nominated  Mr.  Hopkinson  as  his  successor ;  an  office  to 


224  NEW-JERSEY    DELEGATION. 

which  he  was  unanimously  appointed,  and  the  duties  of 
which,  for  ten  years,  until  the  organization  of  the  federal 
government,  he  continued  to  discharge  with  honour  to  him 
self,  and  benefit  to  his  country. 

Soon  after  the  adoption  of  the  federal  constitution,  General 
Washington,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  senate,  ap 
pointed  Mr.  Hopkinson  to  the  office  of  Judge  of  the  United 
States,  for  the  district  of  Pennsylvania.  This  was  an  impor 
tant  and  dignified  station,  for  which  he  was  admirably  fitted, 
and  in  which  capacity  he  assisted  in  giving  stability  and  dig 
nity  to  the  national  government. 

During  the  period  of  his  judicial  career,  he  conscientiously 
avoided  mingling  in  party,  or  occasional  politics.  He  em 
ployed  his  powers,  however,  when  occasion  required,  in  pro 
moting  the  public  good.  He  contributed  in  no  small  degree 
in  rousing  the  feelings  of  the  people,  during  the  war  of  the 
revolution.  The  chief  means  by  which  he  accomplished  this, 
was  the  employment  of  his  powers  of  satire,  which  he  pos 
sessed  in  an  uncommon  degree.  His  occasional  productions 
were  quite  numerous,  and  were  well  adapted  to  the  state  of 
the  country  at  that  time.  They  rendered  the  author  justly 
popular  at  that  day,  and  will  continue  to  interest  and  amuse, 
while  the  memory  of  these  times  shall  remain. 

Mr.  Hopkinson  published  several  poetical  pieces.  His  chief 
merit  as  a  poet  consisted  in  an  easy  versification.  His  poeti 
cal  productions  were  chiefly  designed  tu  amuse.  This  object 
they  effected.  They  attracted  no  small  attention,  through 
out  the  country ;  but  none  was  more  popular  than  the  humo 
rous  and  well  known  ballad,  called  "  The  Battle  of  the  Kegs." 

The  life  of  Mr.  Hopkinson  was  suddenly  terminated, 
while  in  the  midst  of  his  usefulness,  on  the  eighth  of  May,  1791, 
in  the  fifty-third  year  of  his  age.  He  died  of  an  apoplectic 
fit,  which,  in  two  hours  after  the  attack,  put  a  period  to  his 
mortal  existence.  In  stature,  Mr.  Hopkinson  was  below  the 
common  size.  His  countenance  was  extremely  animated, 
though  his  features  were  small.  In  speech  he  was  fluent, 
and  in  his  motions  he  was  unusually  quick.  Few  men  were 
kinder  in  their  dispositions,  or  more  benevolent  in  their  lives 


JOHN  HART.  225 

He  was  distinguished  for  his  powers  of  taste,  and  for  his  love 
and  devotion  to  science.  He  possessed  a  library,  which  con 
tained  the  most  distinguished  literary  productions  of  the 
times ;  and  in  his  library  room  was  to  be  found  a  collection 
of  scientific  apparatus,  with  wrhich  he  amused  himself  in  his 
leisure  hours,  and  added  greatly  to  his  stock  of  knowledge. 
The  following  anecdote  furnishes  evidence  of  the  estimation 
in  which  he  was  held,  as  a  philosopher,  and  a  man  of  letters. 
Sometime  during  the  revolutionary  war,  Bordentown,  the 
place  where  Mr.  Hopkinson  and  family  resided,  was  suddenly 
invaded  by  a  party  of  Hessians.  Tfee  family  had  hardly  time 
to  escape  before  the  invaders  began  the  plunder  of  the  house. 
After  the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia,  by  the  British,  a  vo 
lume,  which  had  been  taken  from  the  library  of  Mr.  Hopkin 
son,  at  the  above  period,  fell  into  his  hands.  On  a  blank  leaf, 
the  oflicer,  who  took  the  book,  had  written  in  German  an 
acknowledgment  of  the  theft,  declaring  that  although  he 
believed  Mr.  Hopkinson  to  be  an  obstinate  rebel,  the  books 
and  philosophical  apparatus  of  his  library  were  sufficient  evi 
dence,  that  he  was  a  learned  man. 

Mr.  Hopkinson,  at  his  decease,  left  a  widow  and  five  chil 
dren.  The  eldest  of  these,  Joseph  Hopkinson,  who  still  lives, 
strongly  resembles  his  father,  in  the  endowments  of  his  mind, 
and  the  brilliancy  of  his  genius.  He  occupies  an  enviable 
rank  among  the  advocates  of  the  American  bar. 


JOHN  HART. 

THE  history  of  the  world  probably  furnishes  not  another 
instance  in  which  there  was  a  nobler  exhibition  of  true  patri 
otism,  than  is  presented  in  the  history  of  the  American  revo 
lution.  It  was  certain  at  its  commencement,  in  respect  to 
numerous  individuals,  whose  talents,  wisdom  and  enterprise 
w^re  necessary  to  its  success,  that  they  could  derive  but  little, 
2F 


226  NEW-JERSEY    DELEGATION. 

if  any,  individual  advantage.  Nay,  it  was  certain,  that  in 
stead  of  gain  they  would  be  subjected  to  great  loss  and  suffer 
ing.  The  comforts  of  their  families  would  be  abridged  ;  their 
property  destroyed  ;  their  farms  desolated  ;  their  houses  plun 
dered  or  consumed ;  their  sons  might  fall  in  the  field  of  battle  ; 
and,  should  the  struggle  be  vain,  an  ignominious  death  would  be 
their  portion.  But,  then,  the  contest  respected  rights  which 
God  had  given  them ;  it  respected  liberty,  that  dearest  and 
noblest  privilege  of  man  ;  it  respected  the  happiness  of  gene 
rations  yet  to  succeed  each  other  on  this  spacious  continent 
to  the  end  of  time.  Such  considerations  influenced  the  pa 
triots  of  the  revolution.  They  thought  comparatively  little 
of  themselves  ;  their  views  were  fixed  on  the  happiness  oi 
others  ;  on  the  future  glory  of  their  country  ;  on  universal 
liberty  ! 

These  sentiments  alone  could  have  actuated  JOHN  HART,  the 
subject  of  the  present  memoir,  a  worthy  and  independent 
fanner  of  New-Jersey.  He  was  the  son  of  Edward  Hart,  of 
Hopewell,  in  the  county  of  Hunterdon,  in  New-Jersey.  The 
time  of  his  birth  is  unknown  to  the  writer  ;  and  unfortunate 
ly  few  incidents  of  his  life  have  been  preserved.  He  inherited 
from  his  father  a  considerable  patrimonial  estate.  To  this  he 
added,  by  purchase,  a  farm  of  about  four  hundred  acres.  He 
married  a  Miss  Scudder,  a  respectable  and  amiable  lady,  by 
whom  he  had  a  numerous  family  of  children.  He  was  fond  of 
agricultural  pursuits ;  and  in  the  quiet  of  domestic  life,  sought 
those  enjoyments,  which  are  among  the  purest  which  the 
world  affords. 

The  character  which  Mr.  Hart  sustained  for  wisdom,  sta 
bility,  and  judgment  naturally  brought  him  into  notice,  and 
disposed  the  community  to  seek  the  aid  of  his  counsel.  He 
was  often  a  member  of  the  colonial  assembly  ;  and  rendered 
important  service  to  the  section  of  country  in  which  he  re 
sided,  by  suggesting  improvements  as  to  laying  out  new  roads, 
the  erection  of  bridges,  the  superior  means  of  education,  and 
the  prompt  administration  of  justice. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  aggressions  of  the  British 
ministry  upon  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  Mr.  Hart  perceived, 


JOHN  HART.  227 

in  common  with  many  of  the  thinking  men  of  the  day,  that 
the  only  alternative  of  the  latter  would  be  a  resort  to  arms* 
or  absolute  slavery.  Although  he  was  not  one  of  the  most 
zealous  men,  or  as  easily  roused  to  adopt  strong  measures,  as 
were  some  of  those  around  him,  still  he  was  not  backward  to 
express  his  abhorrence  of  the  unjust  conduct  of  the  mother 
country,  nor  to  enter  upon  a  well  matured  system  of  opposi 
tion  to  her  designs.  He  was  particularly  disgusted  with  the 
stamp  act.  Not  that  he  feared  pecuniary  loss  from  its  exac 
tions  ;  it  was  an  inconsiderable  tax  ;  but  trifling  as  it  was,  in 
volved  a  principle  of  the  greatest  importance.  It  gave  to  the 
crown  a  power  over  the  colonies,  against  the  arbitrary  exer 
cise  of  which  they  had  no  security.  They  had  in  truth,  upon 
the  principles  claimed  by  the  British  government,  little  or  no 
control  over  their  own  property.  It  might  be  taxed  in  the 
manner,  and  to  the  extent,  which  parliament  pleased,  and  not 
a  single  representative  from  the  colonies  could  raise  his  voice 
in  their  behalf.  It  was  not  strange,  therefore,  that  the  setting 
up  of  such  a  claim,  on  the  other  side  of  the  water,  should  have 
been  severely  felt  in  the  American  colonies,  and  that  a  spirit 
of  opposition  should  have  pervaded  all  classes,  as  we"  the 
humble  as  the  elevated,  the  farmer  in  his  retirement  as  well 
as  the  statesman  in  his  public  life. 

This  spirit  of  opposition  in  the  colonies  kept  pace  with  the 
spirit  of  aggression  in  the  mother  country.  There  were  few 
men  in  the  community,  who  did  not  feel  more  intensely  each 
succeeding  month  the  magnitude  of  the  subject ;  and  who 
were  not  more  and  more  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  an 
united  and  firm  opposition  to  the  British  government. 

When  the  congress  of  1774  assembled,  Mr.  Hart  appeared, 
and  took  his  seat ;  having  been  elected  by  a  conference  of 
committees  from  several  parts  of  the  colony.  The  precise 
share  which  he  took  in  the  deliberations  of  this  august  and 
venerable  body,  is  unknown.  If  his  habits  and  unambitious 
spirit  led  him  to  act  a  less  conspicuous  part  than  some  others, 
he  rendered  perhaps  no  less  valuable  service,  by  his  modera 
tion  and  cool  judgment. 

During  several  succeeding  sessions,  Mr.  Hart  continued  to 


'  NEW-JERSEY    DELEGATION. 

represent  the  people  of  New-Jersey  in  the  continental  con 
gress.  When  the  question  respecting  a  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence  was  brought  forward,  he  was  at  his  post,  and  voted 
for  the  measure  with  unusual  zeal.  It  was  a-  distinguished 
honour  to  belong  to  this  congress,  under  any  circumstances ; 
but  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Hart  must  have  been  peculiarly 
flattering  to  him.  A  little  time  previous,  the  provincial  con 
gress  of  New-Jersey  had  made  several  changes  in  their  delega 
tion  to  the  general  congress.  Their  confidence  was  not  entire 
in  some  of  their  representatives,  especially  in  regard  to  that  bold 
and  decisive  measure,  a  declaration  of  independence,  which 
was  now  occupying  the  thoughts  of  many  in  the  country.  But 
the  firmness  of  Mr.  Hart,  or,  as  he  was  afterwards  called, 
"  honest  John  Hart,"  they  could  safely  trust.  They  knew 
him  to  be  a  man  of  tried  courage,  and  never  inclined  to  adopt 
temporizing  or  timorous  measures.  He  was  accordingly  re 
tained,  while  others  were  dismissed;  and  was  instructed,  "to 
join  with  the  delegates  of  the  other  colonies  in  continental 
congress,  in  the  most  vigorous  measures  for  supporting  the 
just  rights  and  liberties  of  America  ;  and  if  you  shall  judge  it 
necesoary  or  expedient  for  this  purpose,  to  join  with  them  in 
declaring  the  United  Colonies  independent  of  Great  Britain, 
entering  into  a  confederation  for  union  and  common  defence, 
making  treaties  with  foreign  nations  for  commerce  and  assist 
ance,  and  to  take  such  other  measures  as  may  appear  to  them 
and  you  necessary  for  those  great  ends,  promising  to  support 
them  with  the  whole  force  of  this  province;  always  observing, 
that  whatsoever  plan  of  confederacy  you  enter  into,  the  regu 
lating  the  internal  police  of  this  province  is  to  be  reserved  to 
the  colonial  legislature." 

Sometime  during  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1776,  New-Jer 
sey  became  the  theatre  of  war.  The  distress  which  the  peo 
ple  suffered  in  consequence,  was  very  great ;  and  a  wanton 
destruction  of  property  was  often  occasioned  by  the  enemy. 
In  this  destruction,  the  property  of  Mr.  Hart  largely  partici 
pated.  His  children  were  obliged  to  flee,  his  farm  was  pil 
laged,  and  great  exertions  were  made  to  secure  him,  as  a 
prisoner.  The  situation  of  Mrs.  Hart  was  at  the  time  pecu 
liarly  distressing.  She  was  afflicted  with  a  (li^m^r,  \vMch 


JOHN    HART.  229 

prevented  her  removal  to  a  place  of  safety,  and  eventu 
ally  caused  her  death.  Mr.  Hart  continued  by  her  side, 
until  the  enemy  had  nearly  reached  the  house,  when  he  made 
his  escape,  his  wife  being  safer  alone  than  if  he 'were  present. 
For  some  time,  he  was  hunted  and  pursued  with  the  most  un 
tiring  zeal.  He  was  scarcely  able  to  elude  his  enemies,  was 
often  in  great  want  of  food,  and  sometimes  destitute  of  a  com 
fortable  lodging  for  the  night.  In  one  instance,  he  was 
obliged  to  conceal  himself,  during  the  night,  in  the  usual  rest 
ing  place  of  a  large  dog,  who  was  his  companion  for  the  time. 

The  battles  of  Trenton  and  Princeton  led  to  the  evacua 
tion  of  New- Jersey  by  the  British.  On  this  event,  Mr.  Hart 
again  collected  his  family,  and  began  to  repair  the  desolation 
of  his  farm  by  the  hand  of  the  enemy.  His  constitution,  how 
ever,  had  received  an  irreparable  shock.  His  health  gradual 
ly  failed  him  ;  and  though  he  lived  to  see  brighter  prospects 
opening  before  his  country,  he  died  before  the  contest  was 
ended.  His  death  occurred  in  the  year  1780.  Although  the 
domestic  peace  and  tranquillity  of  few  men  had  been  more 
disturbed  than  those  of  Mr.  Hart,  he  never  repented  the  course 
he  had  taken.  He  enlisted  himself  in  a  good  cause  ;  and  in  the 
darkest  periods,  still  believed  that  a  righteous  Providence  would 
ultimately  enable  that  cause  to  prevail,  and  finally  to  triumph. 

The  personal  appearance  of  Mr.  Hart  was  uncommonly  in 
teresting  ;  in  his  form  he  was  straight  and  well  proportioned. 
In  stature,  he  was  above  the  middling  size,  and,  when  a  young 
man,  was  said  to  have  been  handsome.  In  his  disposition 
he  was  uncommonly  mild  and  amiable.  He  was  greatly  be 
loved  by  his  family  and  friends,  and  highly  respected  by  a 
large  circle  of  acquaintance,  who  often  appealed  to  his  wis 
dom  and  judgment  in  the  settlement  of  their  local  affairs.  In 
addition  to  this,  he  enjoyed  the  reputation  of  being  a  sincere 
snd  humble  Christian.  He  was  exceedingly  liberal  to  the 
Baptist  church  of  Hopewell,  to  which  community  he  belonged ; 
and  greatly  assisted  them  in  the  erection  of  a  public  house  of 
worship;  the  ground  for  which  he  presented  to  the  church, 
as  also  the  ground  for  a  burial  place.  Such  was  the  life,  an<* 
such  the  last  end,  of  "  honest  John  Hart.' 

20 


230  NEW-JERSEY    DELEGATION. 


ABRAHAM  CLARK. 

IT  is  unfortunately  the  fact,  in  respect  to  many  of  the  dis 
tinguished  actors  in  the  revolutionary  drama,  but  especially 
in  reference  to  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  that  but  few  inci 
dents  of  their  lives  have  been  preserved.  The  truth  is,  that 
although  men  of  exalted  patriotism,  who  filled  their  respec 
tive  duties,  both  in  public  and  private  life,  with  great  honour 
to  rhemselves  and  benefit  to  all  around  them,  they  were 
naturally  unobtrusive  and  unambitious.  The  incidents  of  their 
lives  were,  indeed,  few.  Some  of  them  lived  in  retirement, 
pursuing  the  "  even  tenor  of  their  way,"  nor  was  the  regularity 
of  their  lives  often  interrupted,  except,  perhaps,  by  an  atten 
dance  upon  congress,  or  by  the  discharge  of  some  minor  civil 
office  in  the  community. 

These  remarks  apply  with  some  justice  to  Mr.  CLARK, 
but  perhaps  not  with  more  force,  than  to  several  others,  who 
stand  enrolled  among  the  signers  of  the  declaration  of  inde 
pendence. 

Mr.  Clark  was  a  native  of  Elizabethtown,  New-Jersey, 
where  he  was  born,  on  the  fifteenth  of  February,  1726.  His 
father's  name  was  Thomas  Clark,  of  whom  he  was  an  only 
child.  His  early  education,  although  confined  to  English 
branches  of  study,  was  respectable.  For  the  mathematics  and 
the  civil  law  he  is  said  to  have  discovered  an  early  predilec 
tion. 

He  was  bred  a  farmer ;  but  his  constitution  being  inade 
quate  to  the  labours  of  the  field,  he  turned  his  attention 
to  surveying,  conveyancing,  and  imparting  legal  advice. 
For  this  last  service  he  was  well  qualified  ;  and  as  he 
gave  advice  gratuitously,  he  was  called,  "  the  poor  man's 
counsellor." 

The  course  of  Mr.  Clark's  life,  his  love  of  study,  and  the 
generosity  of  his  character,  naturally  rendered  him  popu 
lar.  His  opinion  was  valued,  and  often  sought,  even  beyond 
the  immediate  circle  within  which  he  lived.  He  was  call 
ed  to  fill  various  respectable  offices,  the  duties  of  which 


ABRAHAM    CLARK.  231 

he  discharged  with  great  fidelity  ;  and  thus  rendered  him 
self  highly  useful  in  the  community  in  which  he  lived. 

At  an  early  period  of  the  revolution,  as  he  had  formed  his 
opinion  on  the  great  question,  which  divided  the  British  go 
vernment  and  the  American  colonies,  he  was  appointed  one 
of  the  committee  of  public  safety  ;  and  some  time  after  was 
elected  by  the  provincial  congress,  in  conjunction  with  the  gen 
tlemen,  a  sketch  of  whose  lives  has  already  been  given,  a  dele 
gate  to  the  continental  congress. 

Of  this  body  he  was  a  member,  for  a  considerable  period  ; 
and  was  conspicuous  among  his  colleagues  from  New-Jersey. 
A  few  days  after  he  took  his  seat  for  the  first  time,  as  a  mem 
ber  of  congres-s,  he  was  called  upon  to  vote  for,  or  against,  the 
proclamation  of  independence.  But  he  was  at  no  loss  on 
which  side  to  throw  his  influence.  His  patriotism  was  of  the 
purest  character.  Personal  considerations  did  not  influence 
his  decision.  He  knew  full  well  that  fortune  and  individual 
safety  were  at  stake.  But  what  were  these  in  comparison 
with  the  honour  and  liberty  of  his  country.  He  voted,  there 
fore,  for  the  declaration  of  independence,  and  affixed  his 
name  to  that  sacred  instrument  with  a  firm  determination  to 
meet  the  consequences  of  the  noble,  but  dangerous  action, 
with  a  fortitude  and  resolution  becoming  a  free  born  citizen 
of  America. 

Mr.  Clark  frequently,  after  this  time,  represented  New- 
Jersey  in  the  national  councils.  He  was  also  often  a 
member  of  the  state  legislature.  But  in  whatever  capacity 
he  acted  as  a  public  servant,  he  attracted  the  respect  and  ad 
miration  of  the  community,  by  his  punctuality,  his  integrity, 
and  perseverance. 

In  1787,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  general  con 
vention,  which  framed  the  constitution  ;  but  in  consequence 
of  ill  health,  was  prevented  from  uniting  in  the  deliberations 
of  that  body.  To  the  constitution,  as  originally  proposed; 
he  had  serious  objections.  These,  however,  were  removed 
by  subsequent  amendments  ;  but  his  enemies  took  advan 
tage  of  his  objections,  and  for  a  time  he  was  placed  in 
the  minority  in  the  elections  of  New-Jersey.  His  popu- 


232  NEW-JERSEY  DELEGATION 

larity,  however,  again  revived,  and  he  was  elected  a  re 
presentative  in  the  second  congress,  under  the  federal  con 
stitution;  an  appointment  which  he  continued  to  hold  until 
a  short  time  previous  to  his  death.  Two  or  three  of  the 
sons  of  Mr.  Clark  were  officers  in  the  army,  during  the  re 
volutionary  struggle.  Unfortunately  they  were  captured  by 
the  enemy.  During  a  part  of  their  captivity,  their  suffer 
ings  were  extreme,  being  confined  in  the  notorious  prison- 
ship,  Jersey.  Painful  as  the  condition  of  his  sons  was, 
Mr.  Clark  scrupulously  avoided  calling  the  attention  of 
congress  to  the  subject,  excepting  in  a  single  instance. 
One  of  his  sons,  a  captain  of  artillery,  had  been  cast  into  a 
dungeon,  where  he  received  no  other  food  than  that  which 
was  conveyed  to  him  by  his  fellow  prisoners,  through  a  key 
hole.  On  a  representation  of  these  facts  to  congress,  that 
body  immediately  directed  a  course  of  retaliation  in  reject 
to  a  British  officer.  This  had  the  desired  effect,  and  Captain 
Clark's  condition  was  improved. 

On  the  adjournment  of  congress  in  June,  1704,  Mr.  Clark 
finally  retired  from  public  life.  He  did  not  live  long,  how 
ever,  to  enjoy  even  the  limited  comforts  he  possessed.  In  the 
autumn  of  the  same  year  a  stroke  of  the  sun  put  a  period  to 
his  mortal  existence,  in  the  space  of  two  hours.  He  was  al 
ready,  however,  an  old  man,  having  attained  to  his  sixty- 
ninth  year.  The  church  yard  at  Rahway  contains  his  mor 
tal  remains,  and  the  church  of  that  place  will  long  have  rea 
son  to  remember  his  benefactions.  A  marble  slab  marks  the 
place  where  this  useful  and  excellent  man  lies  deposited,  and 
the  following  inscription  upon  it,  records  the  distinguish 
ed  traits  of  his  character  : 

Firm  and  decided  as  a  patriot, 
zealous  and  faithful  as  a  friend  to  the  public, 

he  loved  his  country, 

and  adhered  to  her  cause 

in  the  darkest  hours  of  her  struggles 

against  oppression. 


THE 


PENNSYLVANIA   DELEGATION. 


ROBERT  MORRIS, 
BENJAMIN  RUSH, 
BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 
JOHN  MORTON, 
GEOGE  CLYMER, 
JAMES  SMITH, 
GEORGE  TAYLOR, 
JAMES  WILSON, 
GEORGE  Ross. 


ROBERT  MORRIS. 

ROBERT  MORRIS  was  a  native  of  Lancashire,  England, 
where  he  was  born  January,  1773 — 4,  O.  S.  His  father 
was  a  Liverpool  merchant,  who  had  for  some  years  been  ex 
tensively  concerned  in  the  American  trade.  While  he  was 
yet  a  boy,  his  father  removed  to  America;  shortly  after 
which,  he  sent  to  England  for  his  son,  who  arrived  in  this 
country  at  the  age  of  thirteen  years. 

Young  Morris  was  placed  at  school  in  Philadelphia,  but 
his  progress  in  learning  appears  to  have  been  small,  probably 
from  the  incompetency  of  his  teacher,  as  he  declared  to  his 
father  one  day,  on  the  latter  expressing  his  dissatisfaction  at 
the  little  progress  he  made,  "  Sir,"  said  he,  "  I  have  learn 
ed  all  that  he  can  teach  me." 

"  During  the  time  that  young  Morris  was  pursuing  his 
2F  20* 


334  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

education  at  Philadelphia,  he  unfortunately  lost  his  father,  in 
consequence  of  a  wound  received  from  the  wad  of  a  gun, 
which  was  discharged  as  a  compliment,  by  the  captain  of  a 
snip  consigned  to  him,  that  had  just  arrived  at  Oxford,  the 
place  of  his  residence,  on  the  eastern  shores  of  the  Chesa 
peake  Bay,  and  was  thus  left  an  orphan,  at  the  age  of  fifteen 
years.  In  conformity  to  the  intentions  of  his  parent,  he  was 
bred  to  commerce,  and  served  a  regular  apprenticeship  in 
the  counting-house  of  the  late  Mr.  Charles  Willing,  at  that 
time  one  of  the  first  merchants  of  Philadelphia.  A  year  or 
two  after  the  expiration  of  the  term  for  which  he  had  engaged 
himself,  he  entered  into  partnership  with  Mr.  Thomas  Wil 
ling.  This  connexion,  which  was  formed  in  1754,  continued 
for  the  long  period  of  thirty-nine  years,  not  having  been  dis 
solved  until  1793.  Previously  to  the  commencement  of  the 
American  war,  it  was,  without  doubt,  more  extensively  en 
gaged  in  commerce  than  any  other  house  in  Philadelphia. 

"  Of  the  events  of  his  youth  we  know  little.  The  fact  just 
mentioned  proves,  that  although  early  deprived  of  the  benefit 
of  parental  counsel,  he  acted  with  fidelity,  and  gained  the 
good  will  of  a  discerning  master.  The  following  anecdote 
will  show  his  early  activity  in  business,  and  anxiety  to  pro 
mote  the  interests  of  his  friends.  During  the  absence  of  Mr. 
Willing,  at  his  country  place,  near  Frankford,  a  vessel  ar 
rived  at  Philadelphia,  either  consigned  to  him,  or  that  brought 
letters,  giving  intelligence  of  the  sudden  rise  in  the  price  of 
ilour,  at  the  port  she  left.  Mr.  Morris  instantly  engaged  all 
that  he  could  contract  for,  on  account  of  Mr.  Willing,  who,  on 
his  return  to  the  city  next  day,  had  to  defend  his  young  friend 
from  the  complaints  of  some  merchants,  that  he  had  raised 
the  price  of  flour.  An  appeal,  however,  from  Mr.  Willing, 
to  their  own  probable  line  of  conduct,  in  case  of  their  having 
first  received  the  IMBWS,  silenced  their  complaints." 

There  were  few  men  who  viewed  with  greater  indignation 
the  encroachments  of  the  British  government  upon  the  liber 
ties  of  the  people,  or  were  more  ready  to  resist  them,  than 
Mr.  Morris.  Nor  did  he  hesitate  to  sacrifice  his  private  in 
terest  for  the  public  good,  when  occasion  demanded  it.  This 


ROBERT  MORRIS.  235 

disposition  was  strikingly  manifested  in  the  year  1765,  at 
which  time  he  signed  the  non-importation  agreement,  entered 
into  by  the  merchants  of  Philadelphia.  The  extensive  mer 
cantile  concerns  with  England  of  the  house  of  Mr.  Morris, 
and  the  large  importations  of  her  manufactures  and  colonial 
produce  by  it,  must  have  made  this  sacrifice  considerable 

The  massacre  at  Lexington,  April,^1775,  seems  to  have  de 
cided  the  mind  of  Mr.  Morris,  as  to  the  unalterable  course 
which  he  would  adopt  in  respect  to  England.  The  news  of 
this  measure  reached  Philadelphia  four  days  after  its  occur 
rence.  Robert  Morris,  with  a  large  company,  were  at  this 
time  engaged  at  the  city  tavern,  in  the  celebration,  on  George's 
day,  of  their  patron  saint.  The  news  was  received  by  the 
company  with  the  greatest  surprise.  The  tables,  at  which 
they  were  dining,  were  immediately  deserted.  A  few  only 
of  the  members,  among  whom  was  Mr.  Morris,  remained. 
To  these,  indeed  to  all,  who  had  been  present,  it  was  evident 
that  the  die  \vas  cast — that  the  Lexington  measure  was  an 
event  which  must  lead  to  a  final  separation  from  the  British 
government.  Such  an  opinion  Mr.  Morris,  at  this  time,  ex 
pressed  ;  he  was  willing  it  should  take  place,  and  from  this 
time  cordially  entered  into  all  the  measures  which  seemed 
the  most  likely  to  effect  the  object. 

On  the  third  of  November,  1775,  Mr.  Morris  was  elected, 
by  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  a  delegate  to  the  second 
congress  that  met  at  Philadelphia.  "  A  few  weeks  after  he 
had  taken  his  seat,  he  was  added  to  the  secret  committee  of 
that  body,  which  had  been  formed  by  a  resolve  of  the  pre 
ceding  congress,  (1775,)  and  whose  duty  it  was  '  to  contract 
for  the  importation  of  arms,  ammunition,  sulphur,  and  salt 
petre,  and  to  export  produce  on  the  public  account,  to  pay 
for  the  same.'  He  was  also  appointed  a  member  of  the  com 
mittee  for  fitting  out  a  naval  armament,  and  specially  com 
missioned  to  negociate  bills  of  exchange  for  congress  ;  to 
borrow  money  for  the  marine  committee,  and  to  manage  the 
fiscal  concerns  of  congress  on  other  occasions.  Independ 
ently  of  his  enthusiastic  zeal  in  the  cause  of  his  country,  his 
capacity  for  business,  and  knowledge  of  the  subjects  com- 


236  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

mitted  to  him,  or  his  talents  for  managing  pecuniary  con 
cerns,  he  was  particularly  fitted  for  such  services ;  as  the 
commercial  credit  he  had  established  among  his  fellow- 
citizens  probably  stood  higher  than  that  of  any  other  man  in 
the  community,  and  this  he  did  not  hesitate  to  avail  himself 
of,  whenever  the  public  necessities  required  such  an  evidence 
of  his  patriotism. 

A  highly  interesting  illustration  of  this  last  remark,  is 
furnished  in  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Morris  in  the  December 
following  the  declaration  of  independence.  For  some  time 
previous,  the  British  army  had  been  directing  its  course  to 
wards  Philadelphia,  from  which  congress  had  retired,  leaving 
a  committee,  consisting  of  Mr.  Morris,  Mr.  Clymer,  and  Mr. 
Walton,  to  transact  all  necessary  continental  business. 

While  attending  to  the  duties  of  their  appointment,  Mr. 
Morris  received  a  letter  from  Gen.  Washington,  then  with  his 
army  on  the  Delaware,  opposite  Trenton,  in  which  letter  he 
communicated  to  Mr.  Morris  his  distressed  state,  in  conse 
quence  of  the  want  of  money.  The  sum  he  needed  was  ten 
thousand  dollars,  which  was  essentially  necessary  to  enable 
him  to  obtain  such  intelligence  of  the  movement  and  position 
of  the  enemy,  as  would  authorise  him  to  act  offensively. 
To  Mr.  Morris,  Gen.  Washington*  now  looked,  to  assist  him 
in  raising  the  money. 

This  letter  he  read  with  attention,  but  what  could  he  do  ? 
The  citizens  generally  had  left  the  city.  He  knew  of  no  one, 
who  possessed  the  required  sum,  or  who  would  be  willing  to 
lend  it.  The  evening  approached,  and  he  left  his  counting- 
room  to  return  home.  On  the  way,  he  accidentally  overtook 
an  honest  quaker,  with  whom  he  was  acquainted.  The  qua- 
ker  inquired  of  him  the  news.  Mr.  Morris  replied,  that  he 
had  but  little  news  of  importance  to  communicate,  but  he  had 
a  subject  which  pressed  with  great  weight  upon  his  mind. 
He  now  informed  the  quaker  of  the  letter  which  he  had  re 
ceived,  the  situation  of  General  Washington,  and  the  imme 
diate  necessity  of  ten  thousand  dollars.  "  Sir,"  said  Mr. 
Morris,  "  you  must  let  me  have  it.  My  note  and  my  honour 
will  be  your  only  security."  The  quaker  hesitated  a  moment, 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  237 

but  at  length  replied,  "  Robert,  thou  shalt  have  it.'*  The 
money  was  soon  told,  was  transmitted  to  Washington,  whom 
it  enabled  to  accomplish  his  wishes,  and  to  gain  a  signal  vic 
tory  over  the  Hessians  at  Trenton,  thus  animating  the  droop 
ing  spirits  of  patriotism,  and  checking  in  no  small  degree, 
the  proud  hopes  and  predictions  of  the  enemy. 

Another  instance  of  patriotic  liberality  is  recorded  of  Mr. 
Morris  in  1779,  or  1780.  These  were  distressing  years  of 
the  war.  The  army  was  alarmingly  destitute  of  military 
stores,  particularly  of  the  essential  article  of  lead.  It  was 
found  necessary  to  melt  down  the  weights  of  clocks  and  the 
spouts  of  houses  ;  but,  notwithstanding  resort  was  had  to 
every  possible  source,  the  army  was  often  so  destitute,  that  it 
could  scarcely  have  fought  a  single  battle. 

In  this  alarming  state  of  things,  General  Washington 
wrote  to  several  gentlemen,  and  among  the  rest  to  Judge 
Peters,  at  that  time  secretary  to  the  board  of  war,  stating  his 
necessities,  and  urging  an  immediate  exertion  to  supply  the 
deficiency. 

This  it  seemed  impossible  to  do.  Mr.  Peters,  however, 
showed  the  letter  of  Washington  to  Mr.  Morris.  Fortu 
nately,  just  at  this  juncture,  a  privateer  belonging  to  the  lat 
ter  gentleman  had  arrived  at  the  wharf,  with  ninety  tons  of 
lead.  Half  of  this  lead  was  immediately  given  by  Mr.  Mor 
ris,  for  the  use  of  the  army,  and  the  other  half  was  purchas 
ed  by  Mr.  Peters  of  other  gentlemen,  who  owned  it,  Mr. 
Morris  becoming  security  for  the  payment  of  the  debt. 
At  a  more  advanced  stage  of  the  war,  when  pressing  distress 
in  the  army  had  driven  congress  and  the  commander  in  chief 
almost  to  desperation,  and  a  part  of  the  troops  to  mutiny, 
he  supplied  the  army  with  four  or  five  thousand  barrels  of 
flour  upon  his  own  private  credit ;  and  on  a  promise  to  that 
effect,  persuaded  a  member  to  withdraw  an  intended  motion 
to  sanction  a  procedure,  which,  although  common  in  Europe, 
would  have  had  a  very  injurious  effect  upon  the  cause  of  the 
country  :  this  was  no  less  than  to  authorize  General  Wash 
ington  to  seize  all  the  provision  that  could  be  found,  within  a 
circle  of  twenty  miles  of  his  camp.  Wliile  financier,  his 


238  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

notes  constituted,  for  large  transactions,  part  of  the  circula 
ting  medium.  Many  other  similar  instances  occurred  of  this 
patriotic  interposition  of  his  own  personal  responsibility  for 
supplies  which  could  not  otherwise  have  been  obtained. 

Allusion  has  been  made  above  to  the  gloomy  posture  of 
affairs,  during  the  year  1780  ;  at  this  time  the  wants  of  the 
army,  particularly  of  provisions,  were  so  great,  as  to  threaten 
its  dissolution.  This  state  of  things,  being  communicated 
to  Mr.  Morris,  he  immediately  proposed  the  establishment 
of  a  Bank,  the  principal  object  of  which  was,  to  supply  the 
army  with  provisions.  This  plan  becoming  popular,  ninety- 
six  subscribers  gave  their  bonds,  on  this  occasion,  by  which 
they  obliged  themselves  to  pay,  if  it  should  become  neces 
sary,  in  gold  and  silver,  the  amounts  annexed  to  their  names, 
to  fulfil  the  engagements  of  the  Bank.  By  this  means,  the 
confidence  of  the  public  in  the  safety  of  the  bank  was  con 
firmed. 

Mr.  Morris  headed  the  list  with  a  subscription  of  10,OOOZ.  ; 
others  followed  to  the  amount  of  300,000/.  The  directors 
were  authorized  to  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  bank, 
and  to  grant  special  notes,  bearing  interest  at  six  per  cent. 
The  credit  thus  given  to  the  bank  effected  the  object  in 
tended,  and  the  institution  was  continued  until  the  bank  of 
North  America  went  into  operation  in  the  succeeding  year. 
It  was  probably  on  this  occasion,  that  he  purchased  the  four 
or  five  thousand  barrels  of  flour,  abovementioned,  on  his  own 
credit,  for  the  army,  before  the  funds  could  be  collected  to 
pay  for  it." 

We  have  not  yet  spoken  of  the  congressional  career  of 
Mr.  Morris,  nor  is  it  necessary  to  delay  the  reader  by  a  mi 
nute  account  of  the  services  which  he  rendered  the  country, 
in  the  national  assembly.  In  this  capacity,  no  one  exhibited 
a  more  untiring  zeal,  none  more  cheerfully  sacrificed  ease  and 
comfort  than  he  did.  He  accomplished  much  by  his  active 
exertions,  and  perhaps  not  less  by  the  confidence  which  he 
uniformly  manifested  of  ultimate  success.  The  display  of 
such  confidence  powerfully  tended  to  rouse  the  desponding, 
to  fix  the  wavering,  and  confirm  the  brave. 


ROBERT    MORRIS.  239 

Tn  another  way,  Mr.  Morris  contributed  to  advance  the 
patriotic  cause.  During  the  whole  war,  he  maintained  an 
extensive  private  correspondence  with  gentlemen  in  England 
by  means  of  which  he  often  received  information  of  impor 
tance  to  this  country.  "These  letters  he  read  to  a  few  select 
mercantile  friends,  who  regularly  met  in  the  insurance  room 
at  the  merchant's  coffee  house,  and  through  them  the  intel 
ligence  they  contained  was  diffused  among  the  citizens,  and 
thus  kept  alive  the  spirit  of  opposition,  made  them  acquaint 
ed  with  the  gradual  progress  of  hostile  movements,  and  con 
vinced  them  how  little  was  to  be  expected  from  the  govern 
ment  in  respect  to  the  alleviation  of  the  oppression  and  hard 
ships  against  which  the  colonies  had  for  a  long  time  most 
humbly,  earnestly,  and  eloquently  remonstrated.  This  prac 
tice,  which  began  previous  to  the  suspension  of  the  inter 
course  between  the  two  countries,  he  continued  during  the 
war;  and  through  the  route  of  the  continent,  especially 
France  and  Holland,  he  received  for  a  while  the  despatches, 
which  had  formerly  come  directly  from  England." 

In  the  year  1781,  Mr.  Morris  was  appointed  by  congress, 
superintendant  of  finance,  an  office  then  for  the  first  time 
established.  This  appointment  was  unanimous.  Indeed  it 
is  highly  probable  that  no  other  man  in  the  country  would 
have  been  competent  to  the  task  of  managing  such  great 
concerns  as  it  involved,  or  possessed,  like  himself,  the  happy 
expedient  of  raising  supplies,  or  deservedly  enjoyed  more, 
if  equal,  public  confidence  among  his  fellow-citizens,  for 
punctuality  in  the  fulfilment  of  his  engagements. 

Some  idea  may  be  formed  of  them,  when  it  is  known  that 
he  was  required  to  examine  into  the  state  of  the  public  debts, 
expenditures,  and  revenue ;  to  digest  and  report  plans  for 
improving  and  regulating  the  finances ;  and  for  establishing 
order  and  economy  in  the  expenditure  of  public  money.  To 
him  was  likewise  committed  the  disposition,  management, 
and  disbursement  of  all  the  loans  received  from  the  govern 
ment  of  France,  and  various  private  persons  in  that  country 
and  Holland  ;  the  sums  of  money  received  from  the  different 
states  ;  and  of  the  public  funds  for  every  possible  source  of 


240  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

expense  for  the  support  of  government,  civil,  military,  and 
naval ;  the  procuring  supplies  of  every  description  for  the 
army  and  navy  ;  the  entire  management  and  direction  of  the 
public  ships  of  war;  the  payment  of  all  foreign  debts;  and 
the  correspondence  of  our  ministers  at  European  courts,  on 
subjects  of  finance.  In  short,  the  whole  burden  of  the  money 
operations  of  government  was  laid  upon  him.  No  man  ever 
had  more  numerous  concerns  committed  to  his  charge,  and 
few  to  greater  amount ;  and  never  did  any  one  more  faithful 
ly  discharge  the  various  complicated  trusts  with  greater  dis 
patch,  economy,  or  credit,  than  the  subject  of  this  sketch." 

Never  was  an  appointment  more  judicious  than  the  ap 
pointment  of  Mr.  Morris  as  financier  of  this  country.  At 
this  time  the  treasury  was  more  than  two  millions  and  a  half 
in  arrears,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  debt  was  of  such  a 
nature  that  the  payment  could  not  be  avoided,  or  even  de 
layed,  and  therefore,  Dr.  Franklin,  then  our  minister  in 
France,  was  under  the  necessity  of  ordering  back  from  Am 
sterdam  monies  which  had  been  sent  thither  for  the  purpose 
of  being  shipped  to  America.  If  he  had  not  taken  this  step, 
the  bills  of  exchange  drawn  by  order  of  congress  must  have 
been  protested,  and  a  vital  stab  given  to  the  credit  of  the  go 
vernment  in  Europe.  At  home,  the  greatest  public  as  well 
as  private  distress  existed  ;  public  credit  had  gone  to  wreck, 
and  the  enemy  built  their  most  sanguine  hopes  of  overcoming 
us,  upon  this  circumstance  ;  and  the  treasury  was  so  much 
in  arrears  to  the  servants  in  the  public  offices,  that  many  of 
them  could  not,  without  payment,  perform  their  duties,  but 
must  have  gone  to  jail  for  debts  they  had  contracted  to  ena 
ble  them  to  live.  To  so  low  an  ebb  was  the  public  treasury 
reduced,  that  some  of  the  members  of  the  board  of  war 
declared  to  Mr.  Morris  that  they  had  not  the  means  of  send 
ing  an  express  to  the  army.  The  pressing  distress  for  pro 
vision  among  the  troops,  has  already  been  mentioned.  The 
paper  bills  of  credit  were  sunk  so  low  in  value,  as  to  require  a 
burdensome  mass  of  them  to  pay  for  an  article  of  clothing." 
But  the  face  of  things  soon  began  to  change  through  the 
exertions  of  Mr.  Morris.  Without  attempting  to  give  the 


ROBERT  MORRIS. 


241 


history  of  his  wise  and  judicious  manag  ;ment,  it  will  be  suffi 
cient  to  say,  in  the  language  of  an  elegant  historian  of  the 
American  war,  "  certainly  the  Americans  owed,  and  still  owe, 
as  much  acknowledgment  to  the  financial  operations  of  Ro 
bert  Morris,  as  to  the  negociations  of  Benjamin  Franklin, 
or  even  the  arms  of  George  Washington." 

To  Mr.  Morris,  also,  the  country  was  indebted  for  the  es 
tablishment  of  the  bank  of  North  America,  and  for  all  the 
public  benefits  which  resulted  from  that  institution.  By 
means  of  this,  public  credit  was  greatly  revived  ;  internal  im 
provements  were  promoted,  and  a  general  spring  was  given 
to  trade.  "  The  circulating  medium  was  greatly  increased 
by  the  circulation  of  its  notes,  which  being  convertible  at 
will  into  gold  or  silver,  were  universally  received  equal  there 
to,  and  commanded  the  most  unbounded  confidence.  Hun 
dreds  availed  themselves  of  the  security  afforded  by  the  vaults 
of  the  bank,  to  deposit  their  cash,  which,  from  the  impossi 
bility  of  investing  it,  had  long  been  hid  from  the  light ;  and 
the  constant  current  of  deposits  in  the  course  of  trade,  au 
thorised  the  directors  to  increase  their  business  and  the 
amount  of  their  issues,  to  a  most  unprecedented  extent. 
The  consequence  of  this  was,  a  speedy  and  most  perceptible 
change  in  the  state  of  affairs,  both  public  and  private." 

We  now  come  to  an  event,  on  account  of  the  interest  in 
which  the  name  of  Robert  Morris  should  be  remembered  with 
gratitude  by  the  American  people,  while  republican  America 
shall  last.  The  campaign  of  1781,  respected  the  reduction 
of  New- York;  this  was  agreed  upon  by  Washington  and  the 
French  general,  Count  Rochambeau,  and  it  was  expected  that 
the  French  fleets,  under  De  Barras  and  De  Grasse,  would 
co-operate.  Judge  the  surprise  when,  on  the  arrival  of  the 
French  fleet,  it  was  announced  to  Washington,  that  the 
French  admiral  would  not  enter  the  bay  of  New- York,  as 
was  anticipated,  but  would  enter  and  remain  for  a  few  weeks 
in  the  Chesapeake. 

This  necessarily  altered  all  the  arrangements  respecting  the 
campaign.     It  was  now  obvious  to  Washington,  that  the  re 
duction  of  New- York  would  be  impracticable.     In  this  state 
21  21 


&  PENNSYLVANIA  DELEGATION 

of  things,  it  is  hinted  by  Dr.  Mease,  in  his  biographical 
sketch  of  Mr.  Morris,  in  the  Edinburgh  Encyclopedia,  to 
which  article  we  are  greatly  indebted,  that  Mr.  Morris  sug 
gested  to  Washington  the  attack  on  Cornwallis,  which  put  a 
finishing  stroke  to  the  war.  Whether  this  be  so  or  not,  cer 
tain  it  is,  that  until  the  news  was  communicated  to  Wash 
ington,  that  the  French  fleet  would  not  come  into  New-York 
bay,  the  project  of  a  southern  campaign  had  not  been  deter 
mined  upon  by  the  commander  in  chief.  But  when,  at  length, 
it  was  determined  upon,  whether  at  the  suggestion  of  Robert 
Morris  or  not,  we  are  unable  to  say,  it  is  certain  that  he  pro 
vided  the  funds  which  enabled  General  Washington  to  move 
his  army  towards  the  south,  and  which  led  to  the  decisive 
battle  which  terminated  the  war. 

The  length  to  which  this  article  is  already  extended,  for 
bids  any  further  account  of  the  services  of  this  distinguished 
patriot. 

"  It  adds  not  a  little,  however,''  says  Dr.  Mease,  "  to  the 
merit  of  Mr.  Morris,  to  be  able  to  say,  that  notwithstanding 
his  numerous  engagements  as  a  public  or  private  character, 
their  magnitude,  and  often  perplexing  nature,  he  was  enabled 
to  fulfil  all  the  private  duties  which  his  high  standing  in  so 
ciety  necessarily  imposed  upon  him.  His  house  was  the  seat 
of  elegant,  but  unostentatious  hospitality,  and  he  regulated 
his  domestic  affairs  with  the  same  admirable  order  which  had 
so  long  proverbially  distinguished  his  counting-house,  and 
the  offices  of  the  secret  committee  of  congress,  and  that  of 
finance.  The  happy  manner  in  which  he  conducted  his  offi 
cial  and  domestic  concerns,  was  owing,  in  the  first  cah-e,  to 
his  own  superior  talents  for  dispatch  and  method  in  busi 
ness,  and,  in  the  last,  to  the  qualifications  of  his  excellent 
partner,  the  sister  of  the  esteemed  bishop  of  Pennsylvania, 
Dr.  White.  An  introduction  to  Mr.  Morris  was  a  matter  of 
course,  witn  all  the  strangers  in  good  society,  who,  for  half  a 
century,  visited  Philadelphia,  either  on  commercial,  public, 
or  private  business  ;  and  it  is  not  saying  too  much  to  assert, 
that  during  a  certain  period,  it  greatly  depended  upon  him  to 
do  the  honours  of  the  city ;  and  certainly  no  one  was  more 


ROBERT  MORRIS.  34C 

qualified,  or  more  willing  to  support  them.  Although  active 
in  the  acquisition  of  wealth  as  a  merchant,  no  one  more  free- 
.y  parted  with  his  gains,  for  public  or  private  purposes  of  a 
meritorious  nature,  whether  these  were  to  support  the  credit 
of  the  government,  to  promote  the  objects  of  humanity,  local 
improvement,  the  welfare  of  meritorious  individuals  in  society, 
or  a  faithful  commercial  servant.  The  instances  in  which  he 
shone  on  all  these  occasions  were  numerous.  Some  in  refe- 
ference  to  the  three  former  particulars,  have  been  mentioned, 
and  more  of  his  disinterested  generosity  in  respect  to  the  last 
could  be  given,  were  the  present  intended  to  be  any  thing 
more  than  a  hasty  sketch.  The  prime  of  his  life  was  enga 
ged  in  discharging  the  most  important  civil  trusts  to  his  coun 
try  that  could  possibly  fall  to  the  lot  of  any  man  ;  and  mil 
lions  passed  through  his  hands  as  a  public  officer,  without  the 
smallest  breath  of  insinuation  against  his  correctness,  or  of 
negligence  amidst  "the  defaulters  of  unaccounted  thousands," 
or  the  losses  sustained  by  the  reprehensible  carelessness  of 
national  agents. 

From  the  foregoing  short  statement,  we  may  have  some 
idea  of  the  nature  and  magnitude  of  the  services  rendered  by 
Mr.  Morris  to  the  United  States.  It  may  be  truly  said,  that 
few  men  acted  a  more  conspicuous  or  useful  part;  and  when 
we  recollect,  that  it  was  by  his  exertions  and  talents,  that  the 
United  States  were  so  often  relieved  from  their  difficulties,  at 
times  of  great  depression  and  pecuniary  distress,  an  estimate 
may  be  formed  of  the  weight  of  obligations  due  to  him  from 
the  people  of  the  present  day.  The  length  to  which  this  ar 
ticle  is  already  extended,  forbids  any  further  particulars  res 
pecting  this  distinguished  man.  It  may  be  proper  to  add, 
however,  that  the  latter  part  of  his  life  was  rendered  unhappy, 
by  an  unfortunate  scheme  of  land  speculation,  in  which  he  en 
gaged,  and  by  which  his  pecuniary  affairs  became  exceeding 
ly  embarrassed  ;  yet  amidst  his  severest  trials,  he  maintained 
a  firmness  and  an  independence  of  character,  which  in  similar 
circumstances  belong  to  but  few. 

At  length,  through  public  labour,  and  private  misfortune 


244  PENNSYLVANIA  DELEGATION. 

his  constitution  was  literally  worn  out,  and  like  a  shock  of 
corn  fully  ripe,  he  came  to  his  end  on  the  8th  of  May  1806, 
m  the  seventy-third  year  of  his  age. 


BENJAMIN  RUSH. 

BENJAMIN  RUSH  was  born  on  the  24th  of  December,  1745, 
O.  S.  in  the  township  of  Byberry,  twelve  or  fourteen  miles 
northeast  of  Philadelphia.  His  ancestors  emigrated  from 
England  to  Pennsylvania,  about  the  year  1683. 

The  father  of  young  Rush  died  when  he  was  six  years  of 
age.  The  care  of  his  education  therefore  devolved  upon  his 
mother,  who  well  understood  the  importance  of  knowledge, 
and  early  took  measures  to  give  her  son  a  liberal  education. 
Young  Rush  was  sent  to  the  academy  at  Nottingham,  in  Ma 
ryland,  about  sixty  miles  southeast  from  Philadelphia.  This 
academy  had  long  been  conducted,  \rith  great  reputation,  by 
the  Reverend  Dr.  Finley,  afterwards  president  of  Princeton 
college,  in  New-Jersey. 

Under  the  care  of  this  excellent  man,  and  among  the  peo 
ple  of  Nottingham,  who  were  remarkable  for  their  simplicity, 
industry,  morality,  and  religion,  Rush  spent  live  years,  in  ac 
quiring  a  knowledge  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  languages.  In 
this  retired  spot,  and  at  this  early  age,  he  is  said  to  have  been 
deeply  impressed  with  a  reverence  for  religion,  with  the  im 
portance  of  a  regular  life,  and  of  diligence,  industry,  and  n 
punctual  attention  to  business  ;  and  in  general,  of  such  steady 
habits,  as  stamped  a  value  on  his  character  through  life.  The 
solid  foundation  which  was  thus  laid  for  correct  principles 
and  an  upright  conduct,  was  chiefly  the  work  of  the  learned 
and  pious  Dr.  Finley.  He  was  an  accomplished  instructor  of 
youth.  He  trained  his  pupils  for  both  worlds,  having  re 
spect  in  all  his  intercourse  with  them,  to  their  future,  as  well 
as  present  state  of  existence. 


BENJAMIN    RUSH.  245 

After  finishing  his  preparatory  studies  at  Nottingham,  he 
was  entered  in  1759,  a  student  in  the  college  of  Princeton, 
then  under  the  superintendence  of  President  Davies.  Such 
had  been  his  progress  in  his  classical  studies  at  Nottingham, 
that  he  obtained  the  degree  of  bachelor  of  arts  in  1760,  and 
before  he  had  completed  his  fifteenth  year. 

On  leaving  college,  he  commenced  the  study  of  medicine, 
under  the  direction  of  the  eminent  Dr.  Redman,  of  Philadel 
phia.  He  was  also  one  of  Dr.  Shippe-n's  ten  pupils,  who  at 
tended  the  first  course  of  anatomical  lectures  given  in  this 
country.  In  1766,  he  went  to  Edinburgh,  where  he  spent 
two  years  at  the  university  in  that  city,  and  from  which  he 
received  the  degree  of  M.  D.  in  1768. 

The  next  winter  after  his  graduation  he  spent  in  London  ; 
and  the  following  spring  having  visited  France,  in  the  autumn 
of  the  same  year  he  returned  to  Philadelphia,  and  commen 
ced  the  practice  of  medicine. 

In  1760,  he  was  elected  professor  of  chemistry  in  the  col- 
'ege  of  Philadelphia.  This  addition  to  Drs.  Shippen,  Mor 
gan,  Kuhn,  and  Bond,  who  had  begun  to  lecture  a  few  years 
before,  completed  the  various  departments,  and  fully  organi 
zed  this  first  medical  school  in  America.  By  a  subsequent 
arrangement  in  1791,  the  college  was  merged  in  a  university, 
and  Dr.  Rush  was  appointed  professor  of  the  institutes  and 
practice-of  medicine,  and  of  clinical  practice,  in  the  university 
of  Pennsylvania. 

As  a  lecturer  on  chemistry,  and  a  practitioner,  Dr.  Rush 
became  deservedly  popular.  During  his  residence  abroad, 
his  professional  attainments  were  much  enlarged,  and  he  was 
successful  in  introducing  several  valuable  improvements. 
He  was  particularly  attached  to  the  system  of  depletion,  and 
resorted  to  bleeding  in  many  new  cases.  Next  to  the  lancet, 
he  used  cathartics ;  and  upon  these  two  remedies  he  chiefly 
depended  for  the  cure  of  diseases.  About  the  year  1790, 
twenty  years  after  Dr.  Rush  had  been  a  practitioner,  and 
professor  of  medicine,  he  began  to  publish  his  new  principles 
of  medicine.  These  were  more  or  less  developed  by  him  ih 

21* 


346  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION 

his  successive  annual  course  of  lectures,  for  the  subsequent 
twenty-three  years  of  his  life. 

It  is  not  our  province  to  settle  the  merits  of  that  system, 
which  Dr.  Rush  adopted.  He  applied  his  principles  of  medi 
cine  to  the  cure  of  consumptions,  dropsies,  hydrocephalus, 
apoplexy,  gout,  and  other  diseases  of  the  body,  and  also  to 
madness,  and  the  diseases  of  the  mind.  He  depended  chiefly 
upon  the  lancet,  and  strongly  urged  the  use  of  calomel,  to 
which  he  gave  the  name  of  "  the  Sampson  of  the  Materia 
Medica." 

It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  a  system,  in  many  respects 
so  novel,  should  be  adopted  by  every  one.  It  had  its  strong 
opposers,  and  these  opposers  exist  at  the  present  day.  They 
objected  to  the  system  of  depletion,  but  agreed  with  Doctor 
Rush,  that  calomel  was  well  entitled  to  the  name  of  "  Samp 
son,"  not  for  the  reason  which  he  assigned,  but  "because,'" 
said  they,  "  it  has  slain  its  thousands." 

In  the  year  1793,  Dr.  Rush  had  an  opportunity  of  apply 
ing  his  principles,  in  the  treatment  of  yellow  fever.  In  that 
^ear,  Philadelphia  was  desolated  by  that  tremendous  scourge, 
after  an  interval  of  thirty-one  years.  The  disease  baffled  the 
skill  of  the  oldest  and  most  judicious  physicians ;  and  they 
differed  about  the  nature,  and  the  treatment  of  it.  "  This 
general  calamity  lasted  for  about  one  hundred  days,  extend 
ing  from  July  till  November.  The  deaths  in  the  whole  of 
this  distressing  period,  were  four  thousand  and  forty-four, 
or  something  more  than  thirty-eight  each  day,  on  an  average. 
Whole  families  were  confined  by  it.  There  was  a  great  defi 
ciency  of  nurses  for  the  sick.  There  was  likewise  a  great 
deficiency  of  physicians,  from  the  desertion  of  some,  and  the 
sickness  and  death  of  others.  At  one  time,  there  were  but 
three  physicians,  who  were  able  to  do  business  out  of  their 
houses,  and  at  this  time  there  were  probably  not  less  than  six 
thousand  persons  ill  with  the  fever." 

"  A  cheerful  countenance  was  scarcely  to  be  seen  for  six 
weeks.  The  streets  every  where  discovered  marks  of  the 
distress  that  pervaded  the  city.  In  walking  for  many  hun 
dred  yards,  few  persons  were  met,  except  such  as  were  in 


BENJAMIN    RUSH.  347 

quest  of  a  physician,  a  nurse,  a  bleeder,  or  the  men  who 
buried  the  dead.  The  hearse  alone  kept  up  the  remembrance 
of  the  noise  of  carriages,  or  carts,  in  the  streets.  A  black 
man  leading  or  driving  a  horse,  with  a  corpse,  on  a  pair  of 
chair  wheels,  met  the  eye  in  most  of  the  streets  of  the  city,  at 
every  hour  of  the  day ;  while  the  noise  of  the  same  wheels 
passing  slowly  over  the  pavement  kept  alive  anguish  and  fear 
in  the  sick  and  well,  every  hour  of  the  night." 

For  some  time  after  the  commencement  of  the  disease,  all 
the  physicians  were  nearly  alike  unsuccessful  in  the  manage 
ment  of  it.  At  this  time,  Dr.  Rush  resorted  to  gentle  evacu- 
ants  as  had  been  used  in  the  yellow  fever  of  1762  ;  but  find 
ing  these  unavailing,  he  applied  himself  to  an  investigation 
of  the  disease,  by  means  of  the  authors  who  had  written  on 
the  subject.  He  ransacked  his  library,  and  pored  over  every 
book  which  treated  of  the  yellow  fever.  At  length  he  took 
up  a  manuscript,  which  contained  an  account  of  the  disease, 
as  it  prevailed  in  Virginia,  in  1741,  and  which  was  given  to 
him  by  Dr.  Franklin,  and  had  been  written  by  Dr.  Mitchell  of 
Virginia.  In  this  manuscript  the  propriety  and  necessity  of 
powerful  evacuants  were  stated  and  urged,  even  in  cases  of 
extreme  debility. 

These  ideas  led  Dr.  Rush  to  an  alteration  in  his  practice. 
He  adopted  the  plan  of  Dr.  Mitchell.  He  administered  calo 
mel  and  jalap  combined,  and  had  the  happiness  of  curing  four 
of  the  first  five  patients  to  whom  he  administered  this  medi 
cine,  notwithstanding  some  of  them  were  advanced  several 
days  in  the  disease. 

"  After  such  a  pledge  of  the  safety  and  success  of  this  new 
medicine,"  says  Dr.  Thatcher,  in  his  biographical  sketch  of 
Dr.  Rush,  **  he  communicated  the  prescription  to  such  of  the 
practitioners  as  he  met  in  the  streets.  Some  of  them,  he 
found,  had  been  in  the  use  of  calomel  for  several  days  ;  but  as 
they  had  given  it  in  single  doses  only,  and  had  followed  it  by 
large  doses  pf  bark,  wine,  and  laudanum,  they  had  done  little 
ir  no  good  with  it.  He  imparted  the  prescription  to  the  col 
lege  of  physicians,  on  the  third  of  September,  and  endeavour 
ed  to  remove  the  fears  of  his  fellow  citizens,  by  assuring  them 


248  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

that  the  disease  was  no  longer  incurable.  The  credit  his 
prescription  acquired,  brought  him  an  immense  accession  of 
business.  It  continued  to  be  almost  uniformly  effectual,  in 
nearly  all  those  cases  which  he  \vas  able  to  attend,  either  in 
person,  or  by  his  pupils.  But  he  did  not  rely  upon  purges 
alone  to  cure  the  disease.  The  theory  which  he  had  adopted 
led  him  to  use  other  remedies,  to  abstract  excess  of  stimulus 
from  the  system.  These  were  blood  letting,  cool  air,  cold 
drinks,  low  diet,  and  application  of  cold  water  to  the  body. 
He  began  by  drawing  a  small  quantity  of  blood  at  a  time. 
The  appearance  of  it  when  drawn,  and  its  effects  upon  the 
system,  satisfied  him  of  its  safety  and  efficacy,  and  encouraged 
him  to  proceed.  Never  did  he  experience  such  sublime  joy 
as  he  now  felt,  in  contemplating  the  success  of  his  remedies. 
It  repaid  him  for  all  the  toils  and  studies  of  his  life.  The 
conquest  of  this  formidable  disease  was  not  the  effect  of  acci 
dent,  nor  of  the  application  of  a  single  remedy  ;  but  it  was 
the  triumph  of  a  principle  in  medicine.  In  this  joyful  state 
of  mind,  he  entered  in  his  note  book,  dated  the  10th  of  Sep 
tember,  '  Thank  God,  out  of  one  hundred  patients  whom  1 
have  visited  or  prescribed  for  this  day,  I  have  lost  none.' 

"  Being  unable  to  comply  with  the  numerous  demands 
which  were  made  upon  him,  for  the  purging  powders,  not 
withstanding  he  had  employed  three  persons  to  assist  his 
pupils  in  putting  them  up,  and  finding  himself  unable  to  at 
tend  all  the  persons  who  sent  for  him,  he  furnished  the  apo 
thecaries  with  the  receipt  for  the  mercurial  purges,  together 
with  printed  directions  for  giving  them,  and  for  the  treatment 
of  the  disease.  Had  he  consulted  his  own  interest,  he  would 
silently  have  pursued  his  own  plans  of  cure,  with  his  old  pa 
tients,  who  still  confided  in  him  and  his  new  remedies ;  but 
he  felt,  at  this  season  of  universal  distress,  his  professional 
obligations  to  all  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  to  be  superior 
to  private  and  personal  considerations ;  and  therefore  de 
termined,  at  every  hazard,  to  do  every  thing  in  his  power  to 
save  their  lives.  Under  the  influence  of  this  disposition,  he 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  college  of  physicians,  in  which  he 
stated  his  objections  to  Dr.  Stevens's  remedies,  and  defended 


BENJAMIN  RUSH.  349 

those  he  had  recommended.  He  likewise  defended  them  in 
the  public  papers,  against  the  attacks  that  were  made  upon 
them  by  several  of  the  physicians  of  the  city,  and  occasion 
ally  addressed  such  advice  to  the  citizens  as  experience  had 
suggested  to  be  useful  to  prevent  the  disease.  In  none  of  the 
recommendations  of  his  remedies  did  he  claim  the  credit  of 
their  discovery.  On  the  contrary,  he  constantly  endeavour 
ed  to  enforce  their  adoption  by  mentioning  precedents  in 
favour  of  their  efficacy,  from  the  highest  authorities  in  medi 
cine.  This  controversy  was  encouraged  merely  to  prevent 
the  greater  evil  of  the  depopulation  of  Philadelphia,  by  the 
use  of  remedies  which  had  been  prescribed  by  himself  as 
well  as  others,  not  only  without  effect,  but  with  evident  inju 
ry  to  the  sick.  The  repeated  and  numerous  instances  of 
their  iaefficacy,  and  the  almost  uniform  success  of  the  de 
pleting  remedies,  after  a  while  procured  submission  to  the  lat 
ter,  from  nearly  all  the  persons  who  were  affected  by  the 
fever. 

"  Many  whole  families,  consisting  of  five,  six,  and,  in 
three  instances,  of  nine  members,  were  recovered  by  plenti 
ful  purging  and  bleeding.  These  remedies  were  prescribed 
with  great  advantage  by  several  of  the  physicians  of  the  city 
But  the  use  of  them  was  not  restricted  to  the  physicians  alone; 
the  clergy,  the  apothecaries,  many  private  citizens,  several 
intelligent  women,  and  two  black  men,  prescribed  them  with 
great  success.  Nay,  more,  many  persons  prescribed  them 
to  themselves.  It  was  owing  to  the  almost  universal  use  of 
these  remedies,  that  the  mortality  of  the  disease  diminished 
in  proportion  as  the  number  of  persons  who  were  affected  by 
it  increased.  It  is  probable  that  not  less  than  six  thousand 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Philadelphia  were  saved  from  death  by 
bleeding  and  purging,  during  the  autumn  of  1793. 

"  The  credit  which  this  new  mode  of  treating  the  disease 
acquired  in  all  parts  of  the  city,  produced  an  immense  influx 
of  patients  to  Dr.  Rush.  His  pupils  were  constantly  employ 
ed  at  first  in  putting  up  purging  powders,  but  after  a  while 
only  in  bleeding  and  visiting  the  sick. 

"  Between  the  8th  and  15th  of  September,  Dr.  Rush  visited 


350  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

and  prescribed  for  a  hundred  and  a  hundred  and  twenty  pa 
tients  a  day.  In  the  short  intervals  of  business,  which  he 
spent  at  his  meals,  his  house  was  filled  with  patients,  chief 
ly  the  poor,  waiting  for  advice.  For  many  weeks  he  sel 
dom  ate  without  prescribing  for  numbers  as  he  sat  at  table. 
To  assist  him,  three  of  his  pupils,  Mr.  Stall,  Mr.  Fisher, 
and  Mr.  Cox,  accepted  of  rooms  in  his  house,  and  became 
members  of  his  family.  Their  labours  now  had  no  re 
mission.  He  employed  every  moment  in  the  interval  of 
his  visits  to  the  sick,  in  prescribing  in  his  house  for  the 
poor,  or  in  sending  answers  to  messages  from  his  patients. 
Unable  to  comply  with  the  numerous  applications  that  were 
made  to  him,  he  was  obliged  to  refuse  many  every  day. 
His  sister  counted  forty-seven  applicants  for  medical  aid 
turned  off  in  one  forenoon,  before  eleven  o'clock.  In 
riding  through  the  streets,  he  was  often  forced  to  resist  the 
entreaties  of  parents  imploring  a  visit  to  their  children,  or  of 
children  to  their  parents.  He  was  sometimes  obliged  to 
tear  himself  from  persons  who  attempted  to  stop  him,  and  to 
urge  his  way  by  driving  his  chair  as  speedily  as  possible  be 
yond  the  reach  of  their  cries.  While  he  was  thus  over 
whelmed  with  business,  and  his  own  life  endangered,  without 
being  able  to  answer  the  numerous  calls  made  on  him,  he  re 
ceived  letters  from  his  friends  in  the  country,  pressing  him, 
in  the  strongest  terms,  to  leave  the  city.  To  one  of  these 
letters  he  replied,  "  that  he  had  resolved  to  stick  to  his  prin 
ciples,  his  practice,  and  his  patients,  to  the  last  extremity." 

The  incessant  labours  of  Dr.  Rush,  both  of  body  and  mind, 
during  this  awful  visitation,  nearly  overpowered  his  health, 
and  for  a  time  his  useful  life  was  despaired  of.  By  a  timely 
application  of  remedies,  however,  he  was  restored,  and  able 
to  return  to  the  duties  of  his  profession.  But  ill  health  was 
not  the  only  evil  he  suffered,  as  the  consequence  of  his  ac 
tivity,  during  the  prevalence  of  the  yellow  fever  in  Philadel 
phia.  His  mode  of  treatment  was  called  in  question  by  many 
of  his  contemporaries,  notwithstanding  the  great  success 
which  attended  it.  At  length  the  prejudices  against  him  in 
fected  not  only  physicians,  but  a  considerable  part  of  the 


BENJAMIN    RUSH.  251 

community.  The  public  journals  were  enlisted  against  him, 
and  in  numerous  pamphlets  his  system  was  attacked  with 
great  severity.  He  was  even  called  a  murderer,  and  was  at 
length  threatened  to  be  prosecuted  and  expelled  the  city. 

The  benefactors  of  mankind  have  not  unfrequently  been 
treated  in  a  similar  manner.  They  suffer  for  a  time  ;  but 
justice  is  at  length  done  them.  Dr.  Harvey,  as  a  conse 
quence  of  publishing  his  account  of  the  circulation  of  the 
blood,  lost  his  practice  ;  and  the  great  Dr.  Sydenham  suffered 
in  a  similar  manner,  for  introducing  depleting  medicine  in 
cases  of  inflammatory  fevers.  On  the  termination  of  the  fever 
in  Philadelphia,  a  motion  was  made  in  a  public  meeting  of 
the  citizens  in  that  city,  to  thank  the  physicians  for  their  ser 
vices  during  the  prevalence  of  the  fever,  but  no  one  would 
second  it.  This  was  high  ingratitude,  and  especially  when 
it  is  considered  that  eight  out  of  thirty-five  of  the  physicians, 
who  continued  in  the  city,  died;  and  of  those  who  remained, 
but  three  escaped  the  fever. 

Notwithstanding  the  great  labours  of  Dr.  Rush  as  a  lec 
turer  and  practitioner,  he  was  a  voluminous  writer.  His 
printed  works  consisted  of  seven  volumes,  six  of  which  treat 
of  medical  subjects.  One  is  a  collection  of  essays,  literary, 
moral,  and  philosophical.  It  is  a  matter  of  wonder  how  a 
physician,  who  had  so  many  patients  to  attend — a  professor, 
who  had  so  many  pupils  to  instruct — could  find  leisure  to 
write  so  much,  and  at  the  same  time  so  well.  Our  wonder 
will  cease,  when  it  is  known  that  he  suffered  no  fragments  of 
time  to  be  wasted,  and  that  he  improved  every  opportunity 
of  acquiring  knowledge,  and  used  all  practicable  means  for 
retaining  and  digesting  what  he  had  acquired.  In  his  early 
youth  he  had  the  best  instructors,  and  in  every  period  of  his 
life,  great  opportunities  for  mental  improvement.  He  was 
gifted  from  heaven  with  a  lively  imagination,  a  retentive  me 
mory,  a  discriminating  judgment,  and  he  made  the  most  of 
all  these  advantages.  From  boyhood  till  his  last  sickness, 
he  was  a  constant  and  an  indefatigable  student.  He  read 
much,  but  thought  more.  His  mind  was  constantly  en 
grossed  with  at  least  one  literary  inquiry,  to  which,  for  the 


252  PENNSYLVANIA   DELEGATION. 

time,  he  devoted  his  undivided  attention.  To  make  himsell 
master  of  that  subject,  he  read,  he  meditated,  he  conversed. 
It  was  less  his  custom  to  read  a  book  through,  than  to  reaa 
us  much  of  all  the  authors  within  his  reach  as  bore  on  the  sub 
ject  of  his  present  inquiry.  His  active  mind  brooded  over 
the  materials  thus  collected,  compared  his  ideas,  and  traced 
their  relations  to  each  other,  and  from  the  whole  drew  his 
own  conclusions.  In  these,  and  similar  mental  exercises,  he 
was  habitually  and  almost  constantly  employed,  and  daily 
aggregated  and  multiplied  his  intellectual  stores.  In  this 
manner  his  sound  judgment  was  led  to  form  those  new  com 
binations,  which  constitute  principles  in  science.  He  formed 
acquaintances  with  his  literary  fellow-citizens,  and  all  wel' 
informed  strangers,  who  visited  Philadelphia;  and  drew  from 
them  every  atom  of  information  he  could  obtain,  by  conver 
sing  on  the  subjects  with  which  they  were  best  acquainted. 
He  extracted  so  largely  from  the  magazine  of  knowledge 
deposited  in  the  expanded  mind  of  Dr.  Franklin,  that  he 
once  mentioned  to  a  friend,  his  intention  to  write  a  book  with 
the  title  of  Frankliniana,  in  which  he  proposed  to  collect  the 
fragments  of  wisdom,  which  he  had  treasured  in  his  memory, 
as  they  fell  in  conversation  from  the  lips  of  this  great  ori 
ginal  genius.  To  Dr.  Rush,  every  place  was  a  school,  every 
one  with  whom  he  conversed  was  a  tutor.  He  was  never 
without  a  book,  for,  when  he  had  no  other,  the  book  of  nature 
was  before  him,  and  engaged  his  attention.  In  his  lectures 
to  his  pupils,  he  advised  them,  '  to  lay  every  person  they 
met  with,  whether  in  a  packet  boat,  a  stage  wagon,  or  a 
public  road,  under  contribution  for  facts  on  physical  sub 
jects.'  What  the  professor  recommended  to  them,  he  prac 
tised  himself.  His  eyes  and  ears  were  open  to  see,  hear, 
and  profit  by  every  occurrence.  The  facts  he  received 
from  persons  of  all  capacities  he  improved  to  some  valuable 
purpose.  He  illustrates  one  of  his  medical  theories  by  a  fact 
communicated  by  a  butcher ;  another  from  an  observation 
made  by  a  madman,  in  the  Pennsylvania  Hospital.  In  his 
scientific  work  on  the  diseases  of  the  mind,  he  refers  fre 
quently  to  poets,  and  particularly  to  Shakspeare,  to  illustrate 


BENJAMIN    RUSH.  253 

the  history  of  madness,  and  apologises  for  it  in  the  following 
words.  '  They  (poets)  view  the  human  mind  in  all  its  ope^a- 
tions,  whether  natural  or  morbid,  with  a  microscopic  eye, 
and  hence  many  things  arrest  their  attention,  which  escape 
the  notice  of  physicians.'  It  may  be  useful  to  students  to 
be  informed,  that  Dr.  Rush  constantly  kept  by  him  a  note 
book,  consisting  of  two  parts,  in  one  of  which  he  entered 
facts  as  they  occurred  ;  in  the  other,  ideas  and  observations, 
as  they  arose  in  his  own  mind,  or  were  suggested  by  others 
in  conversation.  His  mind  was  under  such  complete  dis 
cipline,  that  he  could  read  or  write  with  perfect  composure, 
in  the  midst  of  the  noise  of  his  children,  the  conversation 
of  his  family,  and  the  common  interrogatories  of  his  visiting 
patients.  A  very  moderate  proportion  of  his  time  was  devo 
ted  to  sleep,  and  much  less  to  the  pleasures  of  the  table.  In 
the  latter  case,  sittings  were  never  prolonged,  but  in  conver 
sation  on  useful  subjects,  and  for  purposes  totally  distinct 
from  the  gratifications  of  appetite.  In  the  course  of  nearly 
seventy  years  spent  in  this  manner,  he  acquired  a  sum  of 
useful  practical  knowledge  that  has  rarely  been  attained  by 
one  man,  in  any  age  or  country." 

Medical  inquiries  were  the  primary  objects  of  Dr.  Rush's 
attention  ;  yet  he  by  no  means  neglected  other  branches  of 
knowledge.  In  the  earlier  part  of  his  life,  he  paid  great 
attention  to  politics.  The  subjects  of  a  political  character, 
which  chiefly  engrossed  his  mind,  were  the  independence  of 
his  country,  the  establishment  of  wise  constitutions  for  the 
states  generally,  and  for  his  own  state  particularly,  and  the 
diffusion  of  knowledge  among  the  American  people.  On 
these  subjects  he  usefully  employed  his  pen  in  numerous 
essays,  which  were  published  under  a  variety  of  names. 

This  political  knowledge,  and  political  integrity,  were  so 
well  appreciated,  that  sundry  offices  were  conferred  upon 
him.  He  was  a  member  of  the  celebrated  congress  of  1776, 
which  declared  these  states  free  and  independent.  This 
event  Dr.  Rush  perceived  to  be  the  harbinger  of  important 
blessings  to  the  American  people.  He  was  not  one  of  those 
who  thought  so  much  of  commerce,  of  the  influx  of  riches, 
22 


254  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

or  high  rank  among  the  nations.  These,  indeed,  he  well 
knew  were  consequences  which  would  result  from  the  decla 
ration  of  independence.  But  these  he  viewed  as  a  minor 
consideration,  compared  with  the  increase  of  talents  and  know 
ledge.  The  progress  of  eloquence,  of  science,  and  of  mind, 
in  all  its  various  pursuits,  was  considered  by  him  as  the  ne 
cessary  effect  of  republican  constitutions,  and  in  the  pro 
spect  of  them  he  rejoiced.  Nor  was  he  disappointed  ;  for  in 
a  lecture,  delivered  in  November,  1799,  he  observes  :  "from 
a  strict  attention  to  the  state  of  mind  in  this  country,  before  the 
year  1774,  and  at  the  present  time,  I  am  satisfied  the  ratio  of 
intellect  is  as  twenty  are  to  one,  and  of  knowledge  as  a  hun 
dred  are  to  one,  in  these  states,  compared  with  what  they 
were  before  the  American  revolution." 

In  1777,  he  was  appointed  physician  general  of  the  military 
hospital  in  the  middle  department,  sometime  after  which  he 
published  his  observations  on  our  hospitals,  army  diseases, 
and  the  effects  of  the  revolution  on  the  army  and  people. 

In  1787,  he  became  a  member  of  the  convention  of  Penn 
sylvania  for  the  adoption  of  the  federal  constitution.  This 
constitution  received  his  warmest  approbation.  He  pro 
nounced  the  federal  government  a  masterpiece  of  human 
wisdom.  From  it  he  anticipated  a  degree  of  felicity  to  the 
American  people  which  they  have  not,  and  probably  never 
will,  experience. 

For  the  last  fourteen  years  of  his  life,  he  was  treasurer  for 
the  United  States  mint,  by  appointment  of  President  Adams  ; 
an  office  which  was  conferred  upon  him,  as  a  homage  to  his 
talents  and  learning,  and  by  means  of  which  something  was 
added  to  his  revenue. 

Dr.  Rush  took  a  deep  interest  in  the  many  private  associa 
tions,  for  the  advancement  of  human  happiness,  with  which 
Pennsylvania  abounds.  In  the  establishment  of  the  Phila 
delphia  Dispensary,  the  first  institution  of  the  kind  in  the 
United  States,  he  led  the  way.  He  was  the  principal  agent 
in  founding  Dickinson  College,  in  Carlisle  ;  and  through  his 
influence,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Nisbet,  of  Montrose,  in  Scotland,  was 
induced  to  remove  to  America  to  take  charge  of  it.  For  some 


BENJAMIN    RUSH.  255 

years,  he  was  president  of  the  society  for  the  abolition  of  sia- 
very,  and,  also,  of  the  Philadelphia  Medical  Society.  He  was 
a  founder  of  the  Philadelphia  Bible  Society,  and  one  of  its  vice- 
presidents,  and  a  vice-president  of  the  American  Philosophical 
Society.  He  was  an  honorary  member  of  many  of  the  literary 
institutions,  both  of  this  country  and  of  Europe.  In  1805,  he 
was  honoured  by  the  king  of  Prussia,  with  a  medal,  for  his  re 
plies  to  certain  questions  on  the  yellow  fever.  On  a  similar 
account,  he  was  presented  with  a  gold  medal  in  1807,  from  the 
queen  of  Etruria;  and  in  1811,  the  Emperor  of  Russia  sent 
him  a  diamond  ring,  as  a  testimony  of  his  respect  for  his  me 
dical  character. 

Dr.  Rush  was  a  public  writer  for  forty-nine  years,  and 
from  the  nineteenth  to  the  sixty-eighth  year  of  his  age.  His 
works,  which  were  quite  numerous,  show  much  reading,  deep 
investigation,  and  tried  experience.  He  seems  to  have  com 
bined  the  most  useful  in  physical  science,  with  the  most  ele 
gant  in  literature.  Instead  of  being  a  mere  collator  of  the 
opinions  of  others,  he  was  constantly  making  discoveries  and 
improvements  of  his  own ;  and  from  the  result  of  his  indivi 
dual  experience  and  observation,  established  more  principles, 
and  added  more  facts  to  the  science  of  medicine,  than  all  who 
had  preceded  him  in  his  native  country.  The  tendency  of  all 
liis  writings  was  decidedly  good. 

He  po  \verfully,  and  to  .some  extent  successfully,  employed 
his  pen  against  some  of  the  habits  and  vices  of  mankind.  His 
"  Inquiry  into  the  effects  of  ardent  spirits  upon  the  human 
body  and  mind,"  has  been  more  read  than  any  of  his  works. 
All  the  medical  philosophy  that  was  pertinent  to  the  subject, 
was  incorporated  with  it.  Striking  descriptions  of  the  per 
sonal  and  family  distress  occasioned  by  that  vice,  and  of  its 
havoc  on  the  minds,  bodies  and  estates  of  its  unhappy  votaries, 
were  given,  and  the  means  of  prevention  and  cure  pointed 
out.  The  whole  was  illustrated  by  a  scale,  graduated  like  a 
thermometer,  showing  at  one  view  the  effects  of  certain 
enumerated  liquors  on  the  body,  the  mind,  and  the  condition 
in  society  of  those  who  are  addicted  to  them.  In  the  last 
year  of  Dr.  Rush's  life,  he  presented  to  the  general  assembly 


256  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

of  the  Presbyterian  church  in  the  United  StaU  ,  ./ne  thousand 
copies  of  this  popular  pamphlet,  to  be  given  away  among  the 
people  of  their  respective  congregations.  About  the  same 
time,  that  numerous  and  respectable  body  passed  a  resolution, 
enjoining  on  their  members  to  exert  themselves  in  counter 
acting  this  ruinous  vice. 

In  his  "  Observations  upon  the  influence  of  the  habitual 
use  of  tobacco  upon  health,  morals,  and  property,"  Dr.  Rush 
employed  his  eloquent  pen  in  dissuading  from  practices, 
which  insensibly  grow  into  habits  productive  of  many  unfore 
seen  evils. 

Dr.  Rush  was  a  great  practical  physician.  In  the  treat 
ment  of  diseases  he  was  eminently  successful,  and  in  descri 
bing  their  symptoms  and  explaining  their  causes,  he  was  un 
commonly  accurate.  Nor  is  this  matter  of  wonder,  for  he 
was  minutely  acquainted  with  the  histories  of  diseases  of  all 
ages,  countries,  and  occupations.  The  annals  of  medicine 
cannot  produce  an  account  of  any  great  epidemic  disease, 
that  has  visited  our  earth,  in  any  age,  or  country,  which  is 
more  minute,  accurate,  and  completely  satisfactory,  than  Dr 
Rush's  description  of  the  yellow  fever  of  1793,  in  Philadel 
phia.  Had  he  never  written  another  line,  this  alone  would 
have  immortalized  his  name.  He  was  a  physician  of  no 
common  cast.  His  prescriptions  were  not  confined  to  doses 
of  medicine,  but  to  the  regulation  of  the  diet,  air,  dress,  exer 
cise,  and  mental  actions  of  his  patients,  so  as  to  prevent 
disease,  and  to  make  healthy  men  and  women  from  invalids. 
His  pre-eminence  as  a  physician,  over  so  many  of  his  contem 
poraries,  arose  from  the  following  circumstances  : 

He  carefully  studied  the  climate  in  which  he  lived,  and  the 
symptoms  of  acute  and  chronic  diseases  therein  prevalent ; 
the  different  habits  and  constitutions  of  his  patients,  and 
varied  his  prescriptions  with  their  strength,  age,  and  sex. 

He  marked  the  influence  of  different  seasons,  upon  the 
same  disease;  and  varied  his  practice  accordingly.  He  obser 
ved  and  recorded  the  influence  of  successive  epidemic  dis 
eases  upon  each  other,  and  the  hurtful  as  well  as  salutary 
effects  of  his  remedies,  and  thereby  acquired  a  knowledge  ot 


BE:-;  JAM  IN  R-USII.  257 

the  character  of  the  reigning  disease  in  every  successive  sea 
son.  His  notes  and  records  of  the  diseases,  which  have  taken 
place  in  Philadelphia  for  the  last  forty-four  years,  must  be 
of  incalculable  value  to  such  as  may  have  access  to  them.  In 
attendance  upon  patients,  Dr.  Rush's  manner  was  so  gentle 
and  sympathising,  that  pain  and  distress  were  less  poignant  in 
his  presence.  On  all  occasions  he  exhibited  the  manners  of 
a  gentleman,  and  his  conversation  was  sprightly,  pleasant, 
and  instructive.  His  letters  were  peculiarly  excellent ;  for 
they  were  dictated  by  a  feeling  heart,  and  adorned  with  the 
effusions  of  a  brilliant  imagination.  His  correspondence 
was  extensive,  and  his  letters  numerous  ;  but  every  one  of 
them,  as  far  as  can  be  known  to  an  individual,  contained 
something  original,  pleasant,  and  sprightly.  I  can  truly  say,  re 
marks  Dr.  Ramsay,  that  in  the  course  of  thirty-five  years'  cor 
respondence  and  friendly  intercourse,  I  never  received  a  let 
ter  from  him  without  being  delighted  and  improved  ;  nor  left 
his  company  without  learning  something.  His  observations 
were  often  original,  and  when  otherwise,  far  from  insipid  : 
for  he  had  an  uncommon  way  of  expressing  common  thoughts. 
He  possessed  in  a  high  degree  those  talents  which  engage  the 
heart.  He  took  so  lively  an  interest  in  every  thing  that 
concerned  his  pupils,  that  each  of  them  believed  himself  a 
favourite,  while  his  kind  offices  to  all  proved  that  he  was  the 
common  friend  and  father  of  them  all. 

In  lecturing  to  his  class,  Dr.  Rush  mingled  the   most  ab 
struse  investigation  with  the  most  agreeable  eloquence  ;  the 
sprightliest  sallies  of  imagination,  with  the  most  profound  dis 
quisitions  ;  and  the  whole  was  enlivened  with  anecdotes,  both 
pleasant  and  instructive.     His  language  was  simple  and  al 
ways  intelligible,  and  his  method  so  judicious,  that  a  consistent 
view  of  the  subject  was  communicated,  and   the  recollection 
of  the  whole  rendered  easy.     His  lectures  were  originally 
written  on  leaves  alternately  blank.     On  the  blank  side  he 
entered  from  time  to  time,  every  new  fact,  idea,  anecdote,  or 
illustration,  that  he  became  possessed  of,  from  any  source 
whatever.     In  the  course  of  about  four  years,  the  blank  was 
generally  so  far  filled  up,  that  ho  found  it  expedient  to  make 
2L  22* 


258  PENNSYLVANIA  DELEGATION. 

a  new  set  of  lectures.  In  this  way  he  not  only  enlightened 
the  various  subjects,  on  which  it  was  his  province  to  instruct 
his  class  ;  but  the  light  which  he  cast  on  them,  for  forty-four 
successive  years,  was  continually  brightening.  The  instruc 
tions  he  gave  to  his  pupils  by  lectures,  though  highly  valua 
ble,  were  less  so  than  the  habits  of  thinking  and  observation 
he,  in  some  degree,  forced  upon  them.  His  constant  aim  was 
to  rouse  their  minds  from  a  passive  to  an  active  state,  so  as 
to  enable  them  to  instruct  themselves.  Since  the  first  insti 
tution  of  the  medical  school  in  Pennsylvania,  its  capital, 
Philadelphia,  has  been  the  very  atmosphere  of  medicine,  and 
that  atmosphere  has  been  constantly  clearing  from  the  fogs 
of  error,  and  becoming  more  luminous  from  the  successive 
and  increasing  diffusion  of  the  light  of  truth.  A  portion  of 
knowledge  floated  about  that  hallowed  spot,  which  was  im 
bibed  by  every  student,  without  his  being  conscious  of  it, 
and  had  an  influence  in  giving  to  his  mind  a  medical  texture. 
To  this  happy  state  of  things  all  the  professors  contributed. 
Drs.  Wistar,  Barton,  Physick,  Dorsey,  Coxe,  and  James,  the 
survivors  of  that  illustrious  and  meritorious  body,  will  ac 
knowledge  that  their  colleague,  Professor  R"fc"h,  was  not  de 
ficient  in  his  quota. 

We  have  hitherto  viewed  Dr.  Rush  as  an  author,  a  physi 
cian,  a  professor,  and  a  philosopher  ;  let  us  now  view  him  as 
a  man.  From  him  we  may  learn  to  be  good,  as  well  as  great. 
Such  was  the  force  of  pious  example  and  religious  education 
in  the  first  fifteen  years  of  his  life,  that  though  he  spent  the  en 
suing  nine  in  Philadelphia,  Edinburgh,  London,  and  Paris,  ex 
posed  to  the  manifold  temptations  which  are  inseparable  from 
great  cities,  yet  he  returned,  at  the  age  of  twenty-four,  to  his  na 
tive  country,  with  unsullied  purity  of  morals.  The  sneers  of  in 
fidels,  and  the  fascinations  of  pleasure,  had  no  power  to  divert 
him  from  the  correct  principles  and  virtuous  habits  which  had 
been  ingrafted  on  his  mind  in  early  youth.  He  came  home 
from  his  travels  with  no  excessive  attachment  but  to  his  books  ; 
no  other  ambition  than  that  of  being  a  great  scholar  ;  and  with 
out  any  desire  of  making  a  stepping-stone  of  his  talents  and 
education,  to  procure  for  him  the  means  of  settling  down  in 


BENJAMIN  RUSH.  259 

inglorious  ease,  without  the  farther  cultivation  and  exertion  of 
his  talents.  In  a  conversation  which  he  held  with  Dr.  Ram 
say,  thirty-five  years  ago,  Dr.  Rush  observed,  that  as  he  step 
ped  from  the  ship  that  brought  him  home  from  Europe,  he 
resolved  that  "  no  circumstances  of  personal  charms,  fortune, 
or  connexions,  should  tempt  him  to  perpetrate  matrimony, 
(his  own  phrase,)  till  he  had  extended  his  studies  so  far  that  a 
family  would  be  no  impediment  to  his  farther  progress."  To 
this  resolution  of  sacrificing  every  gratification  to  his  love 
for  learning,  and  his  desire  of  making  a  distinguished  figure 
in  the  republic  of  letters,  he  steadily  adhered.  For  this  he 
trimmed  the  midnight  lamp  ;  for  this,  though  young,  gay, 
elegant  in  person  and  manners,  and  possessed  of  the  most  in 
sinuating  address,  he  kept  aloof  from  all  scenes  of  dissipation, 
enervating  pleasure,  and  unprofitable  company,  however 
fashionable  ;  and  devoted  himself  exclusively  to  the  cultiva 
tion  of  those  powers  which  God  had  given  him. 

Piety  to  God  was  an  eminent  trait  in  the  character  of  Dr 
Rush.  In  all  his  printed  works,  and  in  all  his  private  trans 
actions,  he  expressed  the  most  profound  respect  and  venera 
tion  for  the  great  Eternal.  At  the  close  of  his  excellent  ob 
servations  on  the  pulmonary  consumption,  he  observes,  "  I 
cannot  conclude  this  inquiry  without  adding,  that  the  author 
of  it  derived  from  his  paternal  ancestors  a  predisposition  to 
pulmonary  consumption  ;  and  that,  between  the  eighteenth 
and  forty-third  year  of  his  age,  he  has  occasionally  been  af 
flicted  with  many  of  the  symptoms  of  that  disease  which  he 
has  described.  By  the  constant  and  faithful  use  of  many  of 
the  remedies  which  he  has  now  recommended,  he  now,  in 
the  sixty-first  year  of  his  age,  enjoys  nearly  an  uninterrupted 
exemption  from  pulmonary  complaints.  In  humble  gratitude, 
therefore,  to  that  Being  who  condescends  to  be  called  the 
1  preserver  of  men,'  he  thus  publicly  devotes  the  result  of  his 
experience  and  inquiries  to  the  benefit  of  such  of  his  fellow 
creatures  as  may  be  afflicted  with  the  same  disease,  sincerely 
wishing  that  they  may  be  as  useful  to  them  as  they  have  been 
to  the  author." 

It  was  not  only  by  words,  but  in  deeds,  that  he  expressed 


260  PENNSYLVANIA   DELEGATION. 

his  reverence  for  the  Divine  character.  It  was  his  usual  prac 
tice  to  close  the  day  by  reading  to  his  collected  family  a 
chapter  in  the  Bible,  and  afterwards  by  addressing  his  Maker 
in  prayer,  devoutly  acknowledging  his  goodness  for  favours 
received,  and  humbly  imploring  his  continued  protection  and 
blessing.  His  respect  for  Jehovah,  led  him  to  respect  his 
ministers,  who  acted  consistently  with  their  high  calling.  He 
considered  their  office  of  the  greatest  importance  to  society, 
both  in  this  world  and  that  which  is  to  come.  He  stiengthen- 
ed  their  hands,  and  was  always  ready  and  willing  to  promote 
and  encourage  arrangements  for  their  comfortable  support, 
and  for  building  churches,  and  for  propagating  the  gospel 
In  an  address  to  ministers  of  every  denomination,  on  subjects 
interesting  to  morals,  he  remarks,  "  If  there  were  no  here 
after,  individuals  and  societies  would  be  great  gainers  by  at 
tending  public  worship  every  Sunday.  Rest  from  labour  in 
the  house  of  God  winds  up  the  machine  of  both  soul  and 
body  better  than  any  thing  else,  and  thereby  invigorates  it 
for  the  labours  and  duties  of  the  ensuing  week."  Dr.  Rush 
made  his  first  essay  as  an  author,  when  an  apprentice  to  Dr. 
Redman,  by  wrriting  an  eulogy  on  the  Rev.  Gilbert  Tennent, 
who  had  been  the  friend  and  fellow  labourer  of  the  celebrated 
George  Whitfield,  and  an  active,  useful,  animated  preacher 
of  the  gospel,  from  1725  till  1764.  On  the  27th  of  May, 
1809,  he  wrote  to  his  cousin,  Dr.  Finley,  to  this  effect :  u  The 
general  assembly  of  the  presbyterian  church  is  now  in  ses 
sion  in  Philadelphia.  It  is  composed  of  many  excellent  men, 
some  of  whom  are  highly  distinguished  by  talents  and  learn 
ing,  as  well  as  piety.  I  have  had  some  pleasant  visits  from  n 
number  of  them,  and  have  been  amply  rewarded  for  my  ci 
vilities  to  them,  by  their  agreeable  and  edifying  conversation. 
They  remind  me  of  the  happy  times  whsn  their  places  in  the 
church  were  filled  by  your  venerable  father,  and  his  illus 
trious  contemporaries  and  friends,  Messrs.  Tennent,  Blair, 
Davies,  and  Rodgers." 

The  life  of  Dr.  Rush  was  terminated  on  the  19th  of  April, 
in  the  68th  year  of  his  age.  During  his  illness,  which  was 
of  but  few  days  continuance,  his  house  was  beset  with  crowds 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN.  261 

of  citizens,  such  was  the  general  anxiety  in  respect  to  the  life 
of  this  excellent  man.  When,  at  length,  he  died,  the  news 
of  his  decease  spread  a  deep  gloom  over  the  city,  and  ex 
pressions  of  profound  sympathy  were  received  from  all  parts 
of  the  country. 


BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN. 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN  was  born  at  Boston,  on  the  17th  of 
January,  1706.  His  ancestors  were  from  the  county  of 
Northampton,  in  England,  where  they  had  for  many  genera 
tions  possessed  a  small  freehold  estate,  near  the  village  of 
Eaton.  During  the  persecutions  in  the  reign  of  Charles  II., 
against  the  puritans,  the  father  of  Benjamin,  who  was  of 
that  persuasion,  emigrated  to  America,  and  settling  in  Bos 
ton,  had  recourse  for  a  livelihood  to  the  business  of  a  chan 
dler  and  soap  boiler.  His  mother's  name  was  Folger.  She 
was  a  native  of  Boston,  and  belonged  to  a  respectable  family. 

At  an  early  age,  young  Franklin  discovered,  as  his  parents 
thought,  a  more  than  ordinary  genius  ;  and  they  resolved  to 
give  hrm  an  education,  with  reference  to  the  profession  of  a 
clergyman.  Accordingly,  he  was  placed  at  a  grammar  school, 
where  he  soon  attained  the  reputation  of  a  lad  of  industrious 
habits,  and  respectable  genius. 

His  parents,  however,  at  the  expiration  of  a  year,  found 
that  their  slender  revenues  would  not  admit  of  the  expense  of 
collegiate  instruction.  He  was,  therefore,  soon  after  taken 
home  to  prosecute  the  business  of  his  father.  In  this  occu 
pation  he  was  employed  for  two  years,  but  it  was  ill  adapted 
to  his  constitution,  and  he  felt  unwilling  to  continue  cutting 
wicks  for  candles,  filling  moulds,  and  running  of  errands.  He 
became  uneasy,  and  at  length  resolved  to  embark  on  a  sea 
faring  life.  To  such  a  proposition,  however,  his  parents 
strongly  objected,  as  they  had  already  lost  a  son  at  sea.  He 


262  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

was  permitted,  however,  to  change  his  business,  and  allowed 
to  choose  an  occupation  which  was  more  congenial  to  his  in 
clinations. 

His  fondness  for  books  had,  from  an  early  age,  been  singu 
larly  great.  He  read  every  thing  within  his  reach.  His  fa 
ther's  library  was  itself  scanty,  being  confined  to  a  few  such 
works  as  Defoe's  Essay  upon  Projects,  Mather's  Essay  on 
doing  Good,  and  the  Lives  of  Plutarch.  These  he  perused 
with  great  attention,  and  they  appear  to  have  exercised  a  fa 
vourable  influence  on  his  mind.  His  love  of  books  was  fre 
quently  noticed  by  his  father,  who,  at  length,  proposed  to 
bind  him  as  an  apprentice  to  an  elder  brother,  who  was  at 
that  time  a  printer  of  a  newspaper  in  Boston.  He  was  ac 
cordingly  thus  situated,  in  the  year  1717,  when  he  was  scarce 
ly  twelve  years  of  age.  He  soon  became  a  proficient  in  the 
mechanical  part  of  the  business,  and  seized  every  opportuni 
ty  for  reading  books  that  he  could  borrow  from  his  acquaint 
ance,  in  which  employment  he  spent  the  greater  part  of  his 
nights.  He  soon  began  to  indulge  himself  in  writing  ballads 
and  other  poetical  pieces  ;  but,  it  is  said,  that  his  father  spee 
dily  satisfied  him  that  this  was  not  the  species  of  composition 
in  which  he  could  excel.  His  next  efforts  were  directed  to 
prose  composition,  in  which  his  success  is  well  known,  and 
duly  appreciated.  With  a  passion  for  reading  and  writing, 
he  imbibed  a  kindred  one  for  disputation  ;  and  adopting  the 
Socratic  method,  he  became  dexterous  in  confuting  and  con 
founding  an  antagonist,  by  a  series  of  questions.  This 
course  gave  him  a  sceptical  turn  with  regard  to  religion,  and 
while  he  was  young  he  took  every  opportunity  of  propagating 
his  tenets,  and  with  the  ordinary  zeal  of  a  new  convert.  He 
was,  however,  soon  convinced,  by  the  effect  produced  on 
some  of  his  companions,  that  it  was  extremely  dangerous  to 
loosen  the  ties  of  religion,  without  the  probability  of  substi 
tuting  other  principles  equally  efficacious.  The  doubts 
which  subsisted  in  his  own  mind,  he  was  never  able  to  re 
move  ;  but  he  was  not  deficient  in  fortifying  himself  with 
such  moral  principles  as  directed  him  to  the  most  valuable 
ends,  by  honourable  means.  By  habits  of  self-denial,  early 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  263 

formed,  he  obtained  a  complete  dominion  over  his  appetites, 
so  that,  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  he  readily  discarded  animal 
food,  from  the  conviction  produced  in  his  mind  by  perusing  a 
work  on  the  subject,  that  he  should  enjoy  a  more  vigorous 
state  of  health  without  it.  He  now  arTered  his  brother  to 
maintain  himself,  for  half  the  sum  paid  for  his  board  ;  and 
even  with  this  he  was  able  to  make  savings  to  purchase  what 
books  he  wanted.  In  his  brother,  he  found  a  harsh  master, 
and  Benjamin  felt  indignant  at  the  treatment  which  he  ex 
perienced  from  him  in  the  way  of  business.  His  brother  had 
established  a  newspaper,  in  which  the  apprentice  contrived 
to  insert  some  papers  and  essays  anonymously.  These  were 
read  and  highly  commended  by  people  of  the  best  judgment 
and  taste  in  the  town.  The  young  man  began  now  to  feel 
his  importance,  which  was  still  more  impressed  on  him  by 
having  the  paper  published  in  his  own  name,  that  of  his 
brother,  for  some  political  offence,  having  been  interdicted 
by  the  state. 

On  the  release  of  his  brother,  who  had  for  some  time  been 
imprisoned  for  the  above  political  offence,  Franklin  was  treat 
ed  by  him  with  so  much  severity,  that  at  length  he  determin 
ed  to  leave  him.  His  indentures  having  before  this  been  can 
celled,  he  secretly  went  on  board  of  a  vessel,  bound  to  New- 
York,  in  which  he  took  passage  for  that  city.  After  a  few 
days  spent  in  New-York,  having  sought  in  vain  to  procure 
business,  he  proceeded  on  foot  to  Philadelphia,  where  he 
at  length  arrived,  fatigued  and  destitute  of  all  means  of  sup 
port.  He  was  now  but  seventeen  years  of  age,  at  the  dis 
tance  of  four  hundred  miles  from  home,  nearly  pennyless, 
without  employment,  without  a  counsellor,  and  unacquainted 
with  a  single  person  in  the  city. 

The  day  following  his  arrival  he  wandered  through  the 
streets  of  Philadelphia  with  an  appearance  little  short  of  a 
beggar.  His  pockets  were  distended  by  his  clothes,  which 
were  crowded  into  them  ;  and  provided  with  a  roll  of  bread 
under  each  arm,  he  proceeded  through  the  principal  streets 
of  the  city.  His  uncouth  appearance  attracted  the  notice  of 
several  of  the  citizens,  and  among  others  of  a  Miss  Reed, 


264  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

who  afterwards  became  his  wife,  and  by  whom,  as  he  passed 
along,  he  was  thought  to  present  a  very  awkward  and  ridicu- 
Jous  appearance. 

There  were  at  this  time  but  two  printing  offices  in  Phila 
delphia.  Fortunately,  in  one  of  these  he  found  employment 
as  compositor.  His  conduct  was  very  becoming  ;  he  was  at 
tentive  to  business,  and  economical  in  his  expenses.  His 
fidelity  not  only  commended  him  to  his  master,  but  was  no 
ticed  by  several  respectable  citizens,  who  promised  him  their 
patronage  and  support. 

Among  others,  who  took  much  notice  of  him,  was  Sir  Wil 
liam  Keith,  at  that  time  governor  of  the  province.  The  go 
vernor  having  become  acquainted  with  the  history  of  his  re 
cent  adventures,  professed  a  deep  interest  in  his  welfare,  and 
at  length  proposed  that  he  should  commence  business  on  his 
own  account ;  at  the  same  time,  promising  to  aid  him  with 
his  influence  and  that  of  his  friends,  and  to  give  him  the 
printing  of  the  government.  Moreover,  the  governor  urged 
him  to  return  to  Boston,  to  solicit  the  concurrence  and  as 
sistance  6f  his  father.  At  the  same  time,  he  gave  him  a  let 
ter  to  that  gentleman,  replete  with  assurances  of  affection, 
and  promises  of  support  to  the  son. 

With  this  object  in  view,  he  sailed  for  Boston,  and  /at 
length,  after  an  absence  of  several  months,  he  again  entered 
his  father's  house.  He  was  affectionately  received  by  the 
family.  To  his  father  he  communicated  the  letter  of  Go 
vernor  Keith,  which  explained  the  object  of  his  return.  His 
father,  however,  judiciously  advised  him,  on  account  of  youth 
and  inexperience,  to  relinquish  the  project  of  setting  up  a 
printing  office,  and  wrote  to  this  effect  to  his  patron,  Govern 
or  Keith.  Having  determined  to  follow  the  advice  of  his 
father,  he  returned  to  Philadelphia,  and  again  entering  the 
employment  of  his  former  master,  pursued  his  business  with 
his  usual  assiduous  attention. 

Governor  Keith,  on  learning  the  advice  and  decision  of 
Franklin's  father,  offered  himself  to  furnish  the  necessary 
materials  for  a  printing  establishment,  and  proposed  to  Frank 
lin  to  make  a  voyage  to  England  to  procure  them.  This  pro- 


BENJAMIN    FKANKLIN.  265 

posal  Franklin  readily  accepted,  and  with  gratitude  to  his 
generous  benefactor,  he  sailed  for  England  in  1725,  accom 
panied  by  his  friend  Ralph,  one  of  his  literary  associates  in 
Philadelphia. 

Before  his  departure,  he  exchanged  promises  of  fidelity 
with  Miss  Reed  of  Philadelphia,  with  whose  father  he  had 
lodged.  Upon  his  arrival  in  London,  Mr.  Franklin  found 
that  Governor  Keith,  upon  whose  letters  of  credit  and  re 
commendation  he  relied,  had  entirely  deceived  him.  He 
was  now  obliged  to  work  as  a  journeyman  printer,  and  ob 
tained  employment  in  an  office  in  Bartholomew-close.  His 
friend  Ralph  did  not  so  readily  find  the  means  of  subsist 
ence,  and  was  a  constant  drain  upon  the  earnings  of  Frank 
lin.  In  that  great  city,  the  morals  of  the  young  travellers 
were  not  much  improved ;  Ralph  forgot,  or  acted  as  if  he 
had  forgotten,  that  he  had  a  wife  and  child  across  the  Atlan 
tic  ;  and  Franklin  was  equally  forgetful  of  his  promises  and 
engagements  to  Miss  Reed.  About  this  period  he  published, 
**  A  Dissertation  on  Liberty  and  Necessity,  Pleasure  and 
Pain,"  dedicated  to  Ralph,  and  intended  as  an  answer  to 
Wollaston's  "  Religion  of  Nature."  This  piece  gained  for 
him  some  degree  of  reputation,  and  introduced  him  to  the 
acquaintance  of  Dr.  Mandeville,  author  of  the  "  Fable  of  the 
Bees,"  and  some  other  literary  characters  Franklin  was 
always  temperate  and  industrious,  and  his  habits  in  this 
respect  were  eventually  the  means  of  securing  his  morals, 
as  well  as  of  raising  his  fortune.  In  the  interesting  account 
which  he  has  left  of  his  own  life,  is  a  narrative  of  the  method 
which  he  took  in  reforming  the  sottish  habits  of  his  fellow- 
workmen  in  the  second  printing  office  in  which  he  was 
engaged  in  London,  and  which  was  situated  in  the  neighbour 
hood  of  Lincoln's-inn-fields.  He  tried  to  persuade  them 
that  there  was  more  real  sustenance  in  a  penny  roll,  than  in  a 
pint  of  porter;  at  first,  the  plan  of  economy  which  he  pro 
posed  was  treated  with  contempt  or  ridicule  ;  but  in  the  end 
he  was  able  to  induce  several  of  them  to  substitute  a  warm 
and  nourishing  breakfast,  in  the  place  of  stimulating  liquors. 

Having  resided  about  a  year  and  a  half  in  London,  he 
2M  23 


266  PENNSYLVANIA  DELEGATION. 

concerted  a  scheme  with  an  acquaintance,  to  make  the  tour 
of  Europe.  At  this  juncture,  however,  he  fell  in  company 
with  a  mercantile  friend,  who  was  about  returning  home  to 
Philadelphia,  and  who  now  persuaded  Franklin  to  abandon 
his  project  of  an  eastern  tour,  and  to  enter  his  service  in  the 
capacity  of  a  clerk.  On  the  22d  of  July.  172S,  they  set  sail 
for  Philadelphia,  where  they  arrived  the  llth  of  October. 

The  prospects  of  Franklin  were  now  brighter.  He  was 
attached  to  his  new  adopted  profession,  and  by  his  assiduous 
attention  to  business  gained  the  confidence  of  his  employer 
so  much,  that  he  was  about  to  be  commissioned  as  supercargo 
to  the  West  Indies,  when  of  a  sudden  his  patron  died,  by 
which,  not  only  his  fair  prospects  were  blighted,  but  he  was 
once  more  thrown  out  of  all  employment. 

He  had,  however,  one  resource,  and  that  was  a  return  to 
the  business  of  printing,  in  the  service  of  his  former  master. 
At  length,  he  became  superintendant  of  the  printing  office 
where  he  worked,  and  finding-  himself  able  to  manage  the 
concern  with  some  skill  and  profit,  he  resolved  to  embark  in 
business  for  himself.  He  entered  into  partnership  with  a 
fellow-workman,  named  Meredith,  whose  friends  were  ena 
bled  to  furnish  a  supply  of  money  sufficient  for  the  concern, 
which  was  no  doubt  very  small ;  for  Franklin  has  recorded 
the  high  degree  of  pleasure,  which  he  experienced  from  a 
payment  of  five  shillings  only,  the  first  fruits  of  their  earn 
ings.  "  The  recollection,"  says  this  noble  spirited  man, 
**  of  what  I  felt  on  this  occasion,  has  rendered  me  more  dis 
posed,  than  perhaps  I  might  otherwise  have  been,  to  encour 
age  young  beginners  in  trade."  His  habitual  industry  and 
undeviating  punctuality,  obtaine-d  him  the  notice  and  business 
of  the  principal  people  in  the  place.  He  instituted  a  club 
under  the  name  of  "  the  Junto,"  for  the  purpose  of  the  dis 
cussion  of  political  and  philosophical  questions,  which  proved 
an  excellent  school  for  the  mutual  improvement  of  its  several 
members.  The  test  proposed  to  every  candidate,  before  his 
admission,  was  this  ;  "  Do  you  sincerely  declare  that  you 
love  mankind  in  general,  of  what  profession  or  religion  so 
ever  ?  Do  you  think  any  person  ought  to  be  harmed  in  his 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  207 

body,  name,  or  goods,  for  mere  speculative  opinions,  or  his 
external  way  of  worship  ?  Do  you  love  truth  for  truth's  sake ; 
and  will  you  endeavour  impartially  to  find  and  receive  it 
yourself,  and  communicate  it  to  others."  Mr.  Franklin  and 
his  partner  ventured  to  set  up  a  new  public  paper,  which  his 
own  efforts  as  writer  and  printer  caused  to  succeed,  and  they 
obtained  likewise  the  printing  of  the  votes  and  laws  of  the 
assembly.  In  process  of  time,  Meredith  withdrew  from  the 
partnership,  and  Franklin  met  with  friends,  who  enabled  him 
to  undertake  the  whole  concern  in  his  own  name,  and  add  to 
it  the  business  of  a  stationer. 

In  1730,  he  married  the  lady  to  whom  he  was  engaged  be 
fore  his  departure  for  England.  During  his  absence  he  for 
got  his  promises  to  her,  and  on  his  return  to  America,  he 
found  her  the  wife  of  another  man.  Although  a  woman  of 
many  virtues,  she  suffered  from  the  unkindness  of  her  hus 
band,  who,  fortunately  for  her,  lived  but  a  short  time.  Not 
long  after  his  death,  Franklin  again  visited  her,  soon  after 
which  they  were  married,  and  for  many  years  lived  in  the 
full  enjoyment  of  connubial  peace  and  harmony. 

In  1732,  he  began  to  publish  "Poor  Richard's  Almanac," 
a  work  which  was  continued  for  twenty-five  years,  and  which, 
besides  .answering  the  purposes  of  a  calendar,  contained 
many  excellent  prudential  maxims,  which  were  of  great 
utility  to  that  class  of  the  community,  who  by  their  poverty 
or  laborious  occupations,  were  deprived  of  the  advantages 
of  education.  Ten  thousand  copies  of  this  almanac  are 
said  to  have  been  published  every  year,  in  America.  The 
maxims  contained  in  it,  were  from  time  to  time  republished 
both  in  Great  Britain,  and  on  the  continent. 

The  political  course  of  Franklin  began  in  the  year  1736,  when 
he  was  appointed  clerk  to  the  general  assembly  of  Pennsyl 
vania  ;  an  office  which  he  held  for  several  years,  until  he  was, 
at  length,  elected  a  representative.  During  the  same  year, 
he  assisted  in  the  establishment  of  the  American  Philosophi 
cal  Society,  and  of  a  college,  which  now  exists  under  the  title 
of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania.  In  the  following  year  he 
was  appointed  to  the  valuable  office  of  post-master  of  Phila- 


268  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

delphia.  In  1738  he  improved  the  police  of  the  city,  in  re 
spect  to  the  dreadful  calamity  of  fire,  by  forming  a  society 
called  a  fire  company,  to  which  was  afterwards  added  an  as 
surance  office,  against  losses  by  fire. 

In  1742  he  published  his  treatise  upon  the  improvement 
of  chimnies,  and  at  the  same  time  contrived  a  stove,  which 
is  in  extensive  use  at  the  present  day. 

In  the  French  war  of  1744,  he  proposed  a  plan  of  volun 
tary  association  for  the  defence  of  the  country.  This  was 
shortly  joined  by  ten  thousand  persons,  who  were  trained  to 
the  use  and  exercise  of  arms.  Franklin  was  chosen  colonel 
of  the  Philadelphia  regiment,  but  he  refused  the  honour  in 
favour  of  one,  whom  he  supposed  to  be  more  competent  to 
the  discharge  of  its  duties. 

During  the  same  year  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  pro 
vincial  assembly,  in  which  body  he  soon  became  very  popu 
lar,  and  was  annually  re-elected  by  his  fellow-citizens  for  the 
space  of  ten  years. 

About  this  time,  the  attention  of  Mr.  Franklin  was  parti 
cularly  turned  to  philosophical  subjects.  In  1747,  he  had 
witnessed  at  Boston,  some  experiments  on  electricity,  which 
excited  his  curiosity,  and  which  he  repeated  on  his  return 
to  Philadelphia,  with  great  success.  These  experiments  led 
to  important  discoveries,  an  account  of  which  was  transmit 
ted  to  England,  and  attracted  great  attention  throughout  all 
Europe. 

In  the  year  1749  he  conceived  the  idea  of  explaining  the 
phenomena  of  thunder  gusts,  and  of  the  aurora  borealis,  upon 
electrical  principles  ;  he  pointed  out  many  particulars,  in 
which  lightning  and  electricity  agreed,  and  he  adduced  many 
facts  and  reasonings  in  support  of  his  positions.  In  the  same 
year,  he  thought  of  ascertaining  the  truth  of  his  doctrine  by 
drawing  down  the  forked  lightning,  by  means  of  sharp 
pointed  iron  rods,  raised  into  the  region  of  the  clouds.  Ad 
mitting  the  identity  of  lightning  and  electricity,  and  knowing 
the  power  of  points  in  conducting  away  .silently  the  electric 
fluid,  he  suggested  the  idea  of  securing  houses,  ships,  &c. 
from  the  damages  to  which  they  were  liable  from  lightning, 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN.  269 

by  erecting  pointed  iron  rods,  which  should  rise  some  feet 
above  the  most  elevated  part,  and  descend  some  feet  into  the 
ground,  or  the  water.  The  effect  of  these,  he  concluded, 
would  be  either  to  prevent  a  stroke,  by  repelling  the  cloud 
beyond  the  striking  distance,  or  by  drawing  off  the  electrical 
fluid,  which  it  contained  ;  or  at  least,  conduct  the  stroke  to 
the  earth,  without  any  injury  to  the  building.  It  was  not  till 
the  summer  of  1752,  that  Mr.  Franklin  was  enabled  to  com 
plete  his  grand  experiment.  The  plan  which  he  proposed 
was,  to  erect  on  some  high  tower,  or  elevated  place,  a  sort  of 
nut,  from  which  should  rise  a  pointed  iron  rod,  insulated  by 
being  fixed  in  a  cake  of  resin.  Electrified  clouds  passing 
over  this,  would,  he  conceived,  impart  to  it  a  portion  of  their 
electricity,  which  might  be  rendered  evident  to  the  senses  by 
sparks  being  emitted,  when  the  knuckle  or  other  conductor 
was  presented  to  it.  While  he  was  waiting  for  the  erection 
of  a  spire,  it  occurred  to  him,  that  he  might  have  more  ready 
access  to  the  region  of  clouds  by  means  of  a  common  kite  ; 
he  accordingly  prepared  one  for  the  purpose,  affixing  to  the 
upright  stick  an  iron  point.  The  string  was  as  usual,  of 
licmp,  except  the  lower  end,  which  was  silk,  and  where  the 
hempen  part  terminated,  a  key  was  fastened.  With  this  sim 
ple  apparatus,  on  the  appearance  of  a  thunderstorm  approach 
ing,  he  went  into  the  fields,  accompanied  by  his  son,  to  whom 
alone  he  communicated  his  intentions,  dreading  probably  the 
ridicule  which  frequently  awaits  unsuccessful  attempts  in  ex 
perimental  philosophy.  For  some  time  no  sign  of  electricity 
appeared ;  he  was  beginning  to  despair  of  success,  when  he 
suddenly  observed  the  loose  fibres  of  the  string  to  start  for 
ward  in  an  erect  position,  He  now  presented  his  knuckle  to 
the  key,  and  received  a  strong  spark.  How  exquisite  must 
his  sensations  have  been  at  this  moment?  On  this  experiment 
depended  the  fate  of  his  theory  ;  repeated  sparks  were  drawn 
from  the  key,  a  phial  was  charged,  a  shock  given,  and  all  the 
experiments  made,  which  are  usually  performed  with  electri 
city.  He  immediately  fixed  an  insulated  iron  rod  upon  his 
house,  which  drew  down  the  lightning,  and  gave  him  an  op 
portunity  of  examining  whether  it  were  positive  or  negative, 
23  * 


270  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

and  hence  he  applied  his  discovery  to  the  securing  of  build 
ings  from  the  effects  of  lightning. 

It  will  be  impossible  to  enumerate  all,  or  even  a  small  part 
of  the  experiments  which  were  made  by  Dr.  Franklin,  or  to 
give  an  account  of  the  treatises  which  he  wrote  on  the 
branches  of  science.  Justice  requires  us  to  say,  that  he  sel 
dom  wrote,  or  discoursed  on  any  subject,  upon  which  he  did 
not  throw  light.  Few  men  possessed  a  more  penetrating 
genius,  or  a  happier  faculty  of  discrimination.  His  investiga 
tions  attracted  the  attention,  and  his  discoveries  called  forth  the 
admiration  of  the  learned  in  all  parts  of  the  world.  Jealousy 
was  at  length  excited  in  Europe,  and  attempts  were  made, 
not  only  to  detract  from  his  well  earned  fame,  but  to  rob  him 
of  the  merit  of  originality.  Others  claimed  the  honour  of 
having  first  made  several  of  his  most  brilliant  experiments,  or 
attempted  to  invalidate  the  truth  and  reality  of  those,  an  ac 
count  of  which  he  had  published  to  the  world.  The  good 
sense  of  Dr.  Franklin  led  him  to  oppose  his  adversaries  only 
by  silence,  leaving  the  vindication  of  his  merit  to  the  slow,  but 
sure  operations  of  time. 

In  1753  he  was  raised  to  the  important  office  of  deputy 
post  master  general  of  America.  Through  ill  management, 
this  office  had  been  unproductive  :  but  soon  after  the  appoint 
ment  of  Franklin,  it  became  a  source  of  revenue  to  the  British 
crown.  In  this  station,  he  rendered  important  services  to 
General  Braddock,  in  his  wild  and  fatal  expedition  against 
fort  Du  Quesne.  When,  at  length,  Braddock  was  defeated, 
and  the  whole  frontier  was  exposed  to  the  incursions  of  the 
savages  and  the  French,  Franklin  raised  a  company  of  volun 
teers,  at  the  head  of  which  he  marched  to  the  protection  of 
the  frontier. 

At  length,  in  1757,  the  militia  was  disbanded  by  order  of 
the  British  government,  soon  after  which  Franklin  was  ap 
pointed  agent  to  settle  the  disputes  which  had  arisen  between 
the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  and  the  proprietary  government. 
With  this  object  in  view,  he  left  his  native  country  once  more 
for  England.  On  his  arrival,  he  laid  the  subject  before  the 
privy  council.  The  point  in  dispute  was  occasioned  by  an 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN.  271 

effort  of  the  proprietors  to  exempt  their  private  estates  from 
taxation ;  and  because  this  exemption  was  not  admitted,  they 
refused  to  make  appropriations  for  the  defence  of  the  pro 
vince,  even  in  times  of  the  greatest  danger  and  necessity. 
Franklin  managed  the  subject  with  great  ability,  and  at  length 
brought  the  proprietary  faction  to  terms.  It  was  agreed, 
that  the  proprietary  lands  should  take  their  share  in  a  tax  for 
the  public  service,  provided  that  Franklin  would  engage  that 
the  assessment  should  be  fairly  proportioned.  The  measure 
was  accordingly  carried  into  effect,  and  he  remained  at 
the  British  court  as  agent  for  his  province.  His  reputation 
caused  him  also  to  be  entrusted  with  the  like  commission 
from  Massachusetts,  Maryland,  and  Georgia.  The  molesta 
tion  received  by  the  British  colonies,  from  the  French  in 
Canada,  induced  him  to  write  a  pamphlet,  pointing  out  the 
advantages  of  a  conquest  of  that  province  by  the  English;  and 
the  subsequent  expedition  against  it,  and  its  retention  under 
the  British  government,  at  the  peace,  were,  it  is  believed, 
much  influenced  by  the  force  of  his  arguments  on  the  subject. 
About  this  period,  his  talents  as  a  philosopher  were  duly 
appreciated  in  various  parts  of  Europe.  He  was  admitted  a 
fellow  of  the  royal  society  of  London,  and  the  degree  of  doc 
tor  of  laws  was  conferred  upon  him  at  St.  Andrews,  Edin 
burgh,  and  at  Oxford. 

In  1762  he  returned  to  America.  On  his  arrival  the  pro 
vincial  assembly  of  Pennsylvania  expressed  their  sense  of  his 
meritorious  services  by  a  vote  of  thanks  ;  and  as  a  remune 
ration  for  his  successful  labours  in  their  behalf,  they  granted 
him  the  sum  of  five  thousand  dollars.  During  his  absence,  he 
had  annually  been  elected  a  member  of  the  assembly,  in 
which  body  he  now  took  his  seat.  The  following  year  he 
made  a  journey  of  sixteen  hundred  miles,  through  the  nor 
thern  colonies,  for  the  purpose  of  inspecting  and  regulating 
the  post  offices. 

In  1764,  he  was  again  appointed  the  agent  of  Pennsylvania, 
to  manage  her  concerns  in  England,  in  which  country  he  ar 
rived  in  the  month  of  December.  About  this  period  the 
famous  stamp  act  was  exciting  violent  commotions  in  America. 


272  PENNSYLVANIA  DELEGATION. 

Against  this  measure,  Dr.  Franklin  strongly  enlisted  himself, 
and  on  his  arrival  in  England,  he  presented  a  petition  against 
it,  which,  at  his  suggestion,  had  been  drawn  up  by  the  Penn 
sylvania  assembly.  At  length  the  tumults  in  America  became 
so  great,  that  the  ministry  found  it  necessary  either  to  modify 
the  act,  or  to  repeal  it  entirely.  Among  others,  Dr.  Franklin 
was  summoned  before  the  house  of  commons,  where  he  un 
derwent  a  long  examination.  "  No  person  was  better  ac 
quainted  with  the  circumstances  and  internal  concerns  of  the 
colonies,  the  temper  and  disposition  of  the  colonists  towards 
the  parent  country,  or  their  feelings  in  relation  to  the  late 
measures  of  parliament,  than  this  gentleman.  His  answers 
to  the  numerous  questions  put  to  him  in  the  course  of 
this  inquiry,  not  only  show  his  extensive  acquaintance  with 
the  internal  state  of  the  colonies,  but  evince  his  sagacity  as  a 
statesmen.  To  the  question,  whether  the  Americans  would 
submit  to  pay  the  stamp  duty  if  the  act  were  modified,  and 
the  duty  reduced  to  a  small  amount  ?  He  answered,  no,  they 
never  will  submit  to  it.  British  statesmen  were  extremely 
desirous  that  the  colonial  assemblies  should  acknowledge  the 
right  of  parliament  to  tax  them,  and  rescind  and  erase  from 
their  journals  their  resolutions  on  this  subject.  To  a  ques 
tion,  whether  the  American  assemblies  would  do  this,  Di. 
Franklin  answered,  '  they  never  will  do  it,  unless  compelled 
by  force  of  arms.'  ' 

The  whole  of  this  examination  on  being  published  was 
read  with  deep  interest,  both  in  England  arid  America.  To 
the  statements  of  Dr.  Franklin,  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act 
was,  no  doubt,  in  a  great  measure,  attributable. 

In  the  year  1766,  and  1T67,  he  made  an  excursion  to  Hol 
land,  Germany,  and  France,  where  he  met  writh  a  most  flat 
tering  and  distinguished  reception.  To  the  monarch  of  the 
latter  country,  Louis  XV.,  he  was  introduced,  and  also  to 
other  members  of  the  royal  family,  by  whom,  as  well  as  by 
the  nobility  and  gentry  at  court,  he  was  treated  with  great 
hospitality  and  courtesy.  About  this  time,  he  was  elected  a 
member  of  the  French  Academy  of  Sciences,  and  received 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  273 

diplomas  from  several  other  literary  societies  in  England, 
and  on  the  continent. 

Allusion  has  already  been  made,  in  our  introduction,  to  the 
discovery  and  publication,  in  1772,  of  certain  letters  of  Go 
vernor  Hutchinson,  addressed  by  that  gentleman  to  his 
friends  in  England,  and  which  reflected  in  the  severest  man 
ner  upon  the  people  of  America.  These  letters  had  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  Dr.  Franklin,  and  by  him  had  been  trans 
mitted  to  America,  where  they  were  at  length  inserted  in  the 
public  journals.  For  a  time,  no  one  in  England  knew 
through  what  channel  the  letters  had  been  conveyed  to 
America.  In  1773,  Franklin  publicly  avowed  himself  to  be 
the  person  wrho  obtained  the  letters  and  transmitted  them  to 
America.  This  occasioned  a  violent  clamour  against  him, 
and  upon  his  attending  before  the  privy  council,  in  the  fol 
lowing  January,  to  present  a  petition  from  the  colony  of 
Massachusetts,  for  the  dismission  of  Mr.  Hnt.rhinson,  a  most 
violent  invective  was  pronounced  against  him,  by  Mr.  Wed- 
deburne,  afterwards  Lord  Loughborough.  Among  other 
abusive  epithets,  the  honourable  member  called  Franklin  a 
coward,  a  murderer,  and  a  thief.  During  the  whole  of  this 
torrent  of  abuse,  Franklin  sat  with  a  composed  and  unaverted 
aspect,  or,  to  use  his  own  expression,  in  relation  to  himself 
on  another  occasion,  "as  if  his  countenance  had  been  made 
of  wood."  During  this  personal  and  public  insult,  the  whole 
assembly  appeared  greatly  amused,  at  the  expense  of  Dr. 
Franklin.  The  president  even  laughed  aloud.  There  was  a 
single  person  present,  however,  Lord  North,  who,  to  his 
honour  be  it  recorded,  expressed  great  disapprobation  of  the 
indecent  conduct  of  the  assembly.  The  intended  insult, 
however,  was  entirely  lost.  The  dignity  and  composure  of 
Franklin  caused  a  sad  disappointment  among  his  enemies, 
who  were  reluctantly  compelled  to  acknowledge  the  superi 
ority  of  his  character.  Their  animosity,  however,  was  not 
to  be  appeased,  but  by  doing  Franklin  the  greatest  injury 
within  their  power.  They  removed  him  from  the  office  of 
deputy  post  master  general,  interrupted  the  payment  of  his 
salary  as  agent  for  the  colonies,  and  finally  instituted 
2N 


274  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

against  him  a  suit  in  chancery   concerning  the   letters  of 
Hutchinson. 

At  length,  finding  all  his  efforts  to  restore  harmony  be 
tween  Great  Britain  and  the  colonies  useless  ;  and  perceiv 
ing  that  the  controversy  had  reached  a  crisis,  when  his  pre 
sence  in  England  was  no  longer  necessary,  and  his  continu 
ance  personally  hazardous,  he  embarked  for  America,  where 
he  arrived  in  1775,  just  after  the  commencement  of  hostilities. 
He  was  received  with  every  mark  of  esteem  and  affection. 
He  was  immediately  elected  a  delegate  to  the  general  con 
gress,  in  which  body  he  did  as  much,  perhaps,  as  any  other 
man,  to  accomplish  the  independence  of  his  country. 

In  1776,  he  was  deputed  by  congress  to  proceed  to  Canada, 
to  negociate  with  the  people  of  that  country,  and  to  persuade 
them,  if  possible,  to  throw  off  the  British  yoke ;  but  the  in 
habitants  of  Canada  had  been  so  much  disgusted  with  the  zeal 
of  the  people  of  New-England,  who  had  burnt  some  of  their 
chapels,  that  they  refused  to  listen  to  the  proposals  made  to 
them  by  Dr.  Franklin  and  his  associates.     On  the  arrival  of 
Lord  Howe  in  America  in  1776,  he  entered  upon  a  correspon 
dence   with  him*  on  the   subject  of  reconciliation.     He  was 
afterwards  appointed,  with  two  others,  to  wait  upon  the  Eng 
lish  commissioners,   and  learn   the  extent  of  their  powers ; 
but  as  these  only  went  to  the  granting  of  pardon  upon  sub 
mission,  he  joined  his  colleagues  in  considering  them  as  in 
sufficient.     Dr.  Franklin  was  decidedly  in  favour  of  a  decla 
ration  of  independence;  and  was  appointed  president  of  the 
convention  assembled  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a  new 
government  for   the   state   of   Pennsylvania.     When  it  was 
determined  by  congress  to  open  a  public   negociation  with 
France,   he  was   commissioned  to  visit   that  country,   with 
which  he  negotiated  the  treaty  of  alliance,  offensive  and  de 
fensive,  which  produced  an  immediate  war  between  England 
and   France.     Dr.  Franklin  was  one  of  the   commissioners 
who,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  signed  the  provincial 
articles  of  peace  in  1782,  and  the  definitive  treaty  in  the  fol 
lowing  year.     Before  he  left  Europe,  he  concluded  a  treaty 
with  Sweden  and  Prussia.    By  the  latter,  he  obtained  several 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  275 

most  liberal  and  humane  stipulations  in  favour  of  the  free 
dom  of  commerce,  and  the  security  of  private  property 
during  war,  in  conformity  to  those  principles  which  he  had 
ever  maintained  on  these  subjects.  Having  seen  the  accom 
plishment  of  his  wishes  in  the  independence  of  his  country, 
he  requested  to  be  recalled,  and  after  repeated  solicitations,, 
Mr.  Jefferson  was  appointed  in  his  stead.  On  the  arrival  of 
his  successor,  he  repaired  to  Havre  de  Grace,  and  crossing 
the  English  channel,  landed  at  Newport  in  the  Isle  of  Wight, 
whence,  after  a  favourable  passage,  he  arrived  safe  at  Phila 
delphia,  in  September,  1785. 

The  news  of  his  arrival,  was  received  with  great  joy  by 
the  citizens.  A  vast  multitude  flocked  from  all  parts  to  see 
him,  and  amidst  the  ringing  of  bells,  the  discharge  of  artillery, 
the  acclamations  of  thousands,  conducted  him  in  triumph  to 
his  own  house.  In  a  few  days,  he  was  visited  by  the  mem 
bers  of  congress,  and  the  principal  inhabitants  of  Philadel 
phia.  From  numerous  societies  and  assemblies  he  received 
the  most  affectionate  addresses.  All  testified  their  joy  at  his 
return,  and  their  veneration  of  his  exalted  character. 

This  was  a  period  in  his  life  of  which  he  often  spoke  with 
peculiar  pleasure.  "I  am  now,"  said  he,  "in  the  bosom  of 
my  family,  and  find  four  new  little  prattlers,  who  cling  about 
the  knees  of  their  grandpapa,  and  afford  me  great  pleasure. 
I  am  surrounded  by  my  friends,  and  have  an  affectionate 
good  daughter  and  son-in-law  to  take  care  of  me.  I  have 
got  into  my  niche,  a  very  good  house,  which  I  built  twenty- 
four  years  ago,  and  out  of  which  I  have  been  ever  since  kept 
by  foreign  employments." 

The  domestic  tranquillity  in  which  he  now  found  himself, 
he  was  not  permitted  long  to  enjoy,  being  appointed  presi 
dent  of  the  commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania,  an  office  which 
he  held  for  three  years,  and  the  duties  of  which  he  discharged 
very  acceptably  to  his  constituents.  Of  the  federal  conven 
tion  of  1787,  for  organizing  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States,  he  was  elected  a  delegate,  and  in  the  intricate  discus 
sions  which  arose  on  different  parts  of  that  instrument,  he 
bore  a  distinguished  part. 


276  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

In  1788,  he  withdrew  from  public  life,  his  great  age  ren 
dering  retirement  desirable,  and  the  infirmities  of  his  body 
unfitting  him  for  the  burdens  of  public  office.  On  the  17th 
of  April,  1790,  in  the  eighty-fourth  year  of  his  age,  he  ex 
pired,  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  He  was  interred  on  the 
21st  of  April.  Congress  directed  a  general  mourning  for 
him,  throughout  the  United  States,  for  the  space  of  a  month. 
The  national  assembly  of  France  testified  their  sense  of  the 
loss  which  the  world  sustained,  by  decreeing  that  each  mem 
ber  should  wear  mourning  for  three  days.  This  was  an  ho 
nour  perhaps  never  before  paid  by  the  national  assembly  of 
one  country,  to  a  citizen  of  another.  Dr.  Franklin  lies  bu 
ried  in  the  northwest  corner  of  Christ  Church  yard,  in  Phila 
delphia.  In  his  will  he  directed  that  no  monumental  orna 
ments  should  be  placed  upon  his  tomb.  A  small  marble 
slab  only,  therefore,  and  that,  too,  on  a  level  with  the  sur 
face  of  the  earth,  bearing  the  name  of  himself  and  wife,  and 
the  year  of  his  death,  marks  the  spot  in  the  yard  where  he 
lies. 

Dr.  Franklin  had  two  children,  a  son  and  a  daughter.  The 
son,  under  the  British  government,  was  appointed  governor 
of  New-Jersey.  On  the  occurrence  of  the  revolution,  he  left 
America,  and  took  up  his  residence  in  England,  where  he 
spent  the  remainder  of  his  life.  The  daughter  was  respecta 
bly  married  in  Philadelphia,  to  Mr.  William  Bache,  whose 
descendants  still  reside  in  that  city. 

In  stature,  Dr.  Franklin  was  above  the  middle  size.  He 
possessed  a  healthy  constitution,  and  was  remarkable  for  his 
strength  and  activity.  His  countenance  indicated  a  serene 
state  of  mind,  great  depth  of  thought,  and  an  inflexible  re 
solution. 

In  his  intercourse  with  mankind,  he  was  uncommonly 
agreeable.  In  conversation,  he  abounded  in  curious  and  in 
teresting  anecdote.  A  vein  of  good  humour  marked  his  con 
versation,  and  strongly  recommended  him  to  both  old  and 
young,  to  the  learned  and  illiterate. 

As  a  philosopher,  he  justly  ranks  high.  In  his  specula 
tions,  he  seldom  lost  sight  of  common  sense,  or  yielded  up 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  277 

his  understanding  either  to  enthusiasm  or  authority.  He 
contributed,  in  no  small  degree,  to  the  extension  of  science, 
and  to  the  improvement  of  the  condition  of  mankind.  He 
appears  to  have  entertained,  at  some  periods  of  his  life,  opi 
nions  which  were  in  many  respects  peculiar,  and  which  pro 
bably  were  not  founded  upon  a  sound  philosophy.  The  fol 
lowing  experiment,  which  he  made  some  years  after  his  fa 
ther's  death,  and  after  an  absence  of  several  years,  to  ascer 
tain  whether  his  mother  would  know  him,  wrill  be  thought  at 
Jeast  curious  and  interesting.  It  was  his  conjecture,  if  not  a 
well  settled  opinion,  that  a  mother  might,  by  a  kind  of  in 
stinct  or  natural  affection,  recognize  her  children,  .even  al 
though  she  had  lost  the  recollection  of  their  particular  fea 
tures.  It  was  on  a  visit  to  his  native  town  of  Boston,  after 
an  absence  of  many  years,  that  this  curious  incident  oc 
curred. 

"  To  discover  the  existence  of  this  instinct  by  actual  ex 
periment,"  says  an  unknown  writer,  to  whom  we  are  indebt 
ed  for  the  story,  and  upon  whose  responsibility  we  give  it  to 
our  readers,  "  the  Doctor  resolved  to  introduce  himself  as  a 
stranger  to  his  mother,  and  to  watch  narrowly  for  the  mo 
ment  in  which  she  should  discover  her  son,  and  then  to  de 
termine,  with  the  cool  precision  of  the  philosopher,  whether 
that  discovery  was  the  effect  of  that  instinct  of  affection,  that 
intuitive  love,  that  innate  attachment,  which  is  conjectured 
to  cement  relatives  of  the  same  blood ;  and  which,  by  ac 
cording  the  passions  of  parent  and  child,  like  a  well-tuned 
viol,  would,  at  the  first  touch,  cause  them  to  vibrate  in  uni 
son,  and  at  once  evince  that  they  were  different  chords  of  the 
same  instrument. 

"  On  a  sullen,  chilly  day,  in  the  month  of  January,  in  the 
afternoon,  the  Doctor  knocked  at  his  mother's  door,  and 
asked  to  speak  wTith  Mrs.  Franklin.  He  found  the  old  lady 
knitting  before  the  parlour  fire.  He  introduced  himself,  and 
observing,  that  he  understood  she  entertained  travellers,  re 
quested  a  night's  lodging.  She  eyed  him  with  that  cold  look 
of  disapprobation  which  most  people  assume,  when  they  ima 
gine  themselves  insulted,  by  being  supposed  to  exercise  an 
24 


278  PENNSYLVANIA  DELEGATION. 

employment  but  one  degree  below  their  real  occupation  in 
life — assured  him  that  he  had  been  misinformed,  that  she  did 
not  keep  tavern  ;  but  that  it  was  true,  to  oblige  some  mem 
bers  of  the  legislature,  she  took  a  number  of  them  into  her 
family  during  the  session  ;  that  she  had  four  members  of  tne 
council,  and  six  of  the  house  of  representatives,  who  then 
boarded  with  her  ;  that  all  her  beds  were  full  ;  and  then  be 
took  herself  to  her  knitting,  with  that  intense  application, 
which  expressed,  as  forcibly  as  action  could  do,  if  you  have 
concluded  your  business,  the  sooner  you  leave  the  house  the 
better.  But  upon  the  Doctor's  wrapping  his  coat  around  him, 
affecting^  to  shiver  with  cold,  and  observing  that  it  was  very 
chilly  weather,  she  pointed  to  a  chair,  and  gave  him  leave  to 
warm  himself. 

"  The  entrance  of  her  boarders  precluded  all  further  con 
versation;  coffee  was  soon  served,  and  the  Doctor  partook  with 
the  family.  To  the  coffee,  according  to  the  good  old  custom 
of  the  times,  succeeded  a  plate  of  pippins,  pipes,  and  a  paper 
of  M'Intire's  best,  when  the  whole  family  formed  a  cheerful 
smoking  semi-circle  before  the  fire.  Perhaps  no  man  ever 
possessed  colloquial  powers  to  a  more  fascinating  degree, 
than  Dr.  Franklin,  and  never  was  there  an  occasion  when  he 
displayed  those  powers  to  greater  advantage,  than  at  this 
time.  He  drew  the  attention  of  the  company,  by  the  solidity 
of  his  modest  remarks,  instructing  them  by  the  varied,  new, 
and  striking  lights  in  which  he  placed  his  subjects,  and  de 
lighted  them  with  apt  and  amusing  anecdotes.  Thus  employ 
ed,  the  hours  passed  merrily  along,  until  eight  o'clock,  when, 
punctual  to  a  moment,  Mrs.  Franklin  announced  supper. 
Busied  with  her  household  affairs,  she  fancied  the  intruding 
stranger  had  quitted  the  house,  immediately  after  coffee,  and 
it  was  with  difficulty  she  could  restrain  her  resentment,  when 
she  saw  him,  without  molestation,  seat  himself  at  the  table 
with  the  freedom  of  a  member  of  the  family. 

"  Immediately  after  supper,  she  called  an  elderly  gentle 
man,  a  member  of  the  council,  in  whom  she  was  accustomed 
to  confide,  to  another  room  ;  complained  bitterly  of  the  rude 
ness  of  the  stranger :  told  the  marmer  of  his  introduction  t<* 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN.  279 

her  house  ;  observed  that  he  appeared  like  an  outlandish 
man  ;  and,  she  thought,  had  something  very  suspicious  in 
his  appearance ;  concluding  by  soliciting  her  friend's  advice 
with  respect  to  the  way  in  which  she  could  most  easily  rid 
herself  of  his  presence.  The  old  gentleman  assured  her, 
that  the  stranger  was  certainly  a  young  man  of  education,  and 
to  all  appearance  a  gentleman  ;  that,  perhaps, being  in  agreea 
ble  company,  he  had  paid  no  attention  to  the  lateness  of  the 
hour ;  and  advised  her  to  call  him  aside,  and  repeat  her  ina 
bility  to  lodge  him.  She  accordingly  sent  her  maid  to  him, 
and  then,  with  as  much  temper  as  she  could  command,  reca 
pitulated  the  situation  of  her  family,  observed  that  it  grew 
late,  and  mildly  intimated  that  he  would  do  well  to  seek  him 
self  a  lodging.  The  Doctov  replied,  that  he  would  by  no 
means  incommode  her  family  ;  but  that,  with  her  leave,  he 
would  smoke  one  pipe  more  with  her  boarders,  and  then 
retire. 

"  He  returned  to  the  company,  filled  his  pipe,  and  with 
the  first  whiff  his  powers  returned  with  double  force.  He 
recounted  the  hardships,  he  extolled  the  piety  and  policy  of 
their  ancestors.  A  gentleman  present  mentioned  the  subject 
of  the  day's  debate  in  the  house  of  representatives.  A  bill 
had  been  introduced  to  extend  the  prerogatives  of  the  royal 
governor.  The  Doctor  immediately  entered  upon  the  sub 
ject  ;  supported  the  colonial  rights  with  new  and  forcible  ar 
guments  ;  was  familiar  with  the  names  of  the  influential  men 
in  the  house,  when  Dudley  was  governor ;  recited  their 
speeches,  and  applauded  the  noble  defence  of  the  charter 
of  rights. 

"  During  a  discourse  so  appropriately  interesting  to  the 
company,  no  wonder  the  clock  struck  eleven,  unperceiv- 
ed  by  the  delighted  circle ;  and  was  it  wonderful  that  the 
patience  of  Mrs.  Franklin  grew  quite  exhausted  ?  She  now 
entered  the  room,  and,  before  the  whole  company,  with  much 
warmth,  addressed  the  Doctor  ;  told  him  plainly,  she  thought 
herself  imposed  on  ;  observed,  it  was  true  she  was  a  lone 
woman,  but  that  she  had  friends  who  would  protect  her,  and 
concluded  by  insisting  on  his  leaving  the  house.  The  Doc- 


280  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

tor  made  a  slight  apology,  deliberately  put  on  his  great  coat 
and  hat,  took  polite  leave  of  the  company,  and  approached 
the  street  door,  lighted  by  the  maid,  and  attended  by  the  mis 
tress.  While  the  Doctor  and  his  companions  had  been  en 
joying  themselves  within,  a  most  tremendous  snow  storm  had, 
without,  filled  the  streets  knee  deep  ;  and  no  pooner  had  the 
maid  lifted  the  latch,  than  a  roaring  northeaster  forced  open 
the  door,  extinguished  the  light,  and  almost  filled  the  entry 
with  drifted  snow  and  hail.  As  soon  as  it  was  re-lighted,  the 
Doctor  cast  a  woful  look  towards  the  door,  and  thus  address 
ed  his  mother :  '  My  dear  madam,  can  you  turn  me  out  in 
this  dreadful  storm  ?  I  am  a  stranger  in  this  town,  and  shall 
certainly  perish  in  the  streets.  You  look  like  a  charitable 
lady ;  I  shouldn't  think  you  could  turn  a  dog  from  your 
door,  in  this  tempestuous  night/  '  Don't  tell  me  of  charity,' 
said  the  offended  matron  ;  '  charity  begins  at  home.  It  is 
your  own  fault  you  tarried  so  long.  To  be  plain  with  you. 
sir,  I  do  not  like  your  looks,  or  your  conduct ;  and  I  fear 
you  have  some  bad  designs  in  thus^  introducing  yourself  to  my 
family.' 

"  The  warmth  of  this  parley  had  drawn  the  company  from 
the  parlour,  and  by  their  united  interference  the  stranger 
was  permitted  to  lodge  in  the  house  ;  and  as  no  bed  could 
be  had,  he  consented  to  rest  on  an  easy  chair  before  the  par 
lour  fire.  Although  the  boarders  appeared  to  confide,  per 
fectly,  in  the  stranger's  honesty,  it  was  not  so  with  Mrs. 
Franklin.  With  suspicious  caution,  she  collected  her  silver 
spoons,  pepper-box,  and  porringer,  from  her  closet ;  and, 
after  securing  her  parlour  door,  by  sticking  a  fork  over  the 
latch,  carried  the  plate  to  her  chamber  ;  charged  the  negro 
man  to  sleep  with  his  clothes  on,  to  take  the  great  lever  to 
bed  with  him,  and  to  waken  and  seize  the  vagrant  at  the  first 
noise  he  made,  in  attempting  to  plunder  the  house.  Having 
thus  taken  every  precaution,  she  retired  to  her  bed  with  her 
maid,  whom  she  compelled  to  sleep  in  her  room. 

"  Mrs.  Franklin  rose  before  the  sun,  roused  her  domestics, 
unfastened  the  parlour  door  with  timid  caution,  and  was 
agreeably  surprised  to  find  her  guest  sleeping  on  his  own 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN.  281 

chair.  A  sudden  transition  from  extreme  distrust  to  perfect 
confidence,  was  natural.  She  awakened  him  with  a  cheerful 
good  morning ;  inquired  how  he  rested ;  invited  him  to  par 
take  of  her  breakfast,  which  was  always  served  previous  to 
that  of  her  boarders.  '  And  pray,  sir,'  said  the  lady,  as  she 
sipped  her  chocolate,  '  as  you  appear  to  be  a  stranger  here, 
to  what  distant  country  do  you  belong  ?'  'I,  madam,  belong  to 
the  city  of  Philadelphia.'  At  the  mention  of  Philadelphia, 
the  Doctor  declared  he,  for  the  first  time,  perceived  some  emo 
tion  in  her.  '  Philadelphia  /'  said  she,  and  all  the  mother 
suffused  her  eye :  '  if  you  live  in  Philadelphia,  perhaps  you 
know  our  Ben.'  '  Who,  madam  ?'  '  Why  Ben  Franklin — my 
Ben. — Oh  !  he  is  the  dearest  child  that  ever  blest  a  mother  !' 
'  What,'  said  the  Doctor,  '  is  Ben  Franklin,  the  printer,  your 
son  ;  why  he  is  my  most  intimate  friend:  he  and  I  lodge  in 
the  same  room.'  '  Oh  !  God  forgive  me,'  exclaimed  the  old 
lady,  raising  her  watery  eyes  to  heaven — '  and  have  I  suffered 
a  friend  of  my  Benny  to  sleep  in  this  hard  chair,  while  I  my 
self  rested  on  a  good  bed?' 

"  How  the  Doctor  discovered  himself  to  his  mother,  he 
has  not  informed  us  ;  but  from  the  above  experiment,  he  was 
firmly  convinced,  and  was  often  afterwards  heard  to  declare, 
that  natural  affection  did  not  exist." 

Few  men  have  exhibited  a  more  worthy  conduct  than  did 
Dr.  Franklin,  through  his  long  life.  Through  every  vicissi 
tude  of  fortune,  he  seems  to  have  been  distinguished  for  his 
sobriety  and  temperance,  for  his  extraordinary  perseverance 
and  resolution.  He  was  not  less  distinguished  for  his  veracity, 
for  the  constancy  of  his  friendship,  for  his  candour,  and  his 
fidelity  to  his  moral  and  civil  obligations.  In  the  early  part 
of  his  life,  he  acknowledged  himself  to  have  been  sceptical  in 
religion,  but  he  became  in  maturer  years,  according  to  the  tes 
timony  of  his  intimate  friend,  Dr.  William  Smith,  a  believer  in 
divine  revelation.  The  following  extract  from  his  memoirs, 
written  by  himself,  deserves  to  be  recorded:  "  And  here  let 
me  with  all  humility  acknowledge,  that  to  Divine  Providence 
I  am  indebted  for  the  felicity  I  have  hitherto  enjoyed.  It  is 
that  power  alone  which  has  furnished  me  with  the  means  I 
2O  24* 


283  PENNSYLVANIA   DELEGATION. 

have  employed,  and  that  has  crowned  them  with  success. 
My  faith  in  this  respect  leads  me  to  hope,  though  I  cannot 
count  upon  it,  that  the  divine  goodness  will  still  be  exercised 
towards  me,  either  by  prolonging  the  duration  of  my  happi 
ness  to  the  close  of  life,  or  by  giving  me  fortitude  to  support 
any  melancholy  reverse  which  may  happen  to  me  as  well  as 
to  many  others.  My  future  fortune  is  unknown  but  to  Him, 
in  whose  hand  is  our  destiny,  and  who  can  make  our  very 
afflictions  subservient  to  our  benefit." 

We  conclude  our  notice  of  this  distinguished  man  and 
profound  philosopher,  by  subjoining  the  following  epitaph, 
which  was  written  by  himself,  many  years  previously  to  his 
death  : 

The  body  of 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN,  PRINTER, 
Like  the  cover  of  an  old  book, 

its  contents  torn  out, 
and  stript  of  its  lettering-  and  gilding1, 

lies  here  food  for  worms  ; 

Yet  the  work  itself  shall  not  be  lost, 

For  it  will  (as  he  believed)  appear  once  more 

in  a  new 

and  more  beautiful  edition, 

Corrected  and  amended 

by  the  Author. 


JOHN  MORTON. 

JOHN  MORTON  was  a  native  of  Ridley,  in  the  county  of 
Chester,  now  Delaware.  His  ancestors  were  of  Swedish  ex 
traction,  and  among  the  first  Swedish  emigrants,  who  loca 
ted  themselves  on  the  banks  of  the  Delaware.  His  father, 
after  whom  he  was  called,  died  a  few  months  previously  to  his 
birth.  His  mother  was  some  time  after  married  to  an  Eng 
lishman,  who  possessed  a  more  than  ordinary  education,  and 
who,  with  great  kindness,  on  young  Morton's  becoming  of 


JOHN  MORTON.  283 

the  proper  age,  superintended  and  directed  his  education  at 
home.  Here  his  active  mind  rapidly  expanded,  and  gave 
promise  of  the  important  part  which  he  was  destined  to  act 
in  the  subsequent  history  of  his  country. 

About  the  year  1764,  he  was  commissioned  as  a  justice  of 
the  peace,  and  was  sent  as  a  delegate  to  the  general  assembly 
of  Pennsylvania.  Of  this  body  he  was  for  many  years  an 
active  and  distinguished  member,  and  for  some  time  the 
speaker  of  the  house  of  representatives.  The  following  year 
he  was  appointed  by  the  house  of  representatives  of  Pennsyl 
vania  to  attend  the  general  congress  at  New-York.  The 
object  and  proceedings  of  this  congress  are  too  well  known  to 
need  a  recital  in  this  place. 

In  1766,  Mr.  Morton  was  appointed  sheriff  of  the  county 
in  which  he  lived,  an  office  which  he  continued  to  hold  for 
the  three  following  years,  and  the  duties  of  which  he  dis 
charged  with  great  satisfaction  to  the  public.  Some  time 
after,  he  was  elevated  to  a  seat  on  the  bench,  in  the  superior 
court  of  Pennsylvania. 

Oi  the  memorable  congress  of  1774  he  was  a  member,  and 
continued  to  represent  the  state  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  national 
assembly,  through  the  memorable  session  of  that  body  which 
gave  birth  to  the  declaration  of  American  Independence. 

On  the  occurrence  of  the  momentous  subject  of  independ 
ence,  in  the  continental  congress,  Mr.  Morton  unexpectedly- 
found  himself  placed  in  a  delicate  and  trying  situation.  Pre 
viously  to  the  4th  of  July,  the  states  of  Delaware  and  Pennsyl 
vania  had  voted  in  opposition  to  that  measure.  Great  doubts 
were  therefore  entertained  by  the  other  members  of  con 
gress,  how  the  Pennsylvania  and  Delaware  delegations  would 
act.  Much  was  obviously  depending  upon  them,  for  it  was 
justly  apprehended,  that  should  these  two  states  decline  to 
accede  to  the  measure,  the  result  might  prove  most  unfortu 
nate.  Happily,  the  votes  of  both  these  states  were,  at  length, 
secured  in  favo1/  r  of  independence.  But,  as  the  delegation 
from  Pennsylvania  were  equally  divided,  it  fell  to  Mr.  Mor 
ton  to  give  his  casting  vote.  The  responsibility  which  he 
thus  assumed  was  great,  and  even  fearful,  should  the  measure 


284  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

be  attended  by  disastrous  results.  Mr.  Morton,  however, 
was  a  man  of  firmness  and  decision,  and,  in  the  spirit  of  true 
patriotism,  he  enrolled  his  vote  in  favour  of  the  liberty  of  his 
country.  Considering  his  novel  and  solemn  situation,  he  de 
serves  to  be  remembered  with  peculiar  respect,  by  the  free 
and  independent  yeomanry  of  America. 

In  the  following  year,  he  assisted  in  organizing-  a  system  of 
confederation,  and  was  chairman  of  the  committee  of  the 
whole,  at  the  time  it  was  finally  agreed  to,  on  the  15th  of  No 
vember,  1777.  During  the  same  year,  he  was  seized  with  an 
inflammatory  fever,  which,  after  a  few  days,  ended  his  mor 
tal  existence,  in  the  54th  year  of  his  age.  Mr.  Morton  was  a 
professor  of  religion,  and  a  truly  excellent  man.  To  the 
poor  he  was  ever  kind  ;  and  to  an  affectionate  family,  consist 
ing  of  a  wife,  three  eons,  and  five  daughters,  he  was  an  affec 
tionate  husband  and  father.  His  only  enemies  were  those 
who  would  not  forgive  him  because  of  his  vote  in  favour  of 
independence.  During  his  last  sickness,  and  even  on  the 
verge  of  the  eternal  world,  he  remembered  them,  and  re 
quested  those  who  stood  round  him,  to  tell  them,  that  the 
hour  would  yet  come,  when  it  would  be  acknowledged,  that 
his  vote  in  favour  of  American  independence  was  the  most  il 
lustrious  act  of  his  life. 


GEORGE    CLYMER. 

GEORGE  CLYMER  was  born  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  in 
the  year  1739.  His  father  was  descended  from  a  respecta 
ble  family  of  Bristol,  in  England  ;  and  after  his  emigration 
to  America  became  connected  by  marriage  with  a  lady  in 
Philadelphia.  Young  Clyiner  was  left  an  orphan  at  the  age 
of  seven  years,  upon  which  event  the  care  of  him  devolved 
upon  William  Coleman,  a  maternal  uncle,  a  gentleman  of 
much  respectability  among  the  citizens  of  '  'hiladelphia. 


GEORGE  CLYMER.  285 

The  education  of  young  Clymer  was  superintended  by  his 
uncle,  than  whom  few  men  were  better  qualified  for  such  a 
charge.  The  uncle  possessed  a  cultivated  mind,  and  early 
instilled  into  his  nephew  a  love  of  reading.  On  the  comple 
tion  of  his  education,  he  entered  the  counting-room  of  his 
uncle.  His  genius,  however,  was  little  adapted  to  mercantile 
employments,  being  more  inclined  to  literary  and  scientific 
pursuits.  At  a  suitable  period  he  commenced  business  for 
himself,  in  connexion  with  Mr.  Robert  Ritchie,  and  afterwards 
with  two  gentlemen,  father  and  son,  by  the  name  of  Mere 
diths,  a  daughter  of  the  former  of  whom  he  subsequently 
married. 

Although  Mr.  Clymer  embarked  in  the  pursuits  of  com 
merce,  and  continued  engaged  in  that  business  for  many 
years,  he  was  always  decidedly  opposed  to  it.  During  his 
mercantile  operations,  he  found  much  time  to  read.  He 
was  distinguished  for  a  clear  and  original  mind ;  and  though 
he  never  pursued  any  of  the  learned  professions,  he  became 
well  versed  in  the  principles  of  law,  history,  and  politics. 

At  the  age  of  twenty-seven,  he  was  married,  as  has  already 
been  noticed,  to  a  daughter  of  Mr.  Meredith,  a  gentleman  of 
a  generous  and  elevated  mind,  as  the  following  anecdote  of 
him  will  show.  While  yet  a  young  man,  General  Washing 
ton  had  occasion  to  visit  Philadelphia,  where  he  was  an  en 
tire  stranger.  Happening  in  at  the  public  house  where 
Washington  lodged,  Mr.  Meredith  observed  him,  inquired  his 
name,  and  findmg  him  to  be  a  stranger  in  the  place,  invited 
him  to  the  hospitalities  of  his  house,  and  kindly  insisted  upon 
his  continuance  with  his  family  while  he  remained  in  the 
city.  This  accidental  acquaintance  led  to  a  friendship  of 
many  years  continuance,  and  at  Mr.  Meredith's,  Washington 
ever  after  made  it  his  home  when  he  visited  Philadelphia. 

Mr.  Clymer  may  be  said  to  have  been  by  nature  a  repub 
lican.  He  \vas,  also,  a  firm  and  devoted  patriot.  His  feel 
ings  were  strongly  enlisted,  at  an  early  age,  against  the  arbi 
trary  acts  of  the  British  government.  Gifted  with  a  sort  of 
prescience,  he  foresaw  what  was  meditated  against  his  coun 
try,  and  was  ready  to  hazard  every  interest  in  support  of  the 


286  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

pillars  of  American  freedom.  Hence,  when  conciliatory 
measures  with  the  parent  country  were  found  unavailing,  he 
was  one  of  the  foremost  to  adopt  measures  necessary  for  de 
fence.  He  early  accepted  a  captain's  commission  in  a  com 
pany  of  volunteers,  raised  for  the  defence  of  the  province, 
and  manfully  opposed,  in  1773,  the  sale  of  tea,  which  was 
sen|  out  by  the  British  government  for  the  purpose  of  indi 
rectly  levying  a  contribution  on  the  Americans  without  their 
consent.  Never  was  a  plan  more  "artfully  laid  by  the  minis 
try  of  Great  Britain  ;  never  was  an  attack  upon  American 
liberty  more  covert  and  insidious  ;  and  never  was  a  defeat 
more  complete  and  mortifying.  On  the  arrival  of  the  tea 
destined  to  Philadelphia,  the  citizens  of  that  place,  in  a  nume 
rous  meeting,  adopted  the  most  spirited  resolutions,  the  ob 
ject  of  which  was  to  prevent  the  sale  of  it.  A  committee 
was  appointed,  of  which  Mr.  Clymer  was  chairman,  to  wait 
upon  the  consignees,  and  to  request  them  not  to  attempt  to 
sell  it.  This  was  a  delicate  office  ;  the  committee,  how 
ever,  fearlessly  and  faithfully  discharged  the  duties  of  their 
appointment ;  and  not  a  single  pound  of  tea  was  offered  for 
sale  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 

In  1775,  Mr.  Clymer  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  council 
of  safety,  and  one  of  the  first  continental  treasurers.  On  the 
20th  of  July,  of  the  following  year,  he  was  elected  a  member 
of  the  continental  congress  ;  and  though  not  present  when 
the  vote  was  taken  on  the  question  of  independence,  he  had 
the  honour  of  affixing  his  signature  to  that  instrument  in  the 
following  month. 

In  September,  Mr.  Clymer  was  appointed  to  visit  Ticon- 
deroga,  in  conjunction  with  Mr.  Stockton,  to  inspect  the 
affairs  of  the  northern  army.  In  December  of  the  same 
year,  congress,  finding  it  necessary  to  adjourn  to  Baltimore, 
in  consequence  of  the  advance  of  the  British  army  towards 
Philadelphia,  left  Mr.  Clymer,  Robert  Morris,  and  George 
Walton,  a  committee  to  transact  such  business  in  that  city  as 
might  be  found  necessary. 

In  1777,  Mr.  Clymer  was  again  a  member  of  congress. 
His  duties  during  this  session  were  particularly  arduous,  and 


GEORGE    CLYMER.  287 

owing  to  his  unremitting  exertions,  he  was  obliged  to  retire 
for  a  season,  for  the  recovery  of  his  health. 

During  the  fall  of  this  distressing  year,  the  family  of  Mr. 
Clymer,  which,  at  that  time  resided  in  the  county  of  Chester 
about  twenty-five  miles  from  Philadelphia,  suffered  severely, 
in  consequence  of  an  attack  by  a  band  of  British  soldiers. 
The  furniture  of  the  house  was  destroyed,  and  a  large  stock 
of  liquors  shared  a  similar  fate.  Fortunately,  the  "family 
made  their  escape.  Mr.  Clymer  was  then  in  Philadelphia. 
On  the  arrival  of  the  British  in  that  place,  they  sought  out 
his  residence,  and  were  proceeding  to  tear  it  down,  and  were 
only  diverted  from  their  purpose  by  the  information,  that  the 
house  did  not  belong  to  him. 

During  this  year.  Mr.  Clymer  was  appointed  a  commis 
sioner,  in  conjunction  with  several  other  gentlemen,  to  pro 
ceed  to  Pictsbvrg,  on  the  important  and  confidential  service, 
of  preserving  a  good  understanding  with  several  indian  tribes 
in  that  country,  and  particularly  to  enlist  warriors  from  the 
Shawanese  and  Delaware  indians  into  the  service  of  the 
United  States.  During  his  residence  at  Pittsburg,  he  nar 
rowly  escaped  death  from  the  tomahawk  of  the  enemy, 
having,  in  an  excursion  to  visit  a  friend,  accidentally  and  for 
tunately  taken  a  route  which  led  him  to  avoid  a  party  of 
savages,  who  murdered  a  white  man  at  the  very  place  where 
Mr.  Clymer  must  have  been,  had  he  not  chosen  a  different 
road. 

In  our  biographical  sketch  of  Robert  Morris,  we  have 
given  some  account  of  the  establishment  of  a  bank  by  the 
patriotic  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  the  object  of  which  was 
the  relief  of  the  army,  which,  in  1780,  was  suffering  such  a 
combination  of  calamities,  as  was  likely  to  lead  to  its  dis 
banding.  Of  the  advocates  of  this  measure,  Mr.  Clymer 
was  one,  and  from  the  active  and  efficient  support  which  he 
gave  to  the  bank,  he  was  selected  as  a  director  of  the  insti 
tution.  By  means  of  this  bank,  the  pressing  wants  of  the 
army  were  relieved.  Congress,  by  a  resolve,  testified  the 
high  sense  which  they  entertained  of  the  generosity  and  pa 
triotism  of  the  association,  and  pledged  the  faith  of  the 


288  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

United  States  to  the  subscribers  to  the  bank,  for  their  ulti 
mate  reimbursement  and  indemnity. 

Mr.  Clymer  was  again  elected  to  congress  in  1780  ;  from 
which  time,  for  nearly  two  years,  he  was  absent  from  his 
seat  but  a  few  weeks,  so  faithfully  and  indefatigably  atten 
tive  was  he  to  the  public  service.  In  the  latter  part  of  1782, 
he  removed  with  his  family  to  Princeton,  in  New-Jersey, 
for  the  purpose  of  giving  to  his  children  the  advantages 
of  a  collegiate  education,  in  the  seminary  in  that  place.  After 
the  many  toils  and  privations  through  which  he  had  passed, 
it  was  a  luxury,  indeed,  to  enjoy  the  peace  of  domestic  life, 
especially  having  to  reflect  that  the  glorious  object  for  which 
he  and  his  fellow-countrymen  had  laboured  so  long,  was 
now  with  certainty  soon  to  be  accomplished. 

In  1784,  Mr.  Clymer  was  again  summoned  by  the  citizens 
of  Pennsylvania,  to  take  a  part  in  the  general  assembly  of 
that  state.  Of  this  body  he  continued  a  member  until  the 
meeting  of  the  convention  to  form  a  more  efficient  constitu 
tion  for  the  general  government;  of  which  latter  body  he  was 
elected  a  member,  and  after  the  adoption  of  the  constitution, 
he  represented  the  state  of  Pennsylvania,  in  congress,  for 
two  years  ;  when  declining  a  re-election,  he  closed  his  long 
and  able  legislative  career. 

In  the  year  1791,  congress  passed  a  bill  imposing  a  duty 
on  spirits  distilled  in  the  United  States.  To  the  southern 
and  western  part  of  the  country,  this  duty  was  singularly 
obnoxious.  At  the  head  of  the  excise  department,  in  the 
state  of  Pennsylvania,  Mr.  Clymer  was  placed.  The  duties 
of  this  office  were  rendered  extremely  disagreeable,  by  rea 
son  of  the  general  dissatisfaction,  which  prevailed  on  account 
of  the  law.  This  dissatisfaction  was  particularly  strong  in 
the  district  of  Pennsylvania  lying  west  of  the  Alleghany 
mountains,  and  here  the  spirit  of  discontent  broke  out  into 
acts  of  open  opposition.  At  the  risk  of  his  life,  Mr.  Clymer 
made  a  visit  to  this  theatre  of  insurrection,  to  ascertain  the 
existing  state  of  things,  and  if  possible  to  allay  the  spirit  of 
opposition,  which  was  manifesting  itself.  His  instructions, 
however,  were  so  limited,  that  he  was  able  to  produce  but 


GEORGE    CLYMER.  289 

little  effect  upon  the  turbulent  and  heated  minds  of  the  fac 
tion.  Soon  after  his  return,  he  was  induced  to  resign  an 
office,  which,  from  the  difficulty  of  faithfully  discharging  it, 
had  become  extremely  disagreeable  to  him. 

In  the  year  1796,  Mr.  Clymer  was  appointed,  together  with 
Colonel  Hawkins  and  Colonel  Pickins,  to  negotiate  a  treaty 
with  the  Cherokee  and  Creek  indians,  in  Georgia.  With 
this  object  in  view,  he  sailed  from  Philadelphia  for  Savannah, 
in  the  month  of  April,  accompanied  by  his  wife.  Their 
voyage  proved  not  only  exceedingly  unpleasant,  but  extreme 
ly  hazardous,  in  consequence  of  a  violent  storm,  during 
which,  the  crew  were  for  several  days  obliged  to  labour  in 
cessantly  at  the  pumps.  Having  satisfactorily  completed  the 
business  of  his  mission,  he  again  returned  to  Philadelphia. 
At  this  time,  he  closed  his  political  life,  and  retired  to  the 
enjoyment  of  that  rest  which  he  justly  coveted,  after  having 
served  his  country,  with  but  few  short  intervals,  for  more 
than  twenty  years. 

At  a  subsequent  date,  he  was  called  to  preside  over  the 
Philadelphia  bank,  and  over  the  Academy  of  Fine  Arts,  and 
was  elected  a  vice  president  of  the  Philadelphia  Agricultural 
Society,  upon  its  re-organization,  in  1805.  These  offices  he 
held  at  the  time  of  his  death,  which  occurred  on  the  23d  of 
January,  1813,  in  the  74th  year  of  his  age. 

The  following  extracts  from  an  eloquent  eulogium,  pro 
nounced  before  the  Academy  of  Fine  Arts,  upon  the  charac 
ter  of  Mr.  Clymer,  by  Joseph  Hopkinson,  Esq.  may  pro 
perly  conclude  this  brief  biographical  notice.  After  alluding 
to  the  election  of  Mr.  Clymer  to  the  presidency  of  the  Aca 
demy  of  Fine  Arts,  Mr.  Hopkinson  happily  observes  :  "  At 
different  periods  of  our  national  history,  from  the  first  bold 
step  which  was  taken  in  the  march  of  independence,  to  its 
full  and  perfect  consummation  in  the  establishment  of  a  wise 
and  effective  system  of  government,  whenever  the  virtue  and 
talents  of  our  country  were  put  in  requisition,  Mr.  Clymer 
was  found  with  the  selected  few,  to  whom  our  rights  and 
destinies  were  committed. 

"  When  posterity  shall  ponder  on  the  declaration  of  July 
2P  2£ 


290  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

1776,  and  admire,  with  deep  amazement  and  veneration,  the 
courage  and  patriotism,  the  virtue  and  self-devotion  of  the 
deed,   they  will   find   the  name    of    Clymer   there.     When 
the  strength  and  splendour  of  this  empire  shall  hereafter  be 
displayed  in  the  fulness  of  maturity,  (heaven  grant  we  reach 
it,)  and  the  future  politician  shall  look  at  that  scheme  of  go 
vernment,  by   which  the  whole  resources  of  a  nation  have 
been  thus  brought  into  action  ;    by  which  power  has  been 
maintained,  and  liberty  not  overthrown;  by  which  the  people 
have   been  governed  and  directed,  but  not  enslaved  or  op 
pressed  ;  they  will  find  that  Clymer  was  one  of  the  fathers 
of  the  country,  from  whose  wisdom  and  experience  the  sys 
tem  emanated.     Nor  was  the  confidence,  which  had  grown 
out  of  his  political  life  and  services,  his  only  claim  to   the 
station   which  he    held   in   this   institution.      Although   his 
modest,  unassuming  spirit  never  sought  public  displays  of  his 
merit,  but  rather  withdrew  him  from  the  praise,  that  was  his 
due ;   yet  he   could   not   conceal  from   his  friends,  nor  his 
friends  from   the  world,  the  extraordinary  improvement  of 
his  mind.      Retired,   studious,   contemplative,   he  was  ever 
adding  something  to  his  knowledge,  and  endeavouring  to  make 
that  knowledge   useful.     His   predominant   passion   was   to 
promote  every  scheme  for  the  improvement  of  his  country, 
whether  in  science,  agriculture,  polite  education,  the    useful 
or  the  fine  arts.     Accordingly,  we  find  his  name  in  every  as 
sociation  for  these  purposes  ;  and  wherever  we  find  him,  we 
also  find  his  usefulness.     Possessed  of  all  that  sensibility  and 
delicacy,  essential  to  taste,  he  had  of  course, a  peculiar  fond 
ness  for  the  fine  arts,  elegant  literature,  and  the  refined  pur 
suits  of  a  cultivated  genius.     It  was  in  the  social  circle  of 
friendship  that  his  acquirements  were  displayed  and  appre 
ciated,  and  although  their  action  was  communicated  from 
this  circle  to  a  wider  sphere,  it  was  with  an  enfeebled  force. 
His  intellects  were  strong  by  nature,  and  made  more  so  by 
culture  and  study  ;  but  he  was  diffident  and  retired.     Capa 
ble  of  teaching,  he  seemed  only  anxious  to  learn.     Firm,  but 
not  obstinate ;  independent,  but  not  arrogant ;  communica 
tive,  but  not  obtrusive,  he  was  at  once  the  amiable  and  in« 


JAMES  SMITH.  291 

structive  companion.  His  researches  had  been  various,  and, 
if  not  always  profound,  they  were  competent  to  his  purposes, 
and  beyond  his  pretensions.  Science,  literature,  and  the  arts, 
had  all  a  share  of  his  attention,  and  it  was  only  by  a  frequent 
intercourse  with  hirn,  we  discovered  how  much  he  knew  of 
each.  The  members  of  this  board  have  all  witnessed  the 
kindness  and  urbanity  of  his  manners.  Sufficiently  fixed  in 
his  own  opinions,  he  gave  a  liberal  toleration  to  others,  as 
suming  no  offensive  or  unreasonable  control  over  the  conduct 
of  those  with  whom  he  was  associated." 

In  a  subsequent  part  of  his  discourse,  Mr.  Hopkinson,  allu 
ding  to  the  value  of  a  punctual  performance  of  our  promises, 
remarks  :  "  In  this  most  useful  virtue,  Mr.  Clymer  was  pre 
eminent.  During  the  seven  years  he  held  the  presidency  of 
this  academy,  his  attention  to  the  duties  of  the  station  were 
without  remission.  He  excused  himself  from  nothing  that 
belonged  to  his  office;  he  neglected  nothing.  He  never  once 
omitted  to  attend  a  meeting  of  the  directors,  unless  prevented 
by  sickness  or  absence  from  the  city  ;  and  these  exceptions 
were  of  very  rare  occurrence.  He  was  indeed  the  first  to 
come  ;  so  that  the  board  never  waited  a  moment  for  their 
president.  With  other  public  bodies  to  which  he  was  at 
tached,  I  understand,  he  observed  the  same  punctual  and  con 
scientious  discharge  of  his  duty.  It  is  thus  that  men  make 
themselves  useful,  and  evince  that  they  do  not  occupy  places 
of  this  kind  merely  as  emptyand  undeserved  compliments,  but 
for  the  purpose  of  rendering  all  the  services  which  the  place 
requires  of  them." 


JAMES   SMITH. 

JAMES  SMITH,  the  subject  of  the  following  memoir,  was  a 
native  of  Ireland  ;  but  in  what  year  he  was  born  is  unknown. 
This  was  a  secret  which,  even  to  his  relations  and  friends,  he 


292  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

would  never  communicate,  and  the  knowledge  of  it  was 
buried  with  him  in  the  grave.  It  is  conjectured,  however, 
that  he  was  born  between  the  years  1715  and  1720. 

His  father  was  a  respectable  farmer,  who  removed  to  Ame 
rica  with  a  numerous  family,  and  settled  on  the  west  side  of 
the  Susquehanna.  He  died  in  the  year  1761.  James,  who 
was  his  second  son,  received  his  education  from  the  distin 
guished  Dr.  Allison,  provost  of  the  college  of  Philadelphia. 
His  attainments  in  classical  literature  were  respectable.  In 
the  art  of  surveying,  which  at  that  early  period  of  the  coun 
try  was  of  great  importance,  he  is  said  to  have  excelled. 
After  finishing  his  education,  he  applied  himself  to  the  study 
of  law,  in  the  office  of  Thomas  Cookson,  of  Lancaster.  On 
being  qualified  for  his  profession,  he  took  up  his  residence  as 
a  lawyer  and  surveyor,  near  the  present  town  of  Shippens- 
burg  ;  but  some  time  after,  he  removed  to  the  flourishing  vil 
lage  of  York,  where  he  established  himself,  and  continued  the 
practice  of  his  profession  during  the  remainder  of  his  life. 

On  the  occurrence  of  the  great  contest  between  Great 
Britain  and  her  American  colonies,  Mr.  Smith  entered  with 
zeal  into  the  patriotic  cause,  and  on  a  meeting  of  delegates 
from  all  the  counties  of  Pennsylvania  in  1774,  convened  to 
express  the  public  sentiment,  on  the  expediency  of  abstaining 
from  importing  any  goods  from  England,  and  assembling  a 
general  congress,  Mr.  Smith  was  a  delegate  from  the  county 
of  York,  and  was  appointed  one  of  the  committee  to  report  a 
draft  of  instruction  to  the  general  assembly,  which  was  then 
about  to  meet.  At  this  time,  a  desire  prevailed  throughout 
the  country,  that  the  existing  difficulties  between  the  mother 
country  and  the  colonies  should  be  settled,  without  a  resort 
to  arms.  Mr.  Smith,  however,  it  appears,  was  disposed  to 
adopt  vigorous  and  decided  measures,  since,  on  his  return  to 
York,  he  was  the  means  of  raising  a  volunteer  company, 
which  was  the  first  volunteer  corps  raised  in  Pennsylvania,  in 
opposition  to  the  armies  of  Great  Britain.  Of  this  company 
he  was  elected  captain,  and  when,  at  length,  it  increased  to  a 
regiment,  he  was  appointed  colonel  of  that  regiment;  a  title, 


JAMES    SMITH.  293 

however,  which  in  respect  to  him  was  honorary,  since  he 
never  assumed  the  actual  command. 

In  January,  1775,  the  convention  for  the  province  of  Penn 
sylvania  was  assembled.  Of  this  convention,  Mr.  Smith  was 
a  member,  and  concurred  in  the  spirited  declaration  made  by 
that  convention,  that  "  if  the  British  administration  should 
determine  by  force  to  effect  a  submission  to  the  late  arbi 
trary  acts  of  the  British  parliament,  in  such  a  situation,  we 
hold  it  our  indispensable  duty  to  resist  such  force,  and  at 
every  hazard  to  defend  the  rights  and  liberties  of  America." 

Notwithstanding  this  declaration  by  the  convention,  a  great 
proportion  of  the  Pennsylvanians,  particularly  the  numerous 
body  of  Quakers,  were  strongly  opposed,  not  only  to  war, 
but  even  to  a  declaration  of  independence.  This  may  be  in 
ferred  from  the  instructions  given  by  the  general  assembly  to 
their  delegates,  who  weie  appointed  in  1775  to  the  general 
congress,  of  the  following  tenor  : — that  "  though  the  oppres 
sive  measures  of  the  British  parliament  and  administration, 
have  compelled  us  to  resist  their  violence  by  force  of  arms ; 
yet  we  strictly  enjoin  you,  that  you,  in  behalf  of  this  colony, 
dissent  from  and  utterly  reject  any  proposition,  should  such 
be  made,  that  may  cause  or  lead  to  a  separation  from  our  mo 
ther  country,  or  a  change  in  this  form  of  government." 

This  decided  stand  against  a  declaration  of  independence, 
roused  the  friends  of  that  measure  to  the  most  active  exertions, 
throughout  the  province.  On  the  15th  of  May,  congress 
adopted  a  resolution,  which  was  in  spirit  a  declaration  of  in 
dependence.  This  resolution  was  laid  before  a  large  meet 
ing  of  the  citizen^  of  Philadelphia,  assembled  five  days  after 
the  passage  of  it,  and  in  front  of  the  very  building  in  which 
congress  was  assembled,  digesting  plans  of  resistance.  The 
resolution  was  received  by  this  assembly  of  citizens,  who 
were  decided  whigs,  with  great  enthusiasm,  the  instructions 
of  the  provincial  assembly  to  the  Pennsylvania  delegation  in 
congress  was  loudly  and  pointedly  condemned,  and  a  plan 
adopted  to  assemble  a  provincial  conference  to  establish  a 
new  government  in  Pennsylvania. 

Accordingly,  such  a   conference   was  assembled,  on  the 
25* 


294  PENNSYLVANIA  DELEGATION. 

18th  of  June.  Of  this  conference,  Mr.  Smith  was  an  active 
and  distinguished  member.  The  proceedings  of  the  confe 
rence  were  entirely  harmonious.  Before  it  had  assembled, 
the  provincial  assembly  had  rescinded  their  obnoxious  in 
structions  to  their  delegates  in  congress.  Still,  however,  it 
was  thought  advisable  for  the  conference  to  express  in  form 
their  sentiments  on  the  subject  of  a  declaration  of  indepen 
dence.  The  mover  of  a  resolution  to  this  effect,  was  Dr. 
Benjamin  Rush,  at  that  time  a  young  man.  Colonel  Smith 
seconded  the  resolution,  and  these  two  gentlemen,  with 
Thomas  M'Kean,  were  appointed  a  committee  to  draft  it. 
On  the  following  morning,  the  resolution  being  reported,  was 
unanimously  adopted,  was  signed  by  the  members,  and  on 
the  25th  of  June,  a  few  days  only  before  the  declaration  of 
independence  by  congress,  was  presented  to  that  body. 

This  declaration,  though  prepared  in  great  haste,  contain 
ed  the  substance  of  that  declaration,  which  was  adopted  by 
congress.  It  declared,  that  the  king  had  paid  no  attention  to 
the  numerous  petitions  which  had  been  addressed  to  him, 
for  the  removal  of  the  most  grievous  oppressions,  but  (to 
use  the  language  of  the  preamble  to  the  resolution)  he 
"  hath  lately  purchased  foreign  troops  to  assist  in  enslaving 
us  ;  and  hath  excited  the  savages  of  this  country  to  carry  on 
a  war  against  us,  as  also  the  negroes  to  imbrue  their  hands 
in  the  blood  of  their  masters,  in  a  manner  unpractised  by 
civilized  nations  ;  and  hath  lately  insulted  our  calamities,  by 
declaring  that  he  will  show  us  no  mercy,  till  he  has  reduced 
us.  And  whereas  the  obligations  of  allegiance  (being  recip 
rocal  between  a  king  and  his  subjects)  are  now  dissolved,  on 
the  side  of  the  colonists,  by  the  despotism  of  the  said  king, 
insomuch  that  it  now  appears  that  loyalty  to  him  is  treason 
against  the  good  people  of  this  country  ;  and  whereas  not 
only  the  parliament,  but  there  is  reason  to  believe,  too  many 
of  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  have  concurred  in  the  arbi 
trary  and  unjust  proceedings  against  us  ;  and  whereas  the 
public  virtue  of  this  colony  (so  essential  to  its  liberty  and 
happiness)  must  be  endangered  by  a  future  political  union 
with,  or  dependence  on,  a  crown  and  nation,  so  lost  to  jus- 


JAMES    SMITH.  295 

tice,  patriotism,  and  magnanimity  :"  Therefore,  the  resolu 
tion  proceeded  to  assert  that  "  the  deputies  of  Pennsylvania 
assembled  in  the  conference,  unanimously  declare  their  wil 
lingness  to  concur  in  a  vote  of  the  congress,  declaring  the 
united  colonies  free  and  independent  states  :  and  that  they 
call  upon  the  nations  of  Europe,  and  appeal  to  the  great 
Arbiter  and  Governor  of  the  empires  of  the  world,,  to  wit 
ness,  that  this  declaration  did  not  originate  in  ambition,  or 
in  an  impatience  of  lawful  authority  ;  but  that  they  are  dri 
ven  to  it  in  obedience  to  the  first  principles  of  nature,  by  the 
oppressions  and  cruelties  of  the  aforesaid  king  and  parlia 
ment  of  Great  Britain,  as  the  only  possible  measure  left  to 
preserve  and  establish  our  liberties,  and  to  transmit  them  in 
violate  to  posterity." 

In  the  month  of  July,  a  convention  was  assembled  in  Phi 
ladelphia,  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  new  constitution  for 
Pennsylvania.  Of  this  body,  Colonel  Smith  was  elected  a 
member,  and  he  appeared  to  take  his  seat  on  the  15th  day  of 
the  month.  On  the  20th  he  was  elected  by  the  convention  a 
member  of  congress,  in  which  body  he  took  his  seat,  after 
the  adjournment  of  the  convention.  Colonel  Smith  continu 
ed  a  member  of  congress  for  several  years,  in  which  capacity 
he  was  active  and  efficient.  He  always  entertained  strong 
anticipations  of  success  during  the  revolutionary  struggle, 
and  by  his  cheerfulness  powerfully  contributed  to  dispel  the 
despondency  which  he  often  saw  around  him.  On  with 
drawing  from  congress,  in  November,  1778,  he  resumed  his 
professional  pursuits,  which  he  continued  until  the  year, 
1800,  when  he  withdrew  from  the  bar,  having  been  in  the 
practice  of  his  profession  for  about  sixty  years.  In  the 
year  1806,  he  was  removed  to  another  world.  He  had 
three  sons  and  two  daughters,  of  whom  only  one  of  each 
survived  him. 

In  his  disposition  and  habits,  Colonel  Smith  was  very  pe 
culiar.  He  was  distinguished  for  his  love  of  anecdote  and 
conviviality.  His  memory  was  uncommonly  retentive,  and 
remarkably  stored  with  stories  of  a  humourous  and  diverting 


296  PENNSYLVANIA  DELEGATION. 

character,  which,  on  particular  occasions,  he   related  with 
great  effect 

He  was  for  many  years  a  professor  of  religion,  and  very 
regular  in  his  attendance  on  public  worship.  Notwithstand 
ing  his  fondness  for  jest,  he  was  more  than  most  men  ready 
to  frown  upon  every  expression  which  seemed  to  reflect  on 
sacred  subjects.  It  was  a  singular  trait  in  the  character  of 
Mr.  Smith,  that  he  should  so  obstinately  refuse  to  inform  his 
friends  of  his  age.  The  monument  erected  over  his  grave 
informs  us,  that  his  death  occurred  in  the  ninety-third  year 
of  his  age.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  he  was  not  so  old 
by  several  years. 


GEORGE  TAYLOR. 

OF  the  early  life  of  GEORGE  TAYLOR,  although  he  acted  a 
distinguished  part  in  the  political  affairs  of  his  time,  few 
incidents  are  recorded,  in  any  documents  which  we  have 
seen,  and  few,  it  is  said,  are  remembered  by  the  old  men  of 
the  neighbourhood  in  which  he  lived.  Mr.  Taylor  was  born 
in  the  year  1716.  Ireland  gave  him  birth.  He  was  the 
son  of  a  respectable  clergyman  in  that  country,  who  having 
a  more  just  estimation  of  the  importance  of  a  good  educa 
tion,  gave  to  his  son  an  opportunity  to  improve  his  mind, 
beyond  most  youth  in  the  country  about  him.  At  a  proper 
age  he  commenced  the  study  of  medicine  ;  but  his  genius 
not  being  adapted  to  the  profession,  he  relinquished  his  me 
dical  studies,  and  soon  after  set  sail  for  America. 

On  his  arrival,  he  was  entirely  destitute  of  money,  and 
was  obliged  to  resort  to  manual  labour  to  pay  the  expenses 
of  his  voyage  to  America.  The  name  of  the  gentleman 
who  kindly  employed  him,  and  paid  his  passage,  was  Savage. 
He  was  the  owner  of  extensive  iron  works  at  Durham,  a 


GEORGE    TAYLOR.  297 

.small  village,  situated  on  the  river  Delaware,  a  few  miles 
from  Easton. 

In  these  works,  young  Taylor  was  for  a  time  employed 
to  throw  coal  into  the  furnace,  when  in  blast.  The  business 
was,  however,  too  severe  for  him,  and  at  length  Mr.  Savage 
transferred  him  from  this  menial  and  arduous  service,  into 
his  counting-room  as  a  clerk.  In  this  situation,  he  rendered 
himself  very  useful  and  acceptable,  and,  at  length,  upon  the 
death  of  Mr.  Savage,  he  became  connected  in  marriage  with 
his  widow,  and  consequently  the  proprietor  of  the  whole  es 
tablishment.  In  a  few  years  the  fortune  of  Mr.  Taylor  was 
considerably  farther  increased.  He  was  now  induced  to  pur 
chase  a  considerable  estate  near  the  river  Lehigh,  in  the 
county  of  Northampton,  where  he  erected  a  spacious  man 
sion,  and  took  up  his  permanent  residence. 

A  few  years  after,  Mr.  Taylor  was  summoned  by  his  fel 
low-citizens  into  public  life.  Of  the  provincial  assembly, 
which  met  at  Philadelphia,  in  October,  1764,  he  was  for  the 
first  time  a  member,  and  immediately  rendered  himself  con 
spicuous,  by  the  active  part  which  he  took  in  all  the  impor 
tant  questions  which  came  before  that  body. 

From  this  period,  until  1770,  Mr.  Taylor  continued  to 
represent  the  county  of  Northampton  in  the  provincial  as 
sembly.  He  was  uniformly  placed  on  several  standing  com 
mittees,  and  was  frequently  entrusted,  in  connexion  with 
other  gentlemen,  with  the  management  of  many  important 
special  concerns,  as  they  continued  to  rise.  At  Northampton, 
Mr.  Taylor  entered  into  the  business,  which  had  so  exten 
sively  occupied  him,  while  at  Durham.  The  business,  how 
ever,  at  the, former  place  was  by  no  means  as  profitable  as 
it  had  been  at  the  latter.  Indeed  it  is  said,  that  the  fortune 
of  Mr.  Taylor  suffered  so  considerably,  that  he  was  at  length 
induced  to  return  to  Durham  to  repair  it. 

In  October,  1775,  he  was  again  elected  a  delegate  to  the 
provincial  assembly  in  Pennsylvania,  and  in  the  following 
month  was  appointed,  in  connexion  with  several  other  gen 
tlemen,  to  report  a  set  of  instructions  to  the  delegates,  which 
the  assembly  had  just  appointed  to  the  continental  congress. 


298  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

The  circumstances  of  the  colony  of  Pennsylvania,  were  at 
this  time,  in  some  respects,  peculiar.  She  was  far  less  op 
pressed  than  the  other  colonies  in  America.  On  the  contrary, 
she  had  been  greatly  favoured  by  his  British  majesty.  Her 
government,  which  was  proprietary,  was  administered  without 
the  least  political  oppression,  and  her  constitution  was  free 
and  liberal. 

In  consequence  of  these,  and  other  circumstances,  a  strong 
reluctance  prevailed  in  Pennsylvania  to  sever  the  bonds  of 
union  between  herself  and  the  mother  country.  Hence,  the 
measures  of  her  public  bodies  were  characterized  by  a  more 
obvious  respect  for  the  British  government  than  the  measures 
of  other  colonies.  This  might  be  inferred  from  the  instruc 
tions  reported  at  this  time,  by  Mr.  Taylor  and  his  associates, 
and  adopted  by  the  assembly: 

"  The  trust  reposed  in  you  is  of  such  a  nature,  and  the 
modes  of  executing  it  may  be  so  diversified,  in  the  course  of 
your  deliberations,  that  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  give  you  par 
ticular  instructions  respecting  it.  We,  therefore,  in  general, 
direct  that  you,  or  any  four  of  you,  meet  in  congress  the  dele 
gates  of  the  several  colonies  now  assembled  in  this  city,  and 
any  such  delegates  as  may  meet  in  congress  next  year ;  that  you 
consult  together  on  the  present  critical  and  alarming  state  of 
public  affairs  ;  that  you  exert  your  utmost  endeavours  to 
agree  upon,  and  recommend  such  measures  as  you  shall  judge 
to  afford  the  best  prospect  of  obtaining  redress  of  American 
grievances,  and  restoring  that  union  and  harmony  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  colonies,  so  essential  to  the  welfare  and 
happiness  of  both  countries." 

"  Though  the  oppressive  measures  of  the  British  parlia 
ment  and  administration  have  compelled  us  to  resist  their 
violence  by  force  of  arms,  yet  we  strictly  enjoin  you,  that  you, 
in  behalf  of  this  colony  dissent  from,  and  utterly  reject  any 
propositions,  should  such  be  made,  that  may  cause  or  lead  to 
a  separation  from  our  mother  country,  or  a  change  of  the 
form  of  this  government." 

During  the  winter  and  spring  of  1776,  a  great  change  was 
effected  in  public  sentiment  in  the  province  of  Pennsylvania, 


GEORGE    TAYLOR.  299 

on  the  subject  of  the  contest  between  the  mother  country  and 
the  colonies.  Hence  the  provincial  assembly  rescinded  their 
former  instructions  to  their  delegates  in  congress,  and  while 
they  expressed  an  ardent  desire  for  the  termination  of  the 
unhappy  controversy,  they  were  unwilling  to  purchase  peace 
by  a  dishonourable  submission  to  arbitrary  power.  "  We, 
therefore,"  said  the  assembly,  in  their  instructions  to  their 
delegates  in  congress,  "authorize  you  to  concur  with  the  other 
delegates  in  congress,  in  forming  such  further  compacts  be 
tween  the  united  colonies,  concluding  such  treaties  with  foreign 
kingdoms  and  states,  and  in  adopting  such  other  measures  as, 
upon  a  view  of  all  circumstances,  shall  be  judged  necessary 
for  promoting  the  liberty,  safety,  and  interests  of  America  ; 
reserving  to  the  people  of  this  colony  the  sole  and  exclusive 
right  of  regulating  the  internal  government  and  police  of  the 
same. 

"  The  happiness  of  these  colonies  has,  during  the  whole 
course  of  this  fatal  controversy,  been  our  first  wish.  Their 
reconciliation  with  Great  Britain  our  next.  Ardently  have 
we  prayed  for  the  accomplishment  of  both.  But  if  we  must 
renounce  the  one  or  the  other,  we  humbly  trust  in  the  mer 
cies  of  the  Supreme  Governor  of  the  universe,  that  we  shall 
not  stand  condemned  before  his  throne,  if  our  choice  is  de 
termined  by  that  overruling  law  of  self-preservation,  which 
His  divine  wisdom  has  thought  fit  to  implant  in  the  hearts  of 
his  creatures." 

Fortunately  for  the  cause  of  American  liberty,  the  change  in 
public  sentiment  above  alluded  to,  continued  to  spread,  and 
on  taking  the  great  question  of  a  declaration  of  independence, 
an  approving  vote  by  all  the  colonies  was  secured  in  its  favour 
The  approbation  of  Pennsylvania,  however,  was  only  obtain 
ed  by  the  casting  vote  of  Mr.  Morton,  as  has  already  been 
mentioned  in  our  biographical  notice  of  that  gentleman.  On 
the  20th  of  July,  the  Pennsylvania  convention  proceeded  to  a 
new  choice  of  Representatives.  Mr.  Morton,  Dr.  Franklin, 
Mr.  Morris,  and  Mr.  Wilson,  who  had  voted  in  favour  of  the 
declaration  of  independence,  were  re-elected.  Those  who 
had  opposed  it  were  at  this  time  dropped,  and  the  following 


300  PENNSYLVANIA   DELEGATION. 

gentlemen  were  appointed  in  their  place,  viz-  :  Mr.  Taylor, 
Mr.  Ross,  Mr.  Clymer,  Dr.  Rush,  and  Mr.  Smith.  These  latter 
gentlemen  were  consequently  not  present  on  the  fourth  of 
July,  when  the  declaration  was  passed  and  proclaimed,  but 
they  had  the  honour  of  affixing  their  signatures  to  the  en 
grossed  copy,  on  the  second  of  August  following,  at  which 
time  the  members  generally  signed  it. 

Mr.  Taylor  retired  from  congress  in  1777,  from  which  time 
we  know  little  of  his  history.  He  settled  at  Easton,  where  he 
continued  to  manage  his  affairs  with  much  success,  and  to  re 
pair  his  fortune,  which  had  greatly  suffered  during  his  resi 
dence  on  the  banks  of  the  Lehigh.  Mr.  Taylor  died  on  the 
23d  of  February,  1781,  in  the  sixty-sixth  year  of  his  age.  He 
had  two  children  by  his  wife,  a  son,  who  became  an  attorney, 
but  died  before  his  father,  and  a  daughter  who  was  never 
married 


JAMES  WILSON. 

JAMES  WILSON  was  a  native  of  Scotland,  where  he  was 
born  about  the  year  1742.  His  father  was  a  respectable  far 
mer,  who  resided  in  the  vicinity  of  St.  Andrews,  well  known 
for  its  university.  Though  not  wealthy,  he  enjoyed  a  com 
petency,  until  at  length,  a  passion  for  speculation  nearly 
ruined  him. 

James  Wilson  received  an  excellent  education.  He 
stuuied  successively  at  Glasgow,  St.  Andrews,  and  Edinburgh. 
He  had  the  good  fortune  to  enjoy  the  instruction  of  the  dis 
tinguished  Dr.  Blair,  and  the  not  less  celebrated  Dr.  Watts. 
By  the  former  he  was  taught  rhetoric ;  by  the  latter,  both 
rhetoric  and  logic.  Under  these  eminent  men,  Mr.  Wilson  laid 
the  foundation  of  an  impressive  eloquence,  and  a  superir 
and  almost  irresistible  mode  of  reasoning. 

After  completing  his  studies  under  the  superior  advantages 


JAMES    WILSON.  301 

already  named,  he  resolved  to  seek  in  America  that  indepen 
dence  which  he  could  scarcely  hope  for  in  his  native  country 
\ccordingly,  he  left  Scotland,  and  reached  Philadelphia  early 
in  the  year  1766.  He  was  highly  recommended  to  several 
gentlemen  of  that  city,  by  one  or  more  of  whom  he  was  in 
troduced  as  a  tutor  to  the  Philadelphia  college  and  academy. 
During  the  period  that  he  served  in  this  capacity,  he  enjoyed 
a  reputation  of  being  the  best  classical  scholar  who  had  offi 
ciated  as  tutor  in  the  Latin  department  of  the  college. 

He  continued,  however,  only  a  few  months  to  fill  the  above 
office,  having  received  an  offer,  through  the  assistance  of 
Bishop  \Vhite  and  Judge  Peters,  of  entering  the  law  office  of 
Mr.  John  Dickinson.  In  this  office  he  continued  for  the 
space  of  two  years,  applying  himself  with  great  ardour  to  the 
study  of  the  profession  of  law.  At  the  expiration  of  this 
time,  he  entered  upon  the  practice,  first  at  Reading,  but  soon 
after  removed  to  Carlisle,  at  which  latter  place  he  acquired  the 
reputation  of  being  an  eminent  counsellor  previous  to  the  re 
volution.  From  Carlisle,  Mr.  Wilson  removed  to  Annapolis, 
in  Maryland,  whence,  in  1778,  he  came  to  Philadelphia,  where 
he  continued  to  reside  for  the  remainder  of  his  life. 

At  an  early  day,  Mr.  Wilson  entered  with  patriotic  zeal  in 
to  the  cause  of  American  liberty.  He  was  an  American  in 
principle  from  the  time  that  he  landed  on  the  American  shore ; 
and  at  no  period  in  the  revolutionary  struggle,  did  he  for  a 
single  hour  swerve  from  his  attachment  to  the  principles 
which  he  had  adopted. 

Mr.  \\Tilsons  who  was  a  member  of  the  provincial  conven 
tion  of  Pennsylvania,  was  proposed  as  a  delegate  to  the  con 
gress  of  1774,  in  conjunction  with  his  former  instructor,  Mr. 
Dickinson.  Neither,  however,  was  elected,  through  the  in 
fluence  of  the  speaker,  Mr.  Galloway,  of  whom  we  have 
spoken  in  our  introduction,  and  who  afterwards  united  him 
self  to  the  British  on  their  taking  possession  of  Philadelphia. 
In  the  following  year,  however,  Mr.  Wilson  was  unanimously 
elected  a  member  of  congress,  and  in  that  body  took  his 
seat  on  the  10th  of  May,  1775.  In  this  distinguished  station, 
he  continued  until  1777,  when,  through  the  influence  of  party 

26 


302  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

feeling,  he  was  superseded,  and  another  appointed  in  his 
stead. 

In  1782,  however,  he  was  again  elected  to  congress,  and 
took  his  seat  in  that  body,  on  the  second  of  January,  1783. 
A  few  months  previously  to  his  re-election,  he  was  appoint 
ed  by  the  president  and  supreme  executive  council,  a  coun 
sellor  and  agent  for  Pennsylvania,  in  the  great  controversy 
between  that  state  and  the  state  of  Connecticut,  relating  to 
certain  lands  within  the  charter  boundary  of  Pennsylvania. 
These  lands  the  state  of  Connecticut  claimed  as  belonging  to 
her,  being  included  within  her  charter.  On  the  thirtieth  of 
December,  1782,  this  great  question  was  determined  at  Tren 
ton,  New-Jersey,  by  a  court  of  commissioners  appointed  for 
that  purpose,  who  unanimously  decided  it  in  favo-ur  of  Penn 
sylvania.  To  the  determination  of  the  question  in  this  man 
ner,  Mr.  Wilson,  it  is  said,  greatly  contributed,  by  a  lumi 
nous  and  impressive  argument,  which  he  delivered  before  the 
court,  and  which  occupied  several  days. 

The  high  estimation  in  which  Mr.  AVilson  was  held,  about 
this  time,  may  be  learned  from  his  receiving  the  appointment 
of  advocate  general  for  the  French  government,  in  the  Uni 
ted  States.  His  commission  bore  date  the  fifth  of  June, 
1779;  and  at  a  subsequent  date  was  confirmed,  by  letters  pa 
tent  from  the  king  of  France.  The  duties  of  this  office  were 
both  arduous  and  delicate.  Few  men,  however,  were  better 
qualified  for  such  an  office  than  Mr.  Wilson.  In  1781,  diffi 
culties  having  arisen  as  to  the  manner  in  which  he  should  be 
paid  for  his  services,  he  resigned  his  commission.  He  con 
tinued,  however,  to  give  advice  in  such  cases  as  were  laid 
before  him,  by  the  ministers  and  consuls  of  France,  until 
1783.  At  which  time,  the  king  of  France  handsomely  re 
warded  him  by  a  gift  of  ten  thousand  livres. 

Tha  standing  of  Mr.  Wilson,  during  the  whole  course  of 
his  attendance  in  congress,  was  deservedly  high.  As  a  man 
of  business,  Pennsylvania  had,  probably,  at  no  time,  any  one 
among  her  delegation  who  excelled  him.  He  was  placed  on 
numerous  committees,  and  in  every  duty  assigned  him  ex 
hibited  great  fidelity,  industry,  and  perseverance. 


JAMES  WILSON.  303 

Notwithstanding  this  high  and  honourable  conduct  of  Mr 
Wilson,  and  the  active  exertions  which  he  made  in  favour  of 
his  adopted  country,  he  had  enemies,  whose  slanders  he  did 
not  escape.  It  was  especially  charged  against  him,  that  he 
was  opposed  to  the  declaration  of  independence.  This,  how 
ever,  has  been  amply  refuted  by  gentlemen  of  the  highest 
standing  in  the  country,  who  were  intimately  acquainted  with 
his  views  and  feelings  on  that  important  subject.  Many  who 
voted  for  the  measure,  and  who  sincerely  believed  in  the  ulti 
mate  expediency  of  it,  were  of  the  opinion,  that  it  was  brought 
forward  prematurely.  But  when,  at  length,  they  found  the 
voice  of  the  nation  loudly  demanding  such  a  measure,  and 
saw  a  spirit  abroad  among  the  people  determined  to  sustain 
it,  they  no  longer  hesitated  to  vote  in  its  favour.  Mr.  Wil 
son,  probably,  belonged  to  this  class.  Though  at  first  doubt 
ful  whether  the  state  of  the  country  would  justify  such  a  mea 
sure,  he  at  length  became  satisfied  that  existing  circumstances 
rendered  it  necessary  ;  and  accordingly  it  received  his  vote. 

Notwithstanding  that  a  declaration  of  independence  had 
been  spoken  of  for  some  time  previously  to  the  fourth  of 
July,  1776,  no  motion  was  brought  forward  in  congress  re 
specting  it,  until  the  7th  of  June.  This  motion  was  referred 
the  following  day  to  a  committee  of  the  whole,  but  it  was 
postponed  until  the  tenth  of  June.  On  the  arrival  of  the 
tenth  of  that  month,  the  following  resolution  was  offered : 
"  That  these  united  colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be, 
free  and  independent  states  ;  that  they  are  absolved  from  all 
allegiance  to  the  British  crown  ;  and  that  all  political  con 
nexion  between  them  and  the  state  of  Great  Britain  is,  and 
ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved."  The  consideration  of  this 
resolution  was  postponed  to  the  first  of  July,  on  which  day 
it  was  expected  that  the  committee  which  was  appointed  to 
draft  a  declaration,  and  which  consisted  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  J. 
Adams,  Dr.  Franklin,  and  R.  R.  Livingston,  would  report. 

At  length,  the  first  of  July  arrived,  when  the  motion  was 
further  discussed,  and  the  question  taken  in  committee  of  the 
whole.  The  declaration  received  the  votes  of  all  the  states 
excepting  Pennsylvania  and  Delaware.  The  delegates  of  the 


304  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

former  state  were  four  to  three  in  the  opposition ;  the  dele 
gates  of  the  latter,  Thomas  M'Kean  and  George  Read,  were 
divided,  the  one  in  favour  of  the  measure,  the  other  opposed 
to  it.  The  final  question  was  postponed  from  day  to  day, 
until  the  fourth  of  July,  when  it  was  taken,  and  an  unanimous 
vote  of  all  the  states  was  obtained.  The  day  was  rainy.  Of 
the  Pennsylvania  delegation,  Messrs.  Morris  and  Dickinson 
were  absent,  and  consequently  the  vote  of  Pennsylvania  was 
now  in  favour  of  the  measure,  Messrs.  Wilson,  Franklin,  and 
Morton,  being  in  favour  of  it,  and  Messrs.  Humphreys  and 
Willing  being  opposed  to  it.  Fortunately,  at  this  juncture, 
Caesar  Rodney,  a  delegate  from  Delaware,  arrived.  He  had 
been  sent  for  by  an  express  from  Mr.  M'Kean,  and  arrived  in 
time  to  vote  with  that  gentleman,  in  opposition  to  their  col 
league,  George  Read. 

Thus,  an  unanimous  vote  of  the  thirteen  colonies  was  se 
cured.  Thus,  a  question  was  decided  which  deeply  agitated 
the  whole  American  community,  and  the  decision  of  which 
was  fraught  with  blessings  to  the  country,  which  will  go  down, 
we  trust,  to  the  end  of  time. 

•  In  a  preceding  paragraph  we  have  intimated  that  a  charge 
was  brought  against  Mr.  Wilson  of  being  opposed  to  the  de 
claration  of  independence.  Had  such  been  his  sentiments, 
who  could  have  charged  him  with  a  want  of  patriotism  ?  The 
truth  is,  there  were  hundreds,  and  even  thousands,  at  that 
day,  in  America,  as  strongly  attached  to  her  cause,  as  friend 
ly  to  her  liberties,  and  as  firmly  resolved  never  to  surrender 
the  rights  which  the  God  of  nature  had  given  them,  as  were 
those  who  voted  in  favour  of  a  declaration  of  independence, 
but  who  yet  thought  the  time  had  not  arrived  when  the  wisest 
policy  dictated  such  a  measure.  Mr.  Wilson  was,  indeed, 
not  altogether  of  this  class.  He  would  perhaps  not  have 
brought  forward  the  subject  at  so  early  a  day ;  but  when  it 
was  brought  forward,  he  voted  in  favour  of  it,  on  the  first  of 
July,  even  in  opposition  to  the  majority  of  his  colleagues ; 
and  on  the  fourth,  as  it  happened,  fortunately  for  the  cause  of 
his  country,  in  a  majority. 

Another  charge  has  also  been  brought  against  Mr.  Wilson, 


JAMES    WILSON.  305 

(viz.)  a  participation  in  the  combination  which  was  formed 
against  General  Washington,  towards  the  close  of  the  year 
1777.  This  conspiracy,  if  it  may  be  so  called,  originated  in 
the  discontent  of  many  who  felt  envious  at  the  exalted  station 
which  Washington  occupied ;  and  was  founded,  at  this  time, 
upon  the  high  military  reputation  which  General  Gates  had 
acquired  by  the  capitulation  of  Saratoga,  and  the  gloomy  as 
pect  of  affairs  in  the  region  where  Washington  was  in  parti 
cular  command.  In  this  combination,  it  was  supposed  seve 
ral  members  of  congress,  and  a  very  few  officers  of  the  army, 
were  concerned.  Among  these  officers,  it  is  believed,  Gene 
ral  Gates  himself  may  be  included.  "  He  had  not  only  omit 
ted,"  says  Marshall,  in  his  life  of  Washington,  "  to  communi 
cate  to  that  general  the  successes  of  his  army,  after  the  vic 
tory  of  the  seventh  of  October  had  opened  to  him  the  pros 
pect  of  finally  destroying  the  enemy  opposed  to  him  ;  but  he 
carried  on  a  correspondence  with  General  Conway,  in  which 
that  officer  had  expressed  himself  with  great  contempt  of 
the  commander  in  chief,  and  on  the  disclosure  of  this  circum 
stance,  General  Gates  had  demanded  the  name  of  the  in 
former,  in  a  letter  expressed  in  terms  by  no  means  concilia 
tory,  and  which  was  accompanied  by  the  very  extraordinary 
circumstance  of  being  passed  through  congress. 

"  The  state  of  Pennsylvania,  too,  chagrined  at  losing  its 
capital,  and  forgetful  of  its  own  backwardness  in  strengthen 
ing  the  army,  which  had  twice  fought  superior  numbers  in 
its  defence,  furnished  many  discontented  individuals,  who 
supposed  it  to  be  the  fault  of  General  Washington  that  he 
had  not,  with  an  army  inferior  to  that  of  the  enemy  in  num 
bers,  and  in  every  equipment,  effected  the  same  result,  which 
had  been  produced  in  the  north,  by  a  continental  army,  in 
itself  much  stronger  than  its  adversary,  and  so  re-inforced  by 
militia  as  to  amount  to  three  times  the  number  opposed  to 
them.  The  legislature  of  that  state,  on  the  report  that  Gene 
ral  Washington  was  moving  into  winter  quarters,  addressed 
a  remonstrance  to  congress  on  the  subject,  which  manifested, 
in  very  intelligible  terms,  their  dissatisfaction  with  the  com 
mander  in  chief.  About  the  same  time,  a  new  board  of  war 
2R  26* 


306  PENNSYLVANIA  DELEGATION. 

was  created,  of  which  General  Gates  was  appointed  the  pro 
sident ;  and  General  Miffiin,  who  was  supposed  to  be  also  of 
the  party  unfriendly  to  Washington,  was  one  of  its  number. 
General  Conway,  who  was,  perhaps,  the  only  brigadier  in 
the  army  that  had  joined  this  faction,  was  appointed  inspector 
general,  and  was  elevated  above  brigadiers  older  than  himself, 
to  the  rank  of  major  general.  There  wer.e  other  evidences 
that,  if  the  hold  which  the  commander  in  chief  had  taken  of 
the  affections  and  confidence  of  the  army,  and  of  the  nation, 
could  be  shaken,  the  party  in  congress  which  was  disposed 
to  change  their  general,  was  far  from  being  contemptible  in 
point  of  numbers." 

Fortunately  for  America,  it  was  impossible  to  loosen  this 
hold.  Even  the  northern  army  clung  to  Washington  as  the 
saviour  of  their  country.  The  only  effect  of  this  combina 
tion  was,  to  excite  a  considerable  degree  of  resentment,  which 
was  directed  entirely  against  those  who  were  believed  to  be 
engaged  in  it.  General  Gates  himself,  in  consequence  of 
this,  and  of  the  disastrous  battle  of  Camden,  fell  into  obscu 
rity  ;  and  General  Conway,  the  great  calumniator  of  General 
Washington,  scorned  by  honourable  men,  on  account  of  his 
cowardice  at  the  battle  of  Germantown,  and  other  equally 
unworthy  conduct,  resigned  his  commission  on  the  28th  of 
April,  1778. 

The  charge  brought  against  Mr.  Wilson,  of  having  been 
hostile  to  General  Washington,  and  of  having  participated  in 
the  combination  formed  against  him,  was  wholly  unfounded. 
The  evidence  on  this  point  is  complete. 

Of  the  celebrated  convention  of  1787,  which  was  assembled 
in  Philadelphia,  for  the  purpose  of  forming  the  constitution 
of  the  United  States,  Mr.  Wilson  was  a  member.  During 
the  long  deliberations  of  the  convention  on  that  instrument, 
he  rendered  the  most  important  services.  He  possessed 
great  political  sagacity  and  foresight,  and  being  a  fluent 
speaker,  he  did  much  to  settle  upon  just  principles  the  great 
arid  important  points  which  naturally  arose  in  the  formation 
of  a  new  government.  On  the  twenty-third  of  July,  the  con 
vention  resolved,  "  That  the  proceedings  of  the  convention 


JAMES    WILSON.  307 

for  the  establishment  of  a  national  government,  except  what 
respects  the  supreme  executive,  be  referred  to  a  committee 
for  the  purpose  of  reporting  a  constitution,  conformably  to 
the  proceedings  aforesaid."  In  pursuance  of  .this  resolution, 
a  committee  was  appointed  on  the  following  day,  consisting 
of  Messrs.  Wilson,  Rutledge,  Randolph,  Gorham,  and  Ells 
worth,  who  accordingly,  on  the  sixth  of  August,  reported  the 
draught  of  a  constitution. 

When  the  state  convention  of  Pennsylvania  assembled  to 
ratify  the  federal  constitution,  Mr.  Wilson  was  returned  a 
member  of  that  body,  and  as  he  was  the  only  one  who  had 
assisted  in  forming  that  instrument,  it  devolved  upon  him  to 
explain  to  the  convention  the  principles  upon  which  it  was 
founded,  and  the  great  objects  which  it  had  in  view.  Thus  he 
powerfully  contributed  to  the  ratification  of  the  constitution 
in  that  state.  The  following  language,  which  he  used  in 
conclusion  of  his  speech,  in  favour  of  this  ratification,  de 
serves  a  place  here  :  "  It  is  neither  extraordinary  nor  unex 
pected,  that  the  constitution  offered  to  your  consideration, 
should  meet  with  opposition.  It  is  the  nature  of  man  to 
pursue  his  own  interest,  in  preference  to  the  public  good  ; 
and  I  do  not  mean  to  make  any  personal  reflection  when  I 
add,  that  it  is  the  interest  of  a  very  numerous,  powerful,  and 
respectable  body,  to  counteract  and  destroy  the  excellent 
work  produced  by  the  late  convention.  All  the  officers  of 
government,  and  all  the  appointments  for  the  administration 
of  justice,  and  the  collection  of  the  public  revenue,  which  are 
transferred  from  the  individual  to  the  aggregate  sovereignty 
of  the  states,  will  necessarily  turn  the  stream  of  influence  and 
emolument  into  a  new  channel.  Every  person,  therefore, 
who  enjoys,  or  expects  to  enjoy,  a  place  of  profit  under  the 
present  establishment,  will  object  to  the  proposed  innova 
tion ;  not,  in  truth,  because  it  is  injurious  to  the  liberties  of 
his  country,  but  because  it  affects  his  schemes  of  wealth  and 
consequence.  I  will  confess,  indeed,  that  I  am  not  a  blind 
admirer  of  this  plan  of  government,  and  that  there  are  some 
parts  of  it  which,  if  my  wish  had  prevailed,  would  certainly 
have  been  altered.  But,  when  I  reflect  how  widely  men  dif- 


308  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

fer  in  their  opinions,  and  that  every  man,  (and  the  observa 
tion  applies  likewise  to  every  state,)  has  an  equal  pretension 
to  assert  his  own,  I  am  satisfied  that  any  thing  nearer  to  per 
fection  could  not  have  been  accomplished.  If  there  are  er 
rors,  it  should  be  remembered,  that  the  seeds  of  reformation 
are  sown  in  the  work  itself,  and  a  concurrence  of  two  thirds 
of  the  congress  may,  at  any  time,  introduce  alterations  ana 
amendments.  Regarding  it,  then,  in  every  point  of  view, 
with  a  candid  and  disinterested  mind,  I  am  bold  to  assert,  that 
it  is  the  best  form  of  government  which  has  ever  been  offered 
to  the  world." 

After  the  ratification  of  the  federal  constitution  in  Penn 
sylvania,  a  convention  was  called  to  alter  the  constitution  of 
that  state,  to  render  it  conformable  to  that  of  the  United 
States.  Mr.  "Wilson  was  one  of  the  committee  appointed  to 
prepare  the  form  of  a  constitution,  and  upon  him  devolved 
the  task  of  making  the  draught. 

In  the  year  1789,  General  Washington  appointed  Mr.  Wil 
son  a  judge  of  the  supreme  court  of  the  United  States,  under 
the  federal  constitution.  In  this  exalted  station  he  was  asso 
ciated  with  John  Jay,  who  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  de 
partment,  and  Judge  Rutledge,  of  South  Carolina,  William 
Gushing,  of  Massachusetts,  Robert  Harrison,  of  Maryland, 
and  John  Blair,  of  Virginia.  In  this  office  he  continued  until 
his  death,  which  occurred  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  August, 
1798,  at  Edenton,  in  North  Carolina,  while  on  a  circuit  attend 
ing  to  his  duties  as  a  judge.  He  is  supposed  to  have  been 
about  fifty-six  years  of  age. 

In  stature,  Judge  Wilson  was  about  six  feet.     His  appear 
ance  was  dignified  and  respectable,  and  in  his  manners  he 
was  not  ungraceful.     As  a  lawyer,  he  stood  at  the  head  ot 
his  profession,   while   he   practised   at  the  Philadelphia  bar 
He  was  not  less  eminent  as  a  judge  on  the  bench.     He  enter 
ed  with  great  readiness  into  the  causes  which  came  before 
him,  and  seldom  did  he  fail  to  throw  light  on  points  of  law  of 
the  most  difficult  and  perplexing  character. 

In  his  domestic  relations,  such  was  his  happy  and  consist 
ent  course,  as  to  secure  the  respect  and  affection  of  his  family 


GEORGE    ROSS.  309 

nnd  friends.  Towards  all  with  whom  he  had  intercourse 
from  abroad,  he  was  friendly  and  hospitable,  and  within  his 
family  he  was  affectionate  and  indulgent.  He  was  distin 
guished  for  great  integrity  of  character,  and  for  an  inviolate 
regard  for  truth.  Mr.  Wilson  was  twice  married,  the  first 
time  to  a  daughter  of  William  Bird,  of  Berks  county,  and  the 
second  time  to  a  daughter  of  Mr.  Ellis  Gray,  of  Boston.  By 
the  former  wife,  he  had  six  children ;  and  by  the  latter  one. 
Two  only  of  these  children  are  now  living,  the  one  at  Phila 
delphia,  the  other  in  the  state  of  New-York.  After  the  death 
of  Mr.  Wilson,  his  wife  became  connected  in  marriage  with 
Dr.  Thomas  Bartlett,  of  Boston,  whom  she  accompanied  to 
England,  where  she  died  in  1807. 


GEORGE  ROSS. 

THE  last  gentleman  wh*o  belonged  to  the  Pennsylvania  de 
legation,  at  the  time  the  members  of  the  revolutionary  con 
gress  affixed  their  signatures  to  the  declaration  of  indepen 
dence,  was  GEORGE  Ross.  He  was  the  son  of  a  clergyman 
by  the  same  name,  who  presided  over  the  episcopal  church 
at  New  Castle,  in  the  state  of  Delaware,  in  which  town  he  was 
born  in  the  year  1730. 

At  an  early  age,  he  gave  indications  of  possessing  talents 
of  a  superior  order.  These  indications  induced  his  father  to 
give  him  the  advantages  of  a  good  education.  At1  the  age  of 
eighteen  he  entered  upon  the  study  of  law,  under  the  super 
intendence  of  an  elder  brother,  who  was  at  that  time  in  the 
practice  of  the  profession,  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 

Soon  after  being  admitted  to  the  bar,  he  established  himself 
at  Lancaster,  at  that  time  near  the  western  limits  of  civiliza 
tion.  He  soon  became  connected  in  marriage  with  a  lady  of 
a  respectable  family.  For  several  years  he  continued  to  de 
vote  himself,  with  great  zeal,  to  the  duties  of  his  profession, 


310  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

in  which,  at  length,  he  attained  a  high  reputation,  both  as  a 
counsellor  and  an  advocate. 

Mr.  Ross  commenced  his  political  career  in  1768,  in  which 
year  he  was  first  returned  as  a  representative  to  the  assembly 
of  Pennsylvania.  Of  this  body  he  continued  to  be  re-elected  a 
member,  until  the  year  1774,  when  he  was  chosen  in  connec 
tion  with  several  other  gentlemen,  a  delegate  to  the  celebra 
ted  congress  which  met  at  Philadelphia.  At  the  time  he  was 
appointed  to  a  seat  in  this  congress,  he  was  also  appointed  to 
report  to  the  assembly  of  the  province,  a  set  of  instructions, 
by  which  the  conduct  of  himself  and  colleagues  were  to  be 
directed.  The  instructions  thus  drafted  and  reported,  were 
accepted  by  the  assembly.  In  concluding  these  instructions, 
the  assembly  observed  :  "  that  the  trust  reposed  in  you  is  of 
such  a  nature,  and  the  modes  of  executing  it  may  be  so  di 
versified  in  the  course  of  your  deliberations,  that  it  is  scarcely 
possible  to  give  you  particular  instructions  respecting  it.  We 
shall,  therefore,  only  in  general  direct,  that  you  are  to  meet  in 
congress  the  committees  of  the  several  British  colonies,  at  such 
time  and  place  as  shall  be  generally  agreed  on,  to  consult  toge 
ther  on  the  present  critical  and  alarming  situation  and  state  of 
the  colonies,  and  that  you,  with  them,  exert  your  utmost  en 
deavours  to  form  and  adopt  a  plan,  which  shall  afford  the  best 
prospect  of  obtaining  a  redress  of  American  grievances,  as 
certaining  American  rights,  and  establishing  that  union  and 
harmony,  which  is  most  essential  to  the  welfare  and  happi 
ness  of  both  countries.  And  in  doing  this,  you  are  strictly 
charged  to  avoid  every  thing  indecent  or  disrespectful  to  the 
mother  state." 

Mr.  Ross  continued  to  represent  the  state  of  Pennsylvania 
in  the  national  legislature,  until  January,  1777,  when,  on  ac 
count  of  indisposition,  he  was  obliged  to  retire.  During  his 
congressional  career,  his  conduct  met  the  warmest  approba 
tion  of  his  constituents.  He  was  a  statesman  of  enlarged 
views,  and  under  the  influence  of  a  general  patriotism,  he 
cheerfully  sacrificed  his  private  interests  for  the  public  good. 
The  high  sense  entertained  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  county  of 
Lancaster,  of  his  zeal  for  the  good  of  his  country,  and  of  his 


GEORGE   ROSS.  311 

constituents  in  particular,  was  expressed  in  the  following  re 
solution  :  "Resolved,  that  the  sum  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
pounds,  out  of  the  county  stock,  be  forthwith  transmitted  to 
George  Ross,  one  of  the  members  of  assembly  for  this  county, 
and  one  of  the  delegates  for  this  colony  in  the  continental 
congress  ;  and  that  he  be  requested  to  accept  the  same,  as  a 
testimony  from  this  county,  of  their  sense  of  his  attendance  on 
the  public  business,  to  his  great  private  loss,  and  of  their  appro 
bation  of  his  conduct.  Resolved,  that  if  it  be  more  agreeable, 
Mr.  Ross  purchase  with  part  of  the  said  money,  a  genteel  piece 
of  plate,  ornamented  as  he  thinks  proper,  to  remain  with  him, 
as  a  testimony  of  the  esteem  this  county  has  for  him,  by  reason 
of  his  patriotic  conduct,  in  the  great  struggle  of  American  li 
berty."  Such  a  testimony  of  respect  and  affection,  on  the 
part  of  his  constituents,  must  have  been  not  a  little  gratifying 
to  the  feelings  of  Mr.  Ross.  He  felt  it  his  duty,  however,  to 
decline  accepting  the  present,  offering  as  an  apology  for  so  do 
ing,  that  he  considered  it  as  the  duty  of  every  man,  and  espe 
cially  of  every  representative  of  the  people,  to  contribute,  by 
every  means  within  his  power,  to  the  welfare  of  his  country, 
without  expecting  pecuniary  rewards. 

The  attendance  of  Mr.  Ross  in  congress,  did  not  prevent 
him  from  meeting  with  the  provincial  legislature.  Of  this 
latter  body,  he  was  an  active,  energetic,  and  influential  mem 
ber.  In  the  summer  of  1775,  it  was  found  by  the  general  as 
sembly,  that  the  circumstances  of  the  state  required  the  adop 
tion  of  some  decisive  measures,  especially  in  respect  to  put 
ting  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  and  the  province,  in  a  state  of 
defence.  A  committee  was  accordingly  appointed,  of  which 
Air.  Ross  was  one,  to  report  what  measures  were  expedient 
In  a  few  days  that  committee  did  report,  recommending  tr 
the  people  to  associate  for  the  protection  of  their  lives,  and 
liberty,  and  property,  and  urging  upon  the  several  counties  o 
the  province  the  importance  of  collecting  stores  of  ammuni 
tion  and  arms.  A  resolution  was  also  offered,  providing  for 
the  payment  of  all  such  associations  as  should  be  called  out  to 
repel  any  attacks  made  by  the  British  troops.  To  carry 
these  plans  into  effect,  a  general  committee  of  public  safety 


312  PENNSYLVANIA    DELEGATION. 

was  appointed,  and  clothed  with  the  necessary  authority.  To 
this  committee  Mr.  Ross  was  attached,  and  was  one  of  its  most 
active  and  efficient  members.  He  also  belonged  to  another 
important  committee,  viz.  that  of  grievances. 

On  the  dissolution  of  the  proprietary  government  in  Penn 
sylvania,  a  general  convention  was  assembled,  in  which  Mr. 
Ross  represented  the  county  of  Lancaster.  Here,  again,  he 
was  called  to  the  discharge  of  most  important  duties,  being 
appointed  to  assist  in  preparing  a  declaration  of  rights  on  be 
half  of  the  state,  for  forming  rules  of  order  for  the  convention, 
and  for  defining  and  settling  what  should  be  considered  high 
treason  and  misprision  of  treason  against  the  state,  and  the 
punishment  which  should  be  inflicted  for  those  offences. 

In  the  year  1779,  Mr.  Ross  was  appointed  a  judge  of  the 
court  of  admiralty  for  the  state  of  Pennsylvania.  This  was 
on  the  14th  of  April.  He  was  permitted  to  enjoy,  however, 
the  honourable  station  which  he  now  filled  but  a  short  time. 
In  the  month  of  July  following,  he  was  suddenly  and  violently 
attacked  by  the  gout,  which  terminated  his  useful  life,  in  the 
fiftieth  year  of  his  age. 

In  respect  to  the  character  of  Judge  Ross,  we  have  little  to 
add  to  the  preceding  account.  As  a  lawyer,  even  before  the 
revolution,  he  was  among  the  first  of  his  profession,  a  rank 
which  he  continued  to  hold,  while  he  practised  at  the  bar. 
As  a  politician,  he  was  zealous,  patriotic,  and  consistent.  As 
a  judge,  he  was  learned  and  upright,  and  uncommonly  skilful 
in  the  despatch  of  business.  He  comprehended  with  ease 
causes  of  the  greatest  intricacy,  and  formed  his  decisions, 
which  often  displayed  much  legal  knowledge,  with  great 
promptness.  It  is  to  be  added  to  his  honour,  that  while  he 
was  thus  distinguished  abroad,  he  was  characterized  in  the 
fulfilment  of  his  domestic  duties,  by  an  uncommonly  kind  and 
affectionate  disposition. 


THE 


DELAWARE   DELEGATION. 


CAESAR  RODNEY, 
GEORGE  READ, 
THOMAS  M'KEAN. 


CAESAR  RODNEY. 

C.ESAR  RODNEY,  the  first  of  the  delegation  from  Dela 
ware,  was  a  native  of  that  state,  and  was  born  about  the 
year  1730.  His  birth-place  was  Dover.  The  family,  from 
which  he  was  descended,  was  of  ancient  date,  and  is  honour 
bly  spoken  of  in  the  history  of  early  times.  We  read  of 
Sir  Walter  De  Rodeney,  of  Sir  George  De  Rodeney,  and 
Sir  Henry  De  Rodeney,  with  several  others  of  the  same 
lame,  even  earlier  than  the  year  1234.  Sir  Richard  De  Ro 
deney  accompanied  the  gallant  Richard  Cceur  de  Lion  in  his 
crusade  to  the  Holy  Land,  where  he  fell,  while  fighting  at 
the  seige  of  Acre. 

In  subsequent  years,  the  wealth  and  power  of  the  family 
continued  to  be  great.  Intermarriages  took  place  between 
Kome  of  the  members  of  it,  and  several  illustrious  and  noble 
families  of  England.  During  the  civil  wars,  about  the  time 
of  the  commonwealth,  the  family  became  considerably  re 
iluced,  and  its  members  were  obliged  to  seek  their  fortunes 
in  new  employments,  and  in  distant  countries.  Soon  after 
the  settlement  of  Pennsylvania  by  William  Penn,  William 
Rodney,  one  of  the  descendants  of  this  illustrious  family 
2S  27 


314  DELAWARE    DELEGATION. 

removed  to  that  province  and  after  a  short  residence  in  Phi 
ladelphia,  settled  in  Kent,  a  county  upon  the  Delaware. 
This  gentleman  died  in  the  year  1708,  leaving  a  considerable 
fortune,  and  eight  children,  the  eldest  of  whom  is  the  subject 
of  the  following  sketch.  Mr.  Rodney  inherited  from  his 
father  a  large  landed  estate,  which  was  entailed  upon  him, 
according  to  the  usages  of  distinguished  families  at  that  day. 
At  the  early  age  of  twenty-eight  years,  such  was  his  popu 
larity,  he  was  appointed  high  sheriff  in  the  county  in  which 
he  resided,  and  on  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  service,  hi 
was  created  a  justice  of  the  peace,  and  a  judge  of  the  lowei 
courts.  In  1762,  and  perhaps  at  a  still  earlier  date,  he  repre 
sented  the  county  of  Kent  in  the  provincial  legislature. 
In  this  station  he  entered  with  great  zeal  and  activity  into 
the  prominent  measures  of  the  day.  In  the  year  1765,  th° 
first  general  congress  was  assembled,  as  is  well  known,  •* 
New-York,  to  consult  upon  the  measures  which  were  neces 
sary  to  be  adopted  in  consequence  of  the  stamp  act,  and 
other  oppressive  acts  of  the  British  government.  To  this 
congress,  Mr.  Rodney,  Mr.  M'Kean,  and  Mr.  Kollock,  were 
unanimously  appointed  by  the  provincial  assembly  of  Dela 
ware  to  represent  that  province.  On  their  return  from  New- 
York,  they  reported  to  the  assembly  their  proceedings, 
under  the  instructions  which  they  had  received.  For  the 
faithful  and  judicious  discharge  of  the  trust  reposed  in  them, 
the  assembly  unanimously  tendered  them  their  thanks,  and 
voted  them  a  liberal  compensation. 

The  tumults  caused  m  America  by  the  stamp  act,  we  have 
had  frequent  occasion  to  notice,  as  well  as  the  joy  consequent 
upon  the  repeal  of  that  odious  measure.  In  this  universal 
joy,  the  inhabitants  of  Delaware  largely  participated.  On 
the  meeting  of  their  legislature,  Mr.  Rodney,  Mr.  M'Kean, 
and  Mr.  Read,  were  appointed  to  express  their  thanks  to  the 
king,  for  his  kindness  in  relieving  them,  in  common  with 
their  country,  from  a  burden  which  they  had  considered 
as  exceedingly  oppressive.  In  the  address  which  was  report 
ed  by  the  above  committee,  and  forwarded,  by  direction 
of  the  assembly,  to  England,  we  find  the  following  language- 


C^JSAR    RODNEY.  315 

(*  We  cannot  help  glorying  in  being  the  subjects  of  a  king, 
that  has  made  $he  preservation  of  the  civil  and  religious 
Bights  of  his  people,  and  the  established  constitution,  the 
foundation  and  constant  rule  of  his  government,  and  the 
safety,  ease,  and  prosperity  of  his  people,  his  chiefest  care ; 
of  a  king,  whose  mild  and  equal  administration  is  sensibly 
felt  and  enjoyed  in  the  remotest  parts  of  his  dominion. 
The  clouds  which  lately  hung  over  America  are  dissipated. 
Our  complaints  have  been  heard,  and  our  grievances  re- 
Iressed ;  tra.de  and  commerce  again  flourish.  Our  hearts 
ire  animated  with  the  warmest  wishes  for  the  prosperity  of 
the  mother  country,  for  which  our  affection  is  unbound 
ed,  and  your  faithful  subjects  here  are  transported  with  joy 
and  gratitude.  Such  are  the  blessings  we  may  justly  expect 
will  ever  attend  the  measures  of  your  majesty,  pursuing 
steadily  the  united  and  true  interests  of  all  your  people, 
throughout  your  wide  extended  empire,  assisted  with  the  advice 
and  support  of  a  British  parliament,  and  a  virtuous  and  wise 
ministry.  We  most  humbly  beseech  your  majesty,  graciously 
to  accept  the  strongest  assurances,  that  having  the  justest 
sense  of  the  many  favours  we  have  received  from  your  royal 
benevolence,  during  the  course  of  your  majesty's  reign,  and 
now  much  our  present  happiness  is  owing  to  your  paternal 
love  and  care  for  your  people ;  we  will  at  all  times  most 
cheerfully  contribute  to  your  majesty's  service,  to  the  utmost 
of  our  abilities,  when  your  royal  requisitions,  as  heretofore, 
shall  be  made  known  ;  that  your  majesty  will  always  find 
euch  returns  of  duty  and  gratitude  from  us,  as  the  best  of 
kings  may  expect  from  the  most  loyal  subjects,  and  that  you 
will  demonstrate  to  all  the  world,  that  the  support  of  your 
majesty's  government,  and  the  honour  and  interests  of  the 
British  nation,  are  our  chief  care  and  concern,  desiring  no 
thing  more  than  the  continuance  of  our  wise  and  excellent 
constitution,  in  the  same  happy,  firm,  and  envied  situation, 
in  which  it  was  delivered  down  to  us  from  our  ancestors,  and 
your  majesty's  predecessors." 

This  address,  according  to  the  agent  who  presented  it,  was 


316  DELAWARE    DELEGATION. 

kindly  received  by  his  majesty,  who  expressed  his  pleasure 
by  reading  it  over  twice. 

Unfortunately  for  the  British  government,  but  perhaps 
fortunately  in  the  issue  for  the  America  colonies,  the  repeal 
of  the  stamp  act  was  followed  by  other  oppressive  measures, 
which  caused  a  renewal  of  the  former  excitement  in  the 
American  colonies,  and  led  to  that  revolution,  which  deprived 
Great  Britain  of  one  of  her  fairest  possessions.  The  inha 
bitants  of  Delaware  were  for  a  long  time  anxious  for  a  re 
conciliation  between  the  mother  country  and  the  American 
colonies  ;  still  they  understood  too  well  their  unalienable 
rights,  and  had  too  high  a  regard  for  them,  tamely  to  relin 
quish  them.  In  a  subsequent  address,  prepared  by  the  same 
gentlemen  who  had  drafted  the  former,  they  renewed  their 
protestations  of  loyalty ;  but  at  the  same  time  took  the 
liberty  of  remonstrating  against  the  proceedings  of  the  Bri 
tish  parliament : 

"  If  our  fellow-subjects  of  Great  Britain,  who  derive  no 
authority  from  us,  who  cannot  in  our  humble  opinion  repre 
sent  us,  and  to  whom  we  will  not  yield  in  loyalty  and  affec 
tion  to  your  majesty,  can  at  their  will  and  pleasure,  of  right, 
give  and  grant  away  our  property  ;  if  they  enforce  an  impli 
cit  obedience  to  every  order  or  act  of  theirs  for  that  purpose, 
and  deprive  all,  or  any  of  the  assemblies  on  this  continent, 
of  the  power  of  legislation,  for  differing  with  them  in  opinion 
in  matters  which  intimately  affect  their  rights  and  interests, 
and  every  thing  that  is  dear  and  valuable  to  Englishmen,  we 
cannot  imagine  a  case  more  miserable  ;  we  cannot  think  that 
we  shall  have  even  the  shadow  of  liberty  left.  We  conceive 
it  to  be  an  inherent  right  in  your  majesty's  subjects,  derived 
to  them  from  God  and  nature,  handed  down  from  their  ances 
tors,  and  confirmed  by  your  royal  predecessors  and  the  con 
stitution,  in  person,  or  by  their  representatives,  to  give  and 
grant  to  their  sovereigns  those  things  which  their  own  la 
bours  and  their  own  cares  have  acquired  and  saved,  and  in 
such  proportions  and  at  such  times,  as  the  national  honour 
and  interest  may  require.  Your  majesty's  faithful  subjects 
of  this  government  have  enjoyed  this  inestimable  privilege 


CAESAR  RODNEY.  317 

uninterrupted  from  its  first  existence,  till  of  late.  They 
have  at  all  times  cheerfully  contributed  to  the  utmost  of  their 
abilities  for  your  majesty's  service,  as  often  as  your  royal 
requisitions  were  made  known  ;  and  they  cannot  now,  but 
with  the  greatest  uneasiness  and  distress  of  mind,  part  with 
the  power  of  demonstrating  their  loyalty  and  affection  to 
their  beloved  king." 

About  this  time,  Mr.  Rodney,  in  consequence  of  ill  health, 
was  obliged  to  relinquish  his  public  duties,  and  seek  medical 
advice  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  A  cancerous  affection  had 
some  time  previously  made  its  appearance  on  his  nose,  and 
was  fast  spreading  itself  over  one  side  of  his  face.  Fortunate 
ly,  the  skill  of  the  physicians  of  Philadelphia  afforded  him 
considerable  relief,  and  deterred  him  from  making  a  voyage 
to  England  to  seek  professional  advice  in  that  country.  In 
1769,  Mr.  Rodney  was  elected  speaker  of  the  house  of  repre 
sentatives,  an  office  which  he  continued  to  fill  for  several 
years.  About  the  same  time  he  was  appointed  chairman  of 
the  committee  of  correspondence  with  the  other  colonies.  In 
the  discharge  of  the  duties  of  this  latter  office,  he  communi 
cated  with  gentlemen  of  great  influence  in  all  parts  of  the 
country,  and  by  the  intelligence  which  he  received  from  them, 
and  which  he  communicated  to  his  constituents,  contributed 
to  that  union  of  sentiment  which,  at  length,  enabled  the  colo 
nies  to  achieve  their  independence. 

Among  the  persons  which  composed  the  well  known  con 
gress  of  1774,  Mr.  Rodney  was  one,  having  for  his  colleagues 
the  gentlemen  already  named,  viz.  Thomas  M'Kean  and 
George  Read.  The  instructions  given  to  this  delegation  re 
quired  them  to  consult  and  determine  upon  such  measures  as 
might  appear  most  wise  for  the  colonies  to  adopt,  in  order  to 
obtain  relief  from  the  sufferings  they  were  experiencing.  On 
the  meeting  of  this  congress,  on  the  fifth  of  September,  in 
the  year  already  named,  Mr.  Rodney  appeared  and  took  his 
seat.  He  was  soon  after  appointed  on  several  important 
committees,  in  the  discharge  of  which  he  exhibited  great 
fidelity,  and  as  a  reward -for  his  services  he  received  the 
thanks  of  the  provincial  assembly,  together  with  a  re-appoint- 
27* 


318  DELAWARE    DELEGATION. 

ment  to  the  same  high  station  in  the  following  year.  He 
was  also  appointed  to  the  office  of  brigadier  general  in  the 
province. 

At  the  time  that  the  important  question  of  independence 
came  before  congress,  Mr.  Rodney  was  absent  on  a  tour  into 
the  southern  part  of  Delaware,  having  for  his  object  to  quiet 
the  discontent  which  prevailed  in  that  section  of  the  country, 
and  to  prepare  the  minds  of  the  people  to  a  change  of  their 
government.  On  the  question  of  independence,  his  col 
leagues,  Mr.  M'Kean  and  Mr.  Read,  who  were  at  this  time 
in  attendance  upon  congress,  in  Philadelphia,  were  divided. 
Aware  of  the  importance  of  an  unanimous  vote  of  the  states 
in  favour  of  a  declaration  of  independence,  and  acquainted 
with  the  views  of  Mr.  Rodney,  Mr.  M'Kean  dispatched  a 
special  messenger  to  summon  him  to  be  present  in  his  seat 
on  the  occurrence  of  the  trying  question.  With  great  effort, 
Mr.  Rodney  reached  Philadelphia  just  in  time  to  give  his 
vote,  and  thus  to  secure  an  entire  unanimity  in  that  act  of 
treason.  In  the  autumn  of  1770,  a  convention  was  called  in 
Delaware,  for  the  purpose  of  framing  a  new  constitution,  and 
of  appointing  delegates  to  the  succeeding  congress.  In  this 
convention  there  was  a  majority  opposed  to  Mr.  Rodney, 
who  was  removed  from  congress,  and  another  appointed  in 
his  stead.  Such  ingratitude  on  the  part  of  a  people  was  not 
common  during  the  revolutionary  struggle.  In  the  present 
instance,  the  removal  of  this  gentleman  was  principally  at 
tributable  to  the  friends  of  the  royal  government,  who  were 
quite  numerous,  especially  in  the  lower  counties,  and  who 
contrived  to  enlist  the  prejudices  of  some  true  republicans  in 
accomplishing  their  object. 

Although  thus  removed  from  congress,  Mr.  Rodney  still 
continued  a  member  of  the  council  of  safety,  and  of  the  com 
mittee  of  inspection,  in  both  of  which  offices  he  employed 
himself  with  great  diligence,  especially  in  collecting  supplies 
for  the  troops  of  the  state,  which  were  at  that  time  with 
Washington,  in  the  state  of  New-Jersey.  In  1777,  he  re 
paired  in  person  to  the  camp  near  Princeton,  where  he  re- 


CJESAR  RODNEY.  319 

mained  for  nearly  two  months,  in  the  most  active  and  labori 
ous  services. 

In  the  autumn  of  this  year.  Mr.  Rodney  was  again  appoint 
ed  as  a  delegate  from  Delaware  to  congress,  but  before  taking 
his  seat  he  was  elected  president  of  the  state.  This  was  an 
office  of  great  responsibility,  demanding  energy  and  prompt 
ness,  especially  as  the  legislature  of  the  state  was  tardy  in 
its  movements,  and  the  loyalists  were  not  unfrequently  ex 
citing  troublesome  insurrections.  Mr.  Rodney  continued 
in  the  office  of  president  of  the  state  for  about  four  years. 
During  this  period,  he  had  frequent  communications  from 
Washington,  in  relation  to  the  distressed  condition  of  the 
army.  In  every  emergency,  he  was  ready  to  assist  to  the 
extent  of  his  power  ;  and  by  the  influence  which  he  exerted, 
and  by  the  energy  which  he  manifested,  he  succeeded  in  af 
fording  the  most  prompt  and  efficient  aid.  The  honourable 
course  which  he  pursued,  his  firm  and  yet  liberal  conduct,  in 
circumstances  the  most  difficult  and  trying,  greatly  endeared 
him  to  the  people  of  Delaware,  who  universally  expressed 
their  regret  when,  in  the  year  1782,  he  felt  himself  obliged, 
on  account  of  the  arduous  nature  of  his  duties,  and  the  deli 
cate  state  of  his  health,  to  decline  a  re-election. 

Shortly  after  retiring  from  the  presidency,  he  was  elected 
to  congress,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  he  ever  after  took 
his  seat  in  that  body.  The  cancer  which  had  for  years  af 
flicted  him,  and  which  for  a  long  time  previously  had  so 
spread  over  his  face  as  to  oblige  him  to  wear  a  green  silk 
screen  to  conceal  its  ill  appearance,  now  increased  its  ra 
vages,  and  in  the  early  part  of  the  year  1783,  brought  him  to 
the  grave. 

It  would  be  unnecessary,  were  it  in  our  power,  to  add  any 
thing  further  on  the  character  of  Mr.  Rodney.  He  was,  as 
our  biographical  notice  clearly  indicates,  a  man  of  great  in 
tegrity,  and  of  pure  patriotic  feeling.  He  delighted,  when 
necessary,  to  sacrifice  his  private  interests  for  the  public 
good.  He  was  remarkably  distinguished  for  a  degree  of 
good  humour  and  vivacity ;  and  in  generosity  of  character 
was  an  ornament  to  human  nature. 


320  DELAWARE    DELEGATION. 


GEORGE   READ. 

GEORGE  READ  was  a  native  of  the  province  of  Maryland, 
where  he  was  born  in  the  year  1734.  His  grandfather  was 
an  Irishman,  who  resided  in  the  city  of  Dublin,  and  was  pos 
sessed  of  a  considerable  fortune.  His  son,  John  Read,  the 
father  of  the  subject  of  the  present  memoir,  having  emigrated 
to  America,  took  up  his  residence  in  Cecil  county,  where  he 
pursued  the  occupation  of  a  planter.  Not  long  after  the 
birth  of  his  eldest  son,  he  removed  with  his  family  into  the 
province  of  Delaware,  and  settled  in  the  county  of  Newcas 
tle.  Mr.  Read  designing  his  son  for  one  of  the  learned  pro 
fessions,  placed  him  in  a  seminary  at  Chester,  in  the  province 
of  Pennsylvania.  Having  there  acquired  the  rudiments  of 
the  learned  languages,  he  was  transferred  to  the  care  of  that 
learned  and  accomplished  scholar,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Allison,  a 
gentleman  eminently  qualified  to  superintend  the  education 
of  young  men.  With  this  gentleman  young  Mr.  Read  con 
tinued  his  studies  until  his  seventeenth  year,  when  he  enter 
ed  the  office  of  John  Moland,  Esq.  a  distinguished  lawyer  in 
the  city  of  Philadelphia,  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  a  know 
ledge  of  the  legal  profession.  The  intense  application,  arid 
the  sober  habits  of  Mr.  Read,  were  at  this  time  highly  ho 
nourable  to  him.  While  yet  a  student,  he  gave  promise  of 
future  eminence  in  his  profession.  Mr.  Moland  reposed  so 
great  confidence  in  his  abilities,  that  even  before  he  had  fin 
ished  his  preparatory  studies,  he  entrusted  to  him  a  consider 
able  share  of  his  attorney  business. 

In  1753,  at  the  early  age  of  nineteen  years,  Mr.  Read  was 
admitted  to  the  bar.  On  this  event  he  performed  an  act  of 
singular  generosity  in  favour  of  the  other  children  of  the 
family.  As  the  eldest  son,  he  was  entitled,  by  the  existing 
laws,  to  two  shares  of  his  father's  estate,  but  he  relinquished 
all  his  rights  in  favour  of  his  brothers,  assigning  as  a  reason 
for  this  act,  his  belief  that  he  had  received  his  proper  portion 
in  the  education  which  had  been  given  him. 

In  the  following  year,  he  commenced  the  practice  of  law, 


GEORGE    READ.  321 

in  the  town  of  Newcastle,  and  although  surrounded  by  gen 
tlemen  of  high  attainments  in  the  profession,  he  soon  ac 
quired  the  confidence  of  the  public,  and  obtained  a  respect 
able  share  of  business.  In  1763,  he  was  appointed  to  suc 
ceed  John  Ross,  as  attorney  general  of  the  three  lower 
counties  on  the  Delaware.  This  office,  Mr.  Read  held  until 
the  year  1775,  when,  on  being  elected  to  congress,  he  re 
signed  it. 

During  the  same  year,  Mr.  Read  was  connected  by  mar 
riage  with  a  daughter  of  the  Rev.  John  Ross,  a  clergyman, 
who  had  long  presided  over  an  episcopal  church,  in  the  town 
of  Newcastle.  The  character  of  Mrs.  Read  was  in  every 
respect  excellent.  She  possessed  a  vigorous  understanding. 
In  her  person  she  was  beautiful,  and  to  elegant  manners  was 
added  a  deep  and  consistent  piety.  She  was  also  imbued 
with  the  spirit  of  a  pure  patriotism.  During  the  revolutionary 
war,  she  was  often  called  to  suffer  many  privations,  and  was 
frequently  exposed  with  her  infant  family  to  imminent  danger, 
by  reason  of  the  predatory  incursions  of  the  British.  Yet,  in 
the  darkest  hour,  and  amidst  the  most  appalling  danger,  her 
fortitude  was  unshaken,  and  her  courage  undaunted. 

In  the  year  1765,  Mr.  Read  was  elected  a  representative 
from  Newcastle  county  to  the  general  assembly  of  Delaware, 
a  post  -which  he  occupied  for  twelve  years.  In  this  station, 
and  indeed  through  his  whole  political  course,  he  appears  to 
have  been  actuated  neither  by  motives  of  self-interest  nor 
fear.  By  an  adherence  to  the  royal  cause,  he  had  reason  to 
anticipate  office,  honour,  and  wealth.  But  his  patriotism  and 
integrity  were  of  too  pure  a  character  to  be  influenced  by 
worldly  preferment,  or  pecuniary  reward.  The  question 
with  him  was,  not  what  a  worldly  policy  might  dictate,  but 
what  reason  and  justice  and  religion  would  approve. 

On  the  first  of  August,  1774,  Mr.  Read  was  chosen  a  mem 
ber  of  the  continental  congress,  in  connexion  with  Cresar 
Rodney,  and  Thomas  M'Kean.  To  this  station  he  was  an 
nually  re-elected,  during  the  whole  revolutionary  war,  and 
was  indeed  present  in  the  national  assembly,  except  for  a  few 
short  intervals,  during  the  whole  of  that  period. 
2T 


322  DELAWARE    DELEGATION. 

It  has  already  been  noticed,  that  when  the  great  question 
of  independence  came  before  congress,  Mr.  Read  was  op 
posed  to  the  measure,  and  ultimately  gave  his  vote  against 
it.  This  he  did  from  a  sense  of  duty :  not  that  he  was 
unfriendly  to  the  liberties  of  his  country?  or  was  actuated  by 
motives  of  selfishness  or  cowardice.  But  he  deemed  the 
agitation  of  the  question,  at  the  time,  premature  and  inex 
pedient.  In  these  sentiments,  Mr.  Read  was  not  alone.  Many 
gentlemen  in  the  colonies,  characterized  for  great  wisdom, 
and  a  decided  patriotism,  deemed  the  measure  impolitic,  and 
would  have  voted,  had  they  been  in  congress,  as  he  did.  The 
idle  bodings  of  these,  fortunately,  were  never  realised.  They 
proved  to  be  false  prophets,  but  they  were  as  genuine 
patriots  as  others.  Nor  were  they,  like  some  in  similar  cir 
cumstances,  dissatisfied  with  results,  differing  from  those 
which  they  had  predicted.  On  the  contrary,  they  rejoiced 
to  find  their  anticipations  were  groundless.  When,  at  length, 
the  measure  had  received  the  sanction  of  the  great  national 
council,  and  the  time  arrived  for  signing  the  instrument,  Mr. 
Read  affixed  his  signature  to  it,  with  all  the  cordiality  of 
those  who  had  voted  in  favour  of  the  declaration  itself. 

In  the  following  September,  Mr.  Read  was  elected  presi 
dent  of  the  convention  which  formed  the  first  constitution 
of  the  state  of  Delaware.  On  the  completion  of  this,  he 
was  offered  the  executive  chair,  but  chose  at  that  time  to  de 
cline  the  honour.  In  1777,  the  governor,  Mr.  M'Kinley, 
was  captured  by  a  detachment  of  British  troops,  when  Mr. 
M'Kean  was  called  to  take  his  place  in  this  responsible  office, 
the  duties  of  which  he  continued  to  discharge,  until  the  release 
of  the  former  gentleman. 

In  1779,  ill  health  required  him  to  retire  for  a  season  from 
public  employment.  In  1782,  however,  he  accepted  the  ap 
pointment  of  judge  of  the  court  of  appeals  in  admiralty  cases, 
an  office  in  which  he  continued  till  the  abolition  of  the  court. 

In  1787,  he  represented  the  state  of  Delaware  in  the  con 
vention  which  framed  the  constitution  of  the  United  States, 
under  which  he  was  immediately  elected  a  member  of  the 
Senate.  The  duties  of  this  exalted  station  he  discharged  till 


THOMAS    M*KEAN.  323 

1793,  when  he  accepted  of  a  seat  on  the  bench  of  the  su 
preme  court  of  the  state  of  Delaware,  as  chief  justice.  In 
this  station  he  continued  till  the  autumn  of  1798,  when  he 
was  suddenly  summoned  to  another  world. 

In  all  the  offices  with  which  Mr.  Read  was  entrusted  by 
his  fellow  citizens,  he  appeared  with  distinguished  ability ; 
but  it  was  as  a  judge  that  he  stood  pre-eminent.  For  this 
station  he  was  peculiarly  fitted,  not  only  by  his  unusual  legal 
attainments,  but  by  his  singular  patience  in  hearing  all  that 
council  might  deem  important  to  bring  forward,  and  by  a 
cool  and  dispassionate  deliberation  of  every  circumstance 
which  could  bear  upon  the  point  in  question.  To  this  day 
his  decisions  are  much  respected  in  Delaware,  and  are  often 
recurred  to,  as  precedents  of  no  doubtful  authority. 

In  private  life,  the  character  of  Mr.  Read  was  not  less 
estimable  and  respectable.  He  was  consistent  in  all  the  rela 
tions  of  life,  strict  in  the  observance  of  his  moral  duties, 
and  characterized  by  an  expanded  benevolence  towards  all 

arnnnrl  him. 


THOMAS  M'KEAN. 

THOMAS  M'KEAN  was  the  second  son  of  William  M'Kean, 
a  native  of  Ireland,  who  sometime  after  his  emigration  to 
America,  was  married  to  an  Irish  lady,  with  whom  he  settled 
in  the  township  of  New-London,  county  of  Chester,  and  the 
province  of  Pennsylvania,  where  Thomas  was  born,  on  the 
nineteenth  of  March,  1734. 

At  the  age  of  nine  years,  he  was  placed  under  the  care  of 
the  learned  Dr.  Allison,  who  was  himself  from  Ireland,  and 
of  whose  celebrated  institution  at  New-London,  we  have  al 
ready  had  occasion  to  speak,  in  terms  of  high  commendation. 
Besides  an  unusually  accurate  and  profound  acquaintance 
with  the  Latin  and  Greek  classics,  Dr.  Allison  was  well  in 


324  DELAWARE  DELEGATION. 

formed  in  moral  philosophy,  history,  and  general  literature. 
To  his  zeal  for  the  diffusion  of  knowledge,  Pennsylvania 
owes  much  of  that  taste  for  solid  learning  and  classical  litera 
ture,  for  which  many  of  her  principal  characters  have  been 
so  distinguished. 

Under  the  instructions  of  this  distinguished  scholar,  young 
M'Kean  made  rapid  advances  in  a  knowledge  of  the  lan 
guages,  rhetoric,  logic,  and  moral  philosophy.  After  finishing 
the  regular  course  of  studies,  he  was  entered  as  a  student  at 
law,  in  the  office  of  David  Finney,  a  gentleman  who  was  re 
lated  to  him,  and  who  resided  in  Newcastle,  in  Delaware. 
Before  he  had  attained  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  he  com 
menced  the  practice  of  law,  in  the  courts  of  common  pleas  for 
the  counties  of  Newcastle,  Kent,  and  Sussex,  and  also  in  the 
supreme  court.  His  industry  and  talents  soon  became  known, 
and  secured  to  him  a  respectable  share  of  business.  In  1756, 
he  was  admitted  to  practice  in  the  courts  of  the  city  and 
county  of  Philadelphia.  In  the  following  year  he  was  ad 
mitted  to  the  bar  of  the  supreme  court  in  Pennsylvania.  In 
the  same  year  the  house  of  assembly  elected  him  as  their 
clerk,  and  in  the  following  year  he  was  re-appointed  to  the 
same  station. 

Mr.  M'Kean  was  as  yet  a  young  man,  but  at  this  early 
age,  he  occupied  an  enviable  rank  among  men  of  maturer 
years.  He  had  held  several  offices  of  distinction,  and  by  his 
industry  and  assiduity,  his  judgment  and  ability,  he  gave  pro 
mise  of  his  future  eminence. 

The  political  career  of  Mr.  M'Kean  commenced  in  the  year 
1762,  at  which  time  he  was  returned  a  member  of  the  assem 
bly  from  the  county  of  Newcastle,  which  county  he  continued 
to  represent  in  that  capacity  for  several  successive  years,  al 
though  the  last  six  years  of  that  period  he  spent  in  Philadel 
phia.  In  1779,  Mr.  M'Kean  appeared  at  Newcastle  on  the 
day  of  the  general  election  in  Delaware,  and  after  a  long  and 
eloquent  speech  addressed  to  his  constituents,  he  requested 
the  privilege  of  being  considered  no  longer  one  of  their  can 
didates  for  the  state  legislature.  Most  unexpectedly  he  was 
now  placed  in  a  peculiarly  delicate  situation.  His  constitu- 


THOMAS  M'KEAN.  325 

ents,  although  unwilling  to  dispense  with  his  services  in  the 
assembly,  consented  to  comply  with  his  wishes  ;  but  at  the 
same  time  requested  him  to  nominate  certain  gentlemen, 
whom  they  should  consider  as  candidates  for  the  next  general 
assembly.  This  was  conferring  on  Mr.  M'Kean  an  honour 
which  must  have  been  highly  nattering.  It  was  a  mark  of 
confidence  in  his  judgment,  without  a  parallel  within  our 
recollection.  To  a  compliance  with  this  request,  Mr.  M'Kean 
delicately  gave  his  refusal  ;  but,  it  being  repeated,  he  deliver 
ed,  with  much  reluctance,  to  the  committee  who  waited  upon 
him,  the  names  of  seven  gentlemen,  who  were  all  elected  with 
great  unanimity. 

We  have  had  frequent  occasion,  in  these  biographical  no 
tices,  to  speak  of  the  congress  which  assembled  in  New-York 
in  1765,  usually  called  the  stamp  act  congress,  its  object  being 
to  obtain  relief  of  the  British  government  from  the  grievances 
generally  under  which  the  colonies  were  suffering,  and  of  the 
stamp  act  in  particular.  Of  that  illustrious  body  Mr.  M'Kean 
was  a  member,  from  the  counties  of  Newcastle,  Kent,  and 
Sussex,  on  the  Delaware.  Of  the  proceedings  of  this  first 
American  congress,  little  has  been  known,  or  can  probably 
be  collected,  except  from  their  general  declaration  of  rights, 
and  their  address  to  the  king,  and  petitions  to  parliament. 
Yet  it  i&  known,  that  in  that  congress,  there  were  some  who 
were  distinguished  for  great  energy  and  boldness  of  character. 
Among  those  of  this  description  was  James  Otis  of  Boston, 
who,  as  Caesar  Rodney  afterwards  said,  "  displayed  that  light 
and  knowledge  of  the  interest  of  America,  which,  shining  like 
a  sun,  lit  up  those  stars  which  shone  on  this  subject  after 
wards."  In  original  firmness  and  energy,  Mr.  M'Kean  was 
probably  not  greatly  inferior  to  Mr.  Otis.  His  independent 
conduct,  on  the  last  day  of  the  session  of  the  above  congress, 
reflects  the  highest  honour  upon  him,  and  deserves  a  special 
notice  in  every  history  of  his  life. 

A  few  of  the  members  of  this  body  appeared  not  only  timid, 
but  were  suspected  of  hostility  to  the  measures  which  had 
been  adopted.  Among  these,  was  Timothy  Ruggles,  a  repre 
sentative  from  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  who  had  been 

28 


326  DELAWARE    DELEGATION. 

elected  president  of  the  congress  in  preference  to  James  Otis, 
by  only  a  single  vote.  In  conclusion  of  the  business,  and 
when  the  members  were  called  upon  to  sign  the  proceedings,, 
Mr.  Ruggles,  with  a  few  others,  refused  to  affix  their  signa 
tures. 

At  this  moment,  Mr.  M'Kean  rose,  and  with  great  dignity, 
but  with  deep  feeling,  addressing  himself  to  the  president, 
requested  him  to  assign  his  reasons,  for  refusing  to  sign  the 
petitions.  The  president  refused,  on  the  ground  that  he  was 
not  bound  in  duty  to  state  the  cause  of  his  objections.  So 
uncourteous  a  refusal,  especially  as  unanimity  and  harmony 
had  prevailed  during  the  session,  called  forth  a  rejoinder  from 
Mr.  M'Kean,  in  which  he  pressed  upon  the  president  the  im 
portance  of  an  explanation.  At  length,  after  a  considerable 
pause,  Mr.  Ruggles  observed,  that  it  was  "  against  his  con 
science."  "  Conscience!"  exclaimed  Mr.  M'Kean,  as  he  rose 
from  his  seat,  "  conscience  /"  and  he  rung  changes  on  the 
word  so  long  and  so  loud,  that  at  length  the  president,  in  a 
moment  of  irritation,  gave  Mr.  M'Kean,  in  the  presence  of 
the  whole  congress,  a  challenge  to  fight  him,  which  was  in 
stantly  accepted.  The  president,  however,  had  no  m-ore 
courage  to  fight  than  to  sign  the  proceedings  of  congress;  and 
the  next  morning  he  was  seen  wending  his  way  through  the 
streets  of  New-York,  towards  the  province  of  Massachusetts, 
the  legislature  of  which,  not  long  after,  ordered  him  to  be 
reprimanded. 

The  only  other  member  of  the  congress  of  1765,  who  re 
fused  to  sign  the  petitions,  was  Mr.  Robert  Ogden,  at  that 
time  speaker  of  the  house  of  assembly  of  New-Jersey.  This 
gentleman,  Mr.  M'Kean  strongly  solicited  in  private  to  adopt 
a  bold  and  manly  course,  by  affixing  his  signature  to  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  congress.  Arguments,  however,  were  in 
vain  ;  yet  he  was  reluctant  that  his  constituents  in  New-Jer 
sey  should  become  acquainted  with  his  refusal.  It  was, 
however,  communicated  to  them.  The  people  of  New-Jer 
sey,  justly  indignant  at  his  conduct,  burnt  his  effigy  in  several 
towns,  and  on  the  meeting  of  the  general  assembly,  he  was 
removed  from  the  office  of  speaker.  As  Mr.  M'Kean,  in  pass- 


THOMAS    M'KEAN.  327 

Ing;  through  New-Jersey,  had  without  hesitation,  when  asked, 
communicated  the  course  which  Mr.  Ogden  had  taken,  the 
latter  gentleman,  it  is  said,  threatened  him  with  a  challenge, 
which,  however,  ended  much  as  had  the  precipitate  challenge 
of  the  president  from  Massachusetts. 

We  must  necessarily  pass  over  several  years  of  the  life  of 
Mr.  M'Kean,  during  which  he  was  engaged  in  various  public 
employments.  A  short  time  before  the  meeting  of  the  con 
gress  of  1774,  Mr.  M*Kean  took  up  his  permanent  residence 
in  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  The  people  of  the  lower  coun 
ties  on  the  Delaware  were  anxious  that  he  should  represent 
them  in  that  body,  and  he  was  accordingly  elected  as  their 
delegate.  On  the  3d.of  September,  he  took  his  seat  in  that 
august  assemblage.  From  this  time,  until  the  1st  of  Febru 
ary,  1783,  he  continued  annually  to  be  elected  a  member  of 
the  great  national  council,  a  period  of  eight  years  and  a  half. 
This  was  the  only  instance,  it  is  said,  in  which  any  gentleman 
was  continued  a  member  of  congress,  from  1774,  to  the 
signing  of  the  preliminaries  of  peace  in  1783.  It  is  also 
worthy  of  notice,  that  at  the  same  time  he  represented  the 
state  of  Delaware  in  congress,  he  was  president  of  it  in  1781, 
and  from  July,  1777,  was  the  chief  justice  of  Pennsylvania. 
Such  an  instance  of  the  same  gentleman  being  claimed  as  a 
citizen  of  two  states,  and  holding  high  official  stations  in  both 
at  the  same  time,  is  believed  to  be  without  a  parallel  in  the 
history  of  our  country. 

As  a  member  of  congress,  Mr.  M'Kcan  was  distinguished 
for  his  comprehensive  views  of  the  subjects  which  occupied 
the  deliberation  of  that  body,  and  for  the  firmness  and  deci 
sion  which  marked  his  conduct  on  all  questions  of  great  na 
tional  importance.  On  the  12th  of  June,  1776,  he  was 
appointed,  in  connexion  with  several  others,  a  committee  to 
prepare  and  digest  the  form  of  a  confederation  between  the 
colonies.  This  committee  reported  a  draught  the  same  day ; 
but  it  was  not  finally  agreed  to  until  the  15th  of  November, 
1777,  nor  was  it  signed  by  a  majority  of  the  representatives 
of  the  respective  colonies,  until  the  9th  of  July,  1778.  Even 
at  this  latter  date,  New- Jersey,  Delaware,  and  Maryland,  had 


328  DELAWARE    DELEGATION. 

not  authorized  their  delegates  to  ratify  and  sign  the  instru 
ment.  But,  in  the  November  following,  New-Jersey  acceded 
to  the  confederation,  and  on  the  22d  of  February,  1779,  Mr. 
M'Kean  signed  it  in  behalf  of  Delaware.  Maryland  ratified 
the  act  of  union  in  March,  1781. 

On  the  great  question  of  a  declaration  of  independence. 
Mr.  M'Kean  was,  from  the  first,  decidedly  in  favour  of  the 
measure.  He  subscribed  his  name  to  the  original  intrument 
deposited  in  the  office  of  the  secretary  of  state,  but  it  was 
omitted  in  the  copy  published  in  the  journals  of  congress. 
This  omission  it  is  now  impossible  satisfactorily  to  explain 
The  following  letter  on  the  subject,  addressed  by  Mr. 
M'Kean  to  Mr.  Dallas  of  Pennsylvania,  on  the  20th  of  Sep 
tember,  1796,  will,  it  is  believed,  be  thought  a  valuable  docu 
ment  : 

"  Sir, 

"Your  favour  of  the  19th  instant,  respecting  the  Decla 
ration  of  Independence,  should  not  have  remained  so  long 
unanswered,  if  the  duties  of  my  office  of  chief  justice  had 
not  engrossed  my  whole  attention,  while  the  court  was 
sitting. 

"  For  several  years  past,  I  have  been  taught  to  think  less 
unfavourably  of  scepticism  than  formerly.  So  many  tilings 
have  been  misrepresented,  misstated,  and  erroneously  print 
ed,  (with  seeming  authenticity,)  under  my  o\vn  eye,  as  in 
my  opinion  to  render  those  who  doubt  of  every  thing,  not 
altogether  inexcusable  :  The  publication  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  on  the  4th  of  July,  1776,  as  printed  in  the 
second  volume  of  the  Journals  of  Congress,  page  241  ;  ami 
also  in  the  acts  of  most  public  bodies  since,  so  far  as  respects 
the  names  of  the  delegates  or  deputies,  who  made  that  De 
claration,  has  led  to  the  above  reflection.  By  the  printed 
publications  referred  to,  it  would  appear,  as  if  the  fifty-five 
gentlemen,  whose  names  are  there  printed,  and  none  other, 
were  on  that  day  personally  present  in  congress,  and  assent 
ing  to  the  Declaration ;  whereas,  the  truth  is  otherwise.  The 
foliar*  ing  gentleman  were  not  members  of  congress  on  the 


THOMAS    M'KEAN.  329 

4th  of  July,  1776 ;  namely,  Matthew  Thornton,  Benjamin 
Rush,  George  Clymer,  James  Smith,  George  Taylor,  and 
George  Ross.  The  five  last  named  were  not  chosen  delegates 
until  the  20th  day  of  the  month ;  the  first,  not  until  the  12th 
day  of  September  following,  nor  did  he  take  his  seat  in  con 
gress,  until  th<3  4th  of  November,  which  was  four  months 
after.  The  journals  of  Congress,  {vol.  ii.  page  277  and  442.) 
as  well  as  those  of  the  assembly  of  the  state  of  Pennsylvania, 
(p.  53.)  and  of  the  general  assembly  of  New-Hampshire, 
establish  these  fa^ts.  Although  the  six  gentleman  named 
had  been  very  active  in  the  American  cause,  and  some  of 
them,  to  my  own  knowledge,  warmly  in  favour  of  indepen 
dence,  previous  to  the  day  on  which  it  was  declared,  yet  I 
personally  know  that  none  of  them  were  in  congress  on  that 
day. 

"  Modesty  should  not  rob  any  man  of  his  just  honour, 
when  by  that  honour,  his  modesty  cannot  be  offended.  My 
name  is  not  in  the  printed  journals  of  congress,  as  a  party  to 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  this,  like  an  error  in 
the  first  concoction,  has  vitiated  most  of  the  subsequent  pub 
lications;  and  yet  the  fact  is,  that  I  was  then  a  member  of 
congress  for  the  state  of  Delaware,  was  personally  present 
in  congress,  and  voted  in  favour  of  independence  on  the  4th 
of  July,  1776,  and  signed  the  declaration  after  it  had  been 
engrossed  on  parchment,  where  my  name,  in  my  own  hand 
writing,  still  appears.  Henry  Misner,  of  the  state  of  New- 
York,  was  also  in  congress,  and  voted  for  independence.  I 
do  not  know  how  the  misstatement  in  the  printed  journal  has 
happened.  The  manuscript  public  journal  has  no  names 
annexed  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  nor  has  the 
secret  journal ;  but  it  appears  by  the  latter,  that  on  the  19th 
day  of  July,  1776,  the  congress  directed  that  it  should  be 
engrossed  on  parchment,  and  signed  by  every  member,  and 
that  it  was  so  produced  on  the  2d  of  August,  and  signed. 
This  is  interlined  in  the  secret  journal,  in  the  hand  of  Charles 
Thompson,  the  secretary.  The  present  secretary  of  state 
of  the  United  States,  and  myself,  have  lately  inspected  the 
journals,  and  seen  this.  The  journal  was  first  printed  bj^ 
2U  28* 


330  DELAWARE    DELEGATION. 

Mr.  John  Dunlap,  in  1778,  and  probably  copies,  with  the 
names  then  signed  to  it,  were  printed  in  August,  1776,  and 
that  Mr.  Dunlap  printed  the  names  from  one  of  them. 

"  I  have  now,  sir,  given  you  a  true,  though  brief,  history 
of  this  affair ;  and,  as  you  are  engaged  in  publishing  a  new 
edition  of  the  Laws  of  Pennsylvania,  I  am  obliged  to  you 
for  affording  the  favourable  opportunity  of  conveying  to  you 
this  information,  authorizing  you  to  make  any  use  of  it  you 
please. 

"  I  am,"  &c. 

In  the  life  of  Mr.  Rodney,  we  have  had  occasion  to  re 
mark  that  Mr.  M'Kean  and  Mr.  Read  voted  in  opposition  to 
each  other,  when  the  question  of  independence  was  put  in 
committee  of  the  whole,  on  the  1st  of  July.  Delaware  was 
thus  divided.  As  it  was  improbable,  in  the  estimation  of  Mr. 
M'Kean,  that  the  views  of  Mr.  Read  would  undergo  a  favour 
able  change  before  the  final  question  should  be  taken,  he  be 
came  exceedingly  anxious  that  Mr.  Rodney,  who  he  knew 
was  in  favour  of  the  declaration,  should  be  present.  At  his 
private  expense  he  dispatched  an  express  into  Delaware  to 
acquaint  Mr.  Rodney  with  the  delicate  posture  of  affairs, 
and  to  urge  him  to  hasten  his  return  to  Philadelphia.  For 
tunately,  »by  an  exertion  which  patriotism  only  could  have 
prompted  him  to  make,  that  gentleman  arrived  in  Philadel 
phia,  just  as  the  members  were  entering  the  door  of  the  state 
house,  at  the  final  discussion  of  the  subject.  Without  even 
an  opportunity  of  consulting  Mr.  M'Kean,  on  the  momentous 
question  before  them,  he  entered  the  hall  with  his  spurs  on 
his  boots.  Scarcely  had  he  taken  his  seat,  before  the  report 
of  the  chairman  of  the  committee  of  the  whole  was  read, 
soon  after  which  the  great  question  was  put.  Mr.  M'Kean 
and  Mr.  Rodney  voted  in  favour  on  the  part  of  Delaware, 
and  thus  contributed  to  that  unanimity  among  the  colonies, 
on  this  great  subject,  without  which  a  declaration  had  been 
worse  than  in  vain. 

At  the  time  congress  passed  the  declaration  of  indepen 
dence,  the  situation  of  Washington  and  his  army,  in  New-Jer- 


THOMAS    ai'KEAK.  331 

sey  was  exceedingly  precarious.  On  the  5th  of  July,  it  was 
agreed  by  several  public  committees  in  Philadelphia,  to 
dispatch  all  the  associated  militia  of  the  state  to  the  assist 
ance  of  Washington,  where  they  were  to  continue,  until  ten 
thousand  men  could  be  raised  to  relieve  them.  Mr.  M'Kean 
was  at  this  time  colonel  of  a  regiment  of  associated  militia. 
A  few  days  following  the  declaration  of  independence,  he  was 
on  his  way  to  Perth  Amboy,  in  New- Jersey,  at  the  head  of 
his  battalion.  In  a  letter,  dated  at  head  quarters,  Perth  Am 
boy,  July  26th,  1776,  he  describes  the  narrow  escape  which 
he  had  in  executing  an  order  of  the  commander-in-chief, 
which  required  him  to  march  his  battalion  into  the  town. 
Having  put  his  troops  in  motion,  under  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Dean,  he  mounted  his  horse,  and  proceeded  to  wait  upon  the 
general  for  more  particular  orders.  At  this  time,  the  enemy's 
batteries  were  playing  along  the  road  which  it  was  necessavy 
for  him  to  take.  Amidst  balls,  which  were  flying  in  every  di 
rection  around  him,  he  proceeded  to  the  general's  hei.d 
quarters.  An  order  had  just  been  issued  to  prevent  the  bat 
talion  from  proceeding  into  the  town.  It  became  necessary, 
therefore,  for  him  to  follow  them,  in  order  to  stop  them.  As 
he  turned  to  execute  the  order,  a  horse  at  a  short  distance 
from  him  was  shot  through  the  neck  by  a  cannon  ball,  and 
such  was  the  incessant  discharge  from  the  enemy's  batteries 
along  the  road,  over  which  he  passed,  that  it  appeared  impos 
sible  that  he  should  escape.  A  merciful  providence,  however, 
protected  him  on  his  return.  He  executed  his  order,  and 
safely  marched  his  troops  to  the  camp. 

The  associate  militia  being  at  length  discharged, 'Mr.  M'Kean 
returned  to  Philadelphia,  and  was  present  in  his  seat  in  con 
gress  on  the  second  of  August,  when  the  engrossed  copy  of 
the  declaration  of  independence  was  signed  by  the  members. 
A  few  days  after  this,  receiving  intelligence  of  his  having 
been  elected  a  member  of  the  convention  in  Delaware,  assem 
bled  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  constitution  for  that  state, 
he  departed  for  Dover,  which  place  he  reached  in  a  single 
day.  Although  excessively  fatigued,  on  his  arrival,  at  the 
request  of  a  committee  of  gentlemen  of  the  convention,  he 


332  DELAWARE  DELEGATION. 

retired  to  his  room  in  the  public  inn,  where  he  was  employed 
the  whole  night  in  preparing  a  constitution  for  the  future  go 
vernment  of  the  state.  This  he  did  without  the  least  assist 
ance,  and  even  without  the  aid  of  a  book.  At  ten  o'clock 
the  next  morning  it  was  presented  to  the  convention,  by 
whom  it  was  unanimously  adopted. 

In  the  year  1777,  Mr.  M'Kean  was  appointed  president 
of  the  state  of  Delaware,  and  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  July  of 
the  same  year,  he  received  from  the  supreme  executive  coun 
cil  the  commission  of  chief  justice  of  Pennsylvania.  The 
duties  of  this  latter  station  he  continued  to  discharge  for 
twenty-two  years.  At  the  time  of  his  accepting  the  commis 
sion,  he  was  speaker  of  the  house  of  assembly,  president  of 
Delaware,  as  already  noticed,  and  member  of  congress. 

The  duties  of  so  many  offices  pressed  with  too  much  weight 
upon  Mr.  M'Kean,  and  he  found  himself  compelled  to  offer 
his  resignation,  in  1780,  to  the  people  of  Delaware,  as  their 
delegate  to  congress.  They  were,  however,  unwilling  to  dis 
pense  with  his  services,  and  he  continued  still  to  represent 
the  state  in  the  national  council.  In  July  of  the  following 
year,  on  the  resignation  of  Samuel  Huntington,  he  was  elect 
ed  president  of  congress,  a  station  which  he  found  it  neces 
sary  in  the  following  October  to  relinquish,  as  the  duties  of  it 
interfered  with  the  exercise  of  his  office  of  chief  justice  of 
Pennsylvania.  On  accepting  his  resignation,  it  was  resolved  : 
"  that  the  thanks  of  congress  be  given  to  the  honourable 
Thomas  M'Kean,  late  president  of  congress,  in  testimony  of 
their  approbation  of  his  conduct  in  the  chair,  and  in  the  exe 
cution  of  public  business." 

We  must  here  devote  a  paragraph  to  speak  of  Mr.  M'Kean, 
in  the  exercise  of  his  judicial  functions.  As  a  judge,  he  had 
few  equals,  in  this,  or  any  other  country.  At  this  time  the 
law  of  the  state  of  Pennsylvania  was  in  a  great  measure  un 
settled.  It  devolved  upon  him  to  reduce  it  to  a  system.  His 
decisions  were  remarkably  accurate,  and  often  profound.  He 
was  distinguished  for  great  perspicuity  of  language,  for  an. 
easy  and  perfectly  intelligible  explication  of  even  intricate 
and  difficult  cases.  In  his  manners,  while  presiding,  to  a 


THOMAS  M'KEAN.  333 

proper  affability,  he  united  great  dignity.  In  short,  few  men 
while  living  have  acquired  a  higher  reputation  than  did  chief 
justice  M'Kean,  and  few  have  enjoyed,  after  death,  a  greater 
share  of  judicial  fame. 

In  the  year  1788,  an  attempt  was  made  to  impeach  the  con 
duct  of  Mr.  M'Kean,  as  chief  justice.  The  ground  of  accusa 
tion  arose  from  the  following  circumstance.  Eleazer  Oswald, 
in  a  column  of  a  paper  of  which  he  was  editor,  attempted  to 
prejudice  the  minds  of  the  people,  in  a  cause  then  in  court, 
in  which  he  was  defendant ;  at  the  same  time  casting  highly 
improper  reflections  upon  the  judges.  In  consideration  of 
this  contempt  of  court,  the  judges  inflicted  a  fine  upon  Os 
wald  of  ten  pounds,  and  directed  him  to  be  imprisoned  for 
the  space  of  one  month,  that  is,  from  the  fifteenth  day  of  July 
to  the  fifteenth  day  of  August.  At  the  expiration  of  twenty 
eight  days,  a  legal  month,  Oswald  claimed  his  discharge.  The 
sheriff,  upon  this,  consulted  Mr..  M'Kean,  who  not  knowing 
that  the  sentence  was  entered  upon  the  record  "/or  the  space 
of  one  month"  without  the  explanatory  clause,  directed  the 
sheriff  to  detain  the  prisoner  until  the  morning  of  the  fifteenth 
of  August.  Finding  his  mistake,  however,  he  directed  Oswald 
to  be  discharged  ;  but  as  he  had  been  detained  beyond  the 
time  specified  in  the  sentence,  he  presented  a  memorial  to  the 
general  assembly,  complaining  of  the  chief  justice,  and  de 
manding  his  impeachment.  After  a  discussion  of  the  subject 
by  the  assembly  for  several  days,  and  a  long  examination  of 
witnesses,  it  was  at  length  resolved  :  "  that  this  house,  having, 
in  a  committee  of  the  whole,  gone  into  a  full  examination  of 
the  charges  exhibited  by  Eleazer  Oswald,  of  arbitrary  and 
oppressive  proceedings  in  the  justices  of  the  supreme  court, 
against  the  said  Eleazer  Oswald,  are  of  the  opinion,  that  the 
charges  are  unsupported  by  the  testimony  adduced,  and,  con 
sequently,  that  there  is  no  just  cause  for  impeaching  the  said 
justices."  . 

Of  the  convention  of  Pennsylvania,  which  was  assembled 
on  the  twentieth  of  November,  1787,  to  ratify  the  constitution 
of  the  United  States,  Mr.  M'Kean  was  delegated  a  member 
from  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  In  this  convention,  Mr 


334  DELAWARE    DELEGATION. 

M'Kean  and  Mr.  Wilson,  of  the  latter  of  whom  we  have  spo 
ken  in  a  former  biographical  sketch,  took  the  lead.  On  the 
twenty-sixth  of  this  month,  the  former  submitted  the  follow 
ing  motion:  "That  this  convention  do  assent  to,  and  ratify 
the  constitution  agreed  to  on  the  seventeenth  of  Septembei 
last,  by  the  convention  of  the  United  States  of  America,  held 
at  Philadelphia."  On  a  subsequent  day,  he  entered  at  length 
into  the  merits  of  the  constitution,  which  he  demonstrated  in 
the  most  masterly  manner,  and  triumphantly  answered  the 
various  objections  which  had  been  urged  against  it.  In  the 
conclusion  of  this  eloquent  speech,  he  used  the  following 
language  :  "  The  law,  sir,  has  been  my  study  from  my  infan 
cy,  and  my  only  profession.  I  have  gone  through  the  circle 
of  office,  in  the  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial,  depart 
ments  of  government;  and  from  all  my  study,  observation, 
and  experience,  I  must  declare,  that  from  a  full  examination 
and  due  consideration  of  this  system,  it  appears  to  me  the 
best  the  world  has  yet  seen. 

"  I  congratulate  you  on  the  fair  prospect  of  its  being 
adopted,  and  am  happy  in  the  expectation  of  seeing  accom 
plished,  what  has  been  long  my  ardent  wish — that  you  will 
hereafter  have  a  salutary  permanency  in  magistracy,  and 
stability  in  the  laws." 

In  the  following  year,  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania  took 
measures  for  calling  a  convention,  to  consider  in  what  re 
spects  their  state  constitution  required  alteration  and  amend 
ment.  This  convention  commenced  its  session  on  the  24th 
of  November,  1789  ;  Mr.  M'Kean  appeared  and  took  his  seat 
as  a  delegate  from  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  When  the  con 
vention  resolved  itself  into  a  committee  of  the  whole,  on  the 
subject  of  altering  or  amending  the  constitution,  he  was  ap 
pointed  chairman.  During  the  whole  of  the  deliberations,  he 
presided  with  great  dignity  and  ability,  for  which  he  received 
the  unanimous  thanks  of  the  convention.  In  1779,  Mr.  M'Kean 
was  elected  to  the  chief  magistracy  of  the  state  of  Pennsyl 
vania.  His  competitor  at  this  time,  was  the  able  and  distin 
guished  James  Ross.  Mr.  M'Kean  belonged  to  the  politics 
of  Mr.  Jefferson,  to  whose  elevation  to  the  presidency  of  the 


THOMAS  M'KEAN.  335 

United  States,  his  election  is  supposed  to  have  powerfully 
contributed.  The  administration  of  Mr.  M'Kean  was  mark 
ed  with  ability,  and  with  ultimate  benefit  to  the  state  ;  yet 
the  numerous  removals  from  office  of  his  political  opponents, 
produced  great  excitement  in  the  state,  and,  perhaps,  upon 
the  whole,  betrayed,  on  his  part,  an  unjustifiable  degree  of 
political  asperity. 

During  the  years  1807  and  1808,  through  the  influence  of 
a  number  of  the  citizens  of  the  city  and  county  of  Philadel 
phia,  an  inquiry  was  instituted  by  the  legislature  into  the  offi 
cial  conduct  of  Governor  M'Kean.  The  committee  appointed 
for  this  purpose  reported  to  the  legislature  : 

"  I.  That  the  governor  did,  premeditatedly,  wantonly,  un 
justly,  and  contrary  to  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  the 
constitution,  render  void  the  late  election,  (in  1806,)  of  a  she 
riff  in  the  city  and  county  of  Philadelphia. 

"II.  That  he  usurped  a  judicial  authority,  in  issuing  a 
warrant  for  the  arrest  and  imprisonment  of  Joseph  Cabrera ; 
and  interfered  in  favour  of  a  convict  for  forgery,  in  defiance 
of  the  law,  and  contrary -to  the  wholesome  regulations  of  the 
prison  in  Philadelphia,  and  the  safety  of  the  citizens. 

"  III.  That,  contrary  to  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  the 
constitution,  and  in  violation  of  it,  did  he  appoint  Dr.  George 
Buchanan  lazaretto  physician  of  the  port  of  Philadelphia. 

"  IV.  That,  under  a  precedent,  acknowledged  to  have  been 
derived  from  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  and  contrary  to  the 
express  letter  of  the  constitution,  did  he  suffer  his  name  to  be 
stamped  upon  blank  patents,  warrants  on  the  treasury,  and 
other  official  papers,  and  that,  too,  out  of  his  presence. 

"  V.  That,  contrary  to  law,  did  he  supersede  Dr.  James 
Reynolds  as  a  member  of  the  board  of  health. 

"VI.  That,  contrary  to  the  obligations  of  duty,  and  the 
injunctions  of  the  constitution,  did  he  offer  and  authorize 
overtures  to  be  made  to  discontinue  two  actions  of  the  com 
monwealth  against  William  Duane  and  his  surety,  for  an  al 
leged  forfeiture  of  two  recognizances  of  one  thousand 
dollars  each,  on  condition  that  William  Duane  would  discon 
tinue  civil  actions  against  his  son  Joseph  B.  M'Kean,  and 


336  DELAWARE    DELEGATION. 

others,  for  damages  for  a  murderous  assault,  committed  by- 
Joseph  M'Kean,  and  others,  on  William  Duane." 

This  report  the  committee  followed  by  affixing  the  follow 
ing  resolution  : 

"  Resolved,  That  Thomas  M'Kean,  governor  of  this 
commonwealth,  be  impeached  of  high  crimes  and  misde 
meanours." 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  January,  the  house  proceeded  to 
the  consideration  of  the  above  resolution,  and  on  the  same 
day  indefinitely  postponed  the  further  consideration  of  the 
subject. 

Although  this  attempt  to  impeach  the  governor  was  thus 
unsuccessful,  the  following  day  he  presented  to  the  house  a 
reply  to  the  charges  which  had  been  exhibited  against  him 
by  the  committee  of  inquiry.  After  being  read,  a  motion 
was  made  to  insert  it  at  large  on  the  journal,  which,  at  length, 
was  carried  in  the  affirmative. 

In  the  course  of  this  reply,  which  contained,  in  the  view 
of  temperate  men,  a  triumphant  vindication  of  his  character, 
Mr.  M'Kean  observed  as  follows  :  "  That  I  may  have  erred 
in  judgment ;  that  I  may  have  been  mistaken  in  my  general 
views  of  public  policy ;  and  that  I  may  have  been  deceived 
by  the  objects  of  executive  confidence,  or  benevolence — I  am 
not  so  vain  nor  so  credulous  as  to  deny;  though,  in  the 
present  instance,  I  am  still  without  the  proof  and  without 
the  belief;  but  the  firm  and  fearless  position  which  I  take, 
invites  the  strictest  scrutiny,  upon  a  fair  exposition  of  our 
constitution  and  laws,  into  the  sincerity  and  truth  of  the 
general  answer  given  to  my  accusers — that  no  act  of  my 
public  life  was  ever  done  from  a  corrupt  motive,  nor  with 
out  a  deliberate  opinion  that  the  act  was  lawful  and  prope? 
in  itself." 

At  the  close  of  the  year  1808,  Mr.  M'Kean,  having  occu 
pied  the  chair  of  state  during  the  constitutional  period  of  nine 
years,  retired  from  the  cares  of  a  long  life  to  the  enjoyment 
of  a  peaceful  retirement,  rendered  doubly  grateful  by  the 
consciousness  of  a  well  earned  and  honourable  fame.  In 
the  enjoyment  of  this  retirement,  he  lived  until  the  twenty- 


THOMAS  M'KEAN.  337 

fourth  of  June,  1817,  when  he  was  gathered  to  the  generation 
of  his  fathers,  at  the  uncommon  age  of  eighty-three  years, 
two  months,  and  sixteen  days.  He  lies  interred  in  the  burial 
ground  of  the  First  Fresbyterian  Church,  in  Market-street, 
Philadelphia. 

2X  29 


THE 


MARYLAND  DELEGATION. 


SAMUEL  CHASE, 
WILLIAM  PACA, 
THOMAS  STONE, 
CHARLES  CARROLL. 


SAMUEL  CHASE. 

SAMUEL  CHASE  was  the  son  of  the  Rev.  Thomas  Chase,  a 
clergyman  of  distinction,  in  the  protestant  episcopal  church 
who,  after  his  emigration  to, America,  married  the  daughter 
of  a  respectable  farmer,  and  settled,  for  a  time,  in  Somerset 
county,  in  Maryland,  where  this  son  was  born,  on  tne  17th  of 
April,  1741. 

In  1743,  Mr.  Chase  removed  to  Baltimore,  having  been  ap 
pointed  to  the  charge  of  St.  Paul's  church,  in  that  place 
Even  in  Baltimore,  at  this  period,  there  was  no  school  of  a 
high  order.  The  instruction  of  his  son,  therefore,  devolved 
upon  Mr.  Chase,  than  whom  few,  fortunately,  were  better 
qualified  for  such  a  charge.  His  own  attainments  in  classi 
cal  learning  were  much  superior  to  those  who  had  been  edu 
cated  in  America.  Under  the  instruction  of  one  so  well 
qualified  to  teach,  the  son  soon  outstripped  most  of  his  com 
peers,  and  at  the  early  age  of  eighteen  was  sent  to  Annapolis, 
to  commence  the  study  of  law.  After  a  sedulous  attention 
to  his  preparatory  course,  for  two  years,  he  was  admitted  to 
practice  in  the  mayor's  cc  jrl,  and  two  years  from  this  latter 


SAMUEL    CHASE.  339 

date,  was  licensed  for  the  chancery,  and  some  of  the  county 
courts.  Finding  the  number  of  practitioners  at  Annapolis 
small,  he  settled  in  that  place  as  a  lawyer,  where  he  was  soon 
after  connected  in  marriage  with  an  amiable  and  intelligent 
lady,  by  whom  he  had  two  sons  and  two  daughters,  all  o 
whom  survived  their  parents. 

The  incidents  in  the  life  of  Mr.  Chase,  for  several  years, 
were  but  few.  Devoted  to  his  professional  duties,  he  not 
only  acquired  a  respectable  share  of  business,  but  became 
highly  distinguished  for  his  legal  attainments. 

The  political  career  of  Mr.  Chase  commenced  about  the 
time  of  the  congress  of  1774,  in  which  body  he  acted  as  a  de 
legate  from  Maryland.  This  station  he  continued  to  occupy 
for  several  years.  In  the  spring  of  1776,  he  was  appointed 
by  congress,  in  conjunction  with  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Car 
roll,  to  a  trust  of  a  most  important  nature.  This  was  a  mis 
sion  to  Canada,  the  object  of  which  was,  to  induce  the  inha 
bitants  of  that  country  to  withdraw  their  connexion  from 
Great  Britain,  and  to  join  the  American  confederacy.  The 
undertaking  was  attended  with  great  difficulties ;  but  as  Mr. 
Chase,  though  young,  was  distinguished  for  his  abilities,  and 
characterized  for  a  most  ardent  patriotism,  he  wr.s  appointed 
one  of  the  commissioners.  Mr.  Carroll,  and  his  brother,  af 
terwards  the  archbishop  of  Baltimore,  were  added  to  the  com 
mission,  under  an  apprehension  that  they  might  exercise  a 
salutary  influence  with  the  catholics  in  Canada.  Although 
the  objects  of  the  expedition  were  not  attained,  the  fidelity  of 
the  commissioners  was  never,  for  a  moment,  questioned. 

On  his  return  to  Philadelphia,  Mr.  Chase  found  that  a  pro 
position  had  been  made  in  congress  to  issue  a  declaration  of 
independence.  The  situation  of  the  Maryland  delegation,  in 
respect  to  such  a  measure,  was  peculiarly  trying.  They  had 
been  expressly  prohibited,  by  the  convention  which  appointed 
them,  from  voting  in  favour  of  a  declaration  of  independence  ; 
and,  as  they  had  accepted  their  appointments  under  this  re 
striction,  they  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  give  such  a  measure 
their  active  and  open  support. 

It  was  not  compatible  with  the  independent  and  patriotic 


340  MARYLAND    DELEGATION. 

spirit  of  Mr.  Chase,  quietly  to  endure  such  a  situation.  Rj 
left  congress,  and  proceeded  to  Maryland.  He  traversed  the 
province,  and,  assisted  by  his  colleagues  and  friends,  as 
sembled  county  meetings,  and  persuaded  the  inhabitants  to 
send  addresses  to  the  convention,  then  sitting  at  Annapolis, 
in  favour  of  independence.  Such  an  expression  of  cordiality 
to  a  measure,  the  convention  could  not  resist,  and  at  length 
gave  an  unanimous  vote  in  its  favour.  With  this  vote,  Mr. 
Chase  hastened  to  Philadelphia,  where  he  arrived  in  time  to 
take  his  seat  on  Monday  morning,  having  rode,  on  the  two 
previous  days,  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles.  On  the  day  of 
his  arrival,  the  resolution  to  issue  a  declaration  of  indepen 
dence  came  before  the  house,  and  he  had  the  pleasure  of 
uniting  with  a  majority  in  favour  of  it. 

This  success  was  a  sufficient  reward  for  all  the  labour 
which  he  had  sustained,  in  accomplishing  an  object  so  de 
sirable.  A  pure  patriotism  only,  however,  could  have  sus 
tained  the  fathers  of  the  revolution,  under  all  the  toils  and 
fatigue  which  they  endured.  They  were  fitted  for  high  and 
mighty  enterprises.  Common  dangers,  and  common  suffer 
ings,  they  regarded  not.  The  object  presented  to  their  view, 
was  connected  with  the  liberty  not  only  of  themselves,  but 
with  the  millions  of  their  future  posterity.  With  this  object 
before  them,  therefore,  they  heeded  not  danger,  nor  were 
they  subdued,  or  even  disheartened,  by  the  most  unexpected 
reverses. 

Our  limits  permit  us  not  to  enter  into  a  minute  detail  of 
the  congressional  services  rendered  by  Mr.  Chase,  during 
several  years  which  followed  the  declaration  of  indepen 
dence.  In  the  number,  variety,  and  importance  of  those 
services,  he  was  probably  surpassed  by  few.  He  possessed, 
beyond  most  others,  an  ardour  of  mind,  which  sometimes,  in 
debate,  carried  him  almost  beyond  the  bounds  of  propriety. 
There  were  some  others  from  time  to  time  in  congress  of  a 
similar  stamp.  They  were  important  members  ;  they  served 
to  animate  that  body  by  the  warmth  wrhich  they  manifested 
in  debate,  and  to  rouse  the  more  supine  or  timid  to  action,  as 
the  necessity  of  the  times  required. 


SAMUEL    CHA      .  34l 

In  1783,  Mr.  Chase  being  accidentally  in  Baltimore,  was 
invited  to  attend  the  meeting  of  a  club  of  young  men,  who 
assembled  at  stated  times,  for  the  purpose  of  debating 
Among  the  speakers  of  the  evening,  there  was  one  who, 
from  his  force  of  argument,  and  gracefulness  of  delivery, 
attracted  his  attention.  At  the  close  of  the  debate,  Mr.  Chase 
entered  into  conversation  with  him,  and  advised  him  to  think 
of  the  profession  of  law.  The  young  man  was  at  the  time  a 
clerk  in  an  apothecary's  shop.  Finding  him  destitute  of  the 
means  necessary  for  an  undertaking  so  expensive,  Mr.  Chase 
kindly  offered  him  the  benefit  of  his  library,  his  instruc 
tion,  and  his  table.  That  young  man  was  William  Pinkney. 
He  accepted  the  invitation  of  his  generous  benefactor,  who 
afterwards  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  him  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  lawyers  ever  at  the  American  bar.  It  may  be 
proper  to  add  in  this  place,  that  he  was  afterwards  attorney 
general  of  the  United  States,  and  a  minister  in  successive 
years  at  the  courts  of  St.  James,  at  Naples,  and  St.  Peters 
burg.  In  the  same  year,  Mr.  Chase  visited  England,  on  be 
half  of  the  state  of  Maryland,  for  the  purpose  of  reclaiming 
a  large  amount  of  property,  which,  while  a  colony,  she  had 
entrusted  to  the  bank  of  England.  In  the  prosecution  of 
this  business,  he  continued  in  England  about  a  year,  in  which 
time  he  had  the  pleasure  of  becoming  acquainted  with  many 
of  the  distinguished  men  of  that  country,  among  whom  were 
Pitt,  and  Fox,  and  Burke.  Although  unsuccessful  in  accom 
plishing  the  object  of  his  mission,  while  he  continued  in 
England,  he  put  the  claim  in  so  favourable  a  train,  that  at 
a  subsequent  period,  the  state  recovered  about  six  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  dollars.  While  in  England,  he  was  mar 
ried  to  his  second  wife,  the  daughter  of  Dr.  Samuel  Giles,  of 
Kentbury,  with  whom,  in  1784,  he  returned  to  America. 

In  the  year  1786,  at  the  pressing  invitation  of  his  friend, 
Colonel  Howard,  he  removed  from  Annapolis  to  Baltimore. 
By  this  gentleman,  he  was  generously  presented  with  a 
square  of  ten  lots  of  land,  upon  a  spot  in  which  he  erected  a 
house,  in  which  he  lived  until  his  death.  On  his  removal 
from  Annapolis,  the  corporation  of  that  city  tendered  to  him 
29* 


342  MARYLAND    DELEGATION. 

the  expressions  of  their  respect,  in  the  following  address* 
"Sir,  the  mayor,  aldermen,  and  common  councilmen  of  the 
city  of  Annapolis,  impressed  with  a  due  sense  of  the  services 
rendered  to  this  corporation  by  you,  in  the  capacity  of  re 
corder  thereof,  do  take  this  occasion  to  assure  you  of  their 
entire  approbation  of  your  conduct  in  the  performance  of  the 
duties  of  that  trust,  and  to  acknowledge  your  ready  exertion, 
at  all  times,  to  promote  the  interest  and  welfare  of  this  city. 
They  sincerely  regret  the  occasion  of  this  address,  as  your 
removal  from  the  city  of  Annapolis  will  deprive  this  body  of 
a  faithful  and  able  officer,  and  the  city  of  a  valuable  citizen. 
You  have  our  warmest  wishes  for  your  happiness  and  wel 
fare." 

To  this  address,  Mr.  Chase  returned  the  following  an 
swer  :  "  The  address  of  the  mayor,  aldermen,  and  common 
councilmen  of  this  city,  presented  me  this  day,  affords  me 
just  pleasure,  as  I  flatter  myself  they  speak  the  genuine  senti 
ments  of  the  citizens.  As  recorder  of  the  city,  duty  and  in 
clination  urged  me  to  enforce  due  obedience  to  the  by-laws, 
and  assist  in  the  framing  of  ordinances  for  the  regulating  the 
police  of  the  city.  In  the  discharge  of  this  duty,  I  ever  re 
ceived  the  ready  assistance  of  my  brethren  on  the  bench, 
and  of  the  other  members  of  the  corporation,  and  but  a  small 
portion  of  merit  is  due  to  me.  My  abilities  have  been  much 
overrated  by  the  corporation  ;  I  only  wish  they  had  been 
equal  to  my  inclination  to  serve  them. 

"  As  one  of  the  delegates  of  Annapolis,  my  public  powers 
were  exerted  on  all  occasions  to  promote  the  interest  and 
welfare  of  the  city  ;  and  supported  by  my  colleagues,  my 
endeavours  were  in  some  instances  crowned  with  success.  I 
feel  myself  amply  rewarded  by  the  approbation  of  the  body 
over  whom  you  have  the  honour  to  preside.  There  can  be 
nothing  more  agreeable  to  a  public  character,  than  to  receive 
the  public  approbation  of  his  conduct,  from  those  who  speak 
the  collected  and  unbiassed  sense  of  his  constituents;  and  it 
is  the  only  reward  a  free  and  virtuous  people  can  bestow, 
and  the  only  one  an  honest  representative  can  expect. 

"  Be    pleased    to  present    the    corporation   my  warmest 


SAMUEL    CHASE.  343 

wishes  for  their  prosperity,  and  I  sincerely  hope  that  the 
city  of  Annapolis  may  be  forever  distinguished  for  the  har 
mony  and  friendship,  the  benevolence  and  patriotism  of  its 
citizens." 

In  the  year  1788,  Mr.  Chase  was  appointed  the  presiding 
judge  of  a  court  of  criminal  jurisdiction,  for  the  county  and 
town  of  Baltimore,  at  that  time  organized.  This  situa 
tion,  however,  did  not  prevent  him  from  the  practice  of  his 
profession,  in  which  he  continued  until  the  year  1791,  when 
he  accepted  the  appointment  of  chief  justice  of  the  general 
court  of  Maryland.  In  a  previous  year,  Mr.  Chase  had  served 
in  the  convention  of  Maryland,  assembled  to  ratify  the 
federal  constitution  on  the  part  of  Maryland.  With  this  in 
strument  he  was  not  entirely  pleased,  considering  it  not 
sufficiently  dcmocratical.  He  is  said  to  have  belonged  to  the 
federal  party  in  the  country,  and  so  to  have  continued  to  the 
end  of  his  life  ;  but  not  to  have  entertained  that  partiality 
for  England  which  has  been  ascribed  to  that  party.  With 
this  peculiarity  of  views  and  feelings,  Mr.  Chase  was  not,  as 
might  be  expected,  without  his  enemies. 

In  the  year  1794,  an  event  occurred  in  the  city  of  Balti 
more,  which  gave  an  opportunity  to  Judge  Chase  of  exhibit 
ing  the  firmness  of  his  character,  in  respect  to  maintaining 
the  dignity  of  the  bench  and  the  supremacy  of  the  law.  The 
event  to  which  we  allude  was  the  tarring  and  feathering  of 
two  men,  in  the  public  streets,  on  an  occasion  of  some  popu 
lar  excitement.  The  circumstances  of  the  case  were  inves 
tigated  by  Judge  Chase,  in  the  issue  of  which  investigation, 
he  caused  two  respectable  and  popular  men  to  be  arrested  as 
ring-leaders. 

On  being  arraigned  before  the  court,  they  refused  to  give 
bail.  Upon  this  the  judge  informed  them  that  they  must  go 
to  jail.  Accordingly,  he  directed  the  sheriff  to  take  one  of  the 
prisoners  to  jail.  This  the  sheriff  informed  the  judge  he 
could  not  do,  as  he  apprehended  resistance.  **  Summon  the 
posse  comitatus  then,"  exclaimed  the  judge.  ««  Sir,"  said  the 
sheriff,  "  no  one  will  serve."  "  Summon  me  then,"  said  Judge 


344  MARYLAND    DELEGATION. 

Chase,  in  a  tone  of  lofty  indignation,  "  I  will  be  the  posse 
comitatus,  and  I  will  take  him  to  jail." 

A  member  of  the  bar  now  begged  leave  to  interpose,  and 
requested  the  judge  to  waive  the  commitment.  "No,  God  for 
bid,"  replied  the  judge,  "I  will  do  my  duty,  whatever  be  the 
consequences  to  myself  or  my  family."  He  now  directed  the 
parties  to  meet  him  the  next  day,  and  to  give  him  the  required 
security.  He  was  told  that  the  next  day  would  be  the  sabbath 
"No  better  day,"  said  Judge  Chase,  "can  be  named,  on 
which  to  execute  the  laws  of  the  country.  I  will  meet  you 
here,  and  from  this  seat  of  justice  I  will  go  to  the  house  of 
God." 

The  parties  in  question,  however,  neglected  to  give  the  re 
quired  security  on  the  sabbath,  on  account  of  which  neglect, 
the  judge  despatched  an  express  to  the  governor  and  council, 
calling  upon  them  for  assistance  in  the  execution  of  the  laws. 
On  Monday  the  required  security  was  given ;  but  when  the 
grand  jury  met,  instead  of  finding  a  bill  against  the  accused, 
they  delivered  a  presentment  against  Judge  Chase  himself, 
in  which  they  reflected  with  severity  upon  his  censure  of  the 
sheriff,  and  charged  him  with  having  violated  the  bill  of  rights, 
by  holding  at  the  same  time  two  incompatible  offices,  viz. 
the  office  of  chief  justice  of  the  criminal  court,  and  that  of  the 
general  court  of  the  state.  To  this  presentment  Judge  Chase 
replied  with  becoming  moderation,  and  yet  with  firmness.  In 
conclusion,  he  informed  the  jury  that  they  had  touched  upon 
topics  beyond  their  province  ;  he  advised  them  to  confine 
themselves  to  the  line  of  their  duty,  assuring  them  that  what 
ever  opinions  they  might  form,  or  whatever  resentments  they 
might  indulge,  he  should  ever  respect  them  as  the  grand  in 
quest  of  the  state  of  Maryland. 

In  the  year  1796,  he  was  appointed  by  Washington  an  as 
sociate  judge  of  the  supreme  court  of  the  United  States,  a  sta 
tion  which  he  continued  to  occupy  for  fifteen  years,  and  in 
which  he  generally  appeared  with  great  dignity  and  ability. 
It  was  the  ill  fortune  of  Judge  Chase,  however,  to  have  his 
latter  days  on  the  bench  embittered  by  an  impeachment  by 
the  house  of  representatives,  on  which  he  was  tried  before  the 


SAMUEL    CHASE.  345 

senate  of  the  United  States,  where  he  narrowly  escaped  con 
demnation.  This  impeachment  was  made  in  1804,  and  was 
recommended  by  a  committee  of  inquiry,  raised,  it  is  said,  on 
the  motion  of  John  Randolph,  of  Virginia,  to  which  he  was 
incited  through  political  animosity.  The  articles  of  impeach 
ment  originally  reported  were  six  in  number,  to  which  two 
others  were  afterwards  added.  On  these  articles  Judge  Chase 
was  put  upon  his  trial,  which  began  on  the  second  of  January, 
and  was  finally  ended  on  the  fifth  of  March,  1805. 

The  articles  of  impeachment  were  founded  on  certain  con 
duct  of  the  judge,  on  different  occasions,  at  Philadelphia,  Rich 
mond,  and  other  places,  in  which  he  was  said  to  have  tran 
scended  his  judicial  powers.  The  minute  history  of  this 
affair,  our  limits  forbid  us  to  detail.  It  is  sufficient  to  say,  that 
much  exertion  was  made  by  his  political  opponents  to  pro 
duce  a  conviction,  but  without  effect.  On  five  of  the  charges 
a  majority  of  the  senate  acquitted  him.  On  the  others,  a  ma 
jority  was  against  him  :  but  as  a  vote  of  two  thirds  is  neces 
sary  to  conviction,  he  was  acquitted  of  the  whole. 

This  was  a  severe  trial  to  a  man  of  the  independent  spirit 
of  Judge  Chase.  Its  disagreeableness  was  not  a  little  increas 
ed  by  a  severe  attack  of  the  gout,  during  the  progress  of  the 
impeachment.  After  his  acquittal,  he  continued  to  exercise 
his  judicial  functions,  unmolested  by  his  enemies,  and  with 
his  usual  ability. 

In  the  year  1811,  his  health  began  to  fail  him,  and  though 
his  disease  was  slow  in  its  progress,  he  well  understood,  that 
it  was  of  a  nature  to  bring  him  to  the  grave.  His  death  oc 
curred  on  the  nineteenth  of  June.  In  his  dying  hour,  he  ap 
peared  calm  and  resigned.  He  spoke  of  his  domestic  affairs 
with  great  propriety,  and  to  his  weeping  family  recommend 
ed  composure  and  fortitude.  He  was  a  firm  believer  in 
Christianity,  and  but  a  short  time  before  his  death,  having 
partaken  of  the  sacrament,  he  declared  himself  to  be  in  peace 
with  all  mankind.  In  his  will,  he  directed  that  no  mourning 
should  be  worn  for  him,  and  requested  that  only  his  name, 
with  the  dates  of  his  birth  and  death,  should  be  inscribed  on 
his  tomb. 

2Y 


346  MARYLAND    DELEGATION. 

From  the  foregoing  sketch,  it  is  easy  to  perceive  that  Judge 
Chase  was  no  ordinary  man.  He  possessed  an  intellect  of 
great  power,  and  a  courage  which  was  at  all  times  undaunted. 
It  was  his  unhappiness  to  have  feelings  which  were  too  iras 
cible  and  vehement  for  his  personal  comfort,  and  which  be 
trayed  him  at  times,  into  a  course  of  conduct,  that  sober 
judgment  would  have  pronounced  at  least  impolitic.  Yet  few 
men  were  more  sincere,  or  more  firmly  patriotic.  He  ar 
dently  loved  his  friends,  and  by  them,  was  ardently  loved  in 
turn.  He  loved  his  country.  In  the  days  of  her  deepest  de 
pression,  he  stood  firm  to  her  interests,  and  will  occupy  a 
distinguished  place  among  those  who  have  "  graced  the  rolls 
of  fame." 


WILLIAM  PACA. 

WILLIAM  PACA  was  born  on  the  31st  of  October,  1740. 
He  was  the  second  son  of  John  Paca,  a  gentleman  of  large 
estate,  who  resided  in  the  county  of  Harford,  in  the  state  of 
Maryland.  His  father,  sensible  of  the  importance  of  a  good 
education,  placed  his  son,  at  a  proper  age,  in  the  college  at 
Philadelphia,  at  that  time  under  the  care  of  the  learned  and 
eloquent  Dr.  William  Smith.  On  commencing  bachelor  of 
arts,  in  1759,  he  entered  the  office  of  Stephen  Bradley,  a  dis 
tinguished  lawyer  of  Annapolis,  for  the  purpose  of  pursuing 
the  profession  of  law. 

Mr.  Paca  was  a  diligent  student,  and  early  gave  promise  of 
eminence  in  his  profession.  He  was  licensed  to  practice  in  1761. 
and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  at  the  provincial  court  in  1764.  He 
established  himself  at  Annapolis,  where  he  had  for  his  com 
petitors,  John  Price,  and  Samuel  Chase,  with  the  latter  of 
whom  he  became  intimately  acquainted,  and  with  whom  he 
acted  an  important  part  during  the  revolutionary  struggle. 

The  political  career  of  Mr.  Paca  commenced  in    1771,  at 


WILLIAM    PACA.  347 

which  time  he  was  appointed  to  represent  the  county  in  the 
popular  branch  of  the  legislature.  At  this  time,  and  for  se 
veral  years  after,  much  contention  existed  between  the  go 
vernment  of  Maryland,  which  was  proprietary,  and  the  peo 
ple.  The  government  consisted  of  three  branches :  a  house 
of  burgesses,  the  members  of  which  were  selected  by  the 
people.  The  second  branch  was  called  the  upper  house,  the 
members  of  which  were  elected  and  removed,  at  the  pleasure 
of  the  proprietor.  The  governor  formed  the  third  branch, 
without  whose  assent  no  act  of  assembly  was  valid.  Anc^in 
addition  to  this,  the  proprietor  himself,  who  generally  resid 
ed  in  England,  claimed  the  privilege  of  dissenting  from  such 
laws  as  he  pleased,  although  they  had  received  the  sanction 
of  the  above  branches  of  the  legislature.  Hence,  there  wag 
often  no  small  collision  between  the  lower  house,  or  those 
who  represented  the  people,  and  the  upper  house  and  go 
vernor,  who  were  considered  as  under  the  influence  of  the 
proprietor. 

In  this  provincial  assembly,  Mr.  Paca  represented  the  peo 
pie,  whose  interests  he  strongly  felt,  and  faithfully  guarded. 
The  interests  of  the  proprietor  and  of  the  people  were  often 
thought  to  be  at  variance.  An  avaricious  and  oppressive 
spirit  marked  the  proceedings  of  the  proprietor  and  his  par 
tisans.  It  was  important,  therefore,  for  the  people,  to  have 
men  to  represent  them  in  the  house  of  burgesses,  who  un 
derstood  their  rights,  and  were  sufficiently  bold  to  assert  and 
maintain  them.  Such  a  man  was  Mr.  Paca.  He  was  learn 
ed  as  to  a  knowledge  of  law,  and  of  the  principles  of  the 
proprietary  government ;  and  at  all  times,  when  necessary, 
sufficiently  courageous  to  resist  the  aggressions  of  avarice, 
and  the  usurpations  of  tyranny. 

The  following  anecdote  will  illustrate  the  bold  and  inde 
pendent  spirit  of  Mr.  Paca.  In  1771,  an  act  expired  in 
Maryland,  the  object  of  which  was  to  regulate  the  staple  of 
tobacco,  and  the  fees  of  certain  officers.  This  act  the  house 
of  burgesses  refused  to  continue,  without  a  reduction  of  the 
officers'  fees.  As  neither  branch  of  the  assembly  would  re 
cede  from  the  ground  it  had  taken,  the  fee  bill  fell.  In  this 


348  MARYLAND    DELEGATION. 

state  of  things,  the  governor  issued  his  proclamation  direct 
ing  the  officers  to  proceed  according  to  the  old  law. 

The  commotion  excited  throughout  the  province  was 
great,  and  at  some  places,  particularly  at  Annapolis,  even 
tumultuous.  At  this  latter  place,  a  multitude  of  citizens  col 
lected  to  express  their  abhorrence  of  the  conduct  of  the  go 
vernor.  At  the  head  of  this  multitude  were  Mr.  Paca  and 
Mr.  Chase.  A  procession  was  formed,  and  with  these  two 
gentlemen  for  leaders,  they  proceeded  to  a  gallows  which 
had  been  previously  erected,  upon  which  they  hung  the 
governor's  proclamation,  in  due  form,  with  a  halter.  At 
length  it  was  taken  down,  inclosed  in  a  coffin  prepared  for 
the  purpose,  and  consigned  to  a  grave  dug  beneath  the  gal- 
lows.  During  the  whole  ceremony,  minute  guns  were  fired 
from  a  schooner  owned  by  Mr.  Paca,  which  was  stationed  al 
no  great  distance.  In  conclusion,  the  citizens  marched  back 
to  the  city,  where  they  devoted  the  remainder  of  the  day  to 
festivity. 

The  controversy  to  which  we  have  now  alluded  had  long 
existed,  and  continued  to  exist,  quite  down  to  the  era  of  the 
revolutionary  struggle.  When  that  struggle  commenced, 
about  the  year  1774,  there  were  men,  therefore,  in  Maryland, 
who  were  well  prepared  to  enter  into  it,  with  energy  and  de 
cision.  They  had  been  trained  in  the  school  of  controversy. 
They  had  studied  every  chapter  relating  to  American  rights; 
and  possessing  a  boldness  and  a  courage  commensurate  with 
their  knowledge,  they  were  prepared  to  act  a  decided  part. 

Of  the  illustrious  congress  of  1774,  Mr.  Paca  was  a  mem 
ber,  in  conjunction  with  Samuel  Chase,  and  several  others. 
They  were  instructed  by  the  Maryland  convention,  from 
which  they  received  their  appointment :  "  To  effect  one 
general  plan  of  conduct,  operating  on  the  commercial  con 
nexion  of  the  colonies  with  the  mother  country,  for  the 
relief  of  Boston,  and  the  preservation  of  American  liberty." 
As  a  member  of  this  congress,  Mr.  Paca  so  well  pleased  his 
constituents,  that  he  was  re-appointed  to  the  same  station, 
until  the  year  1778,  at  the  close  of  which  he  retired. 

Mr.  Paca  was  an  open  advocate  for  a  declaration  of  inde- 


WILLIAM  PACA.  349 

pendence,  as  were  several  of  his  colleagues.  For  the  ac 
complishment  of  such  an  object,  they  laboured  with  unwea 
ried  zeal.  A  majority  of  the  people  of  Maryland,  however, 
were  not  prepared  for  such  a  measure.  They  still  felt 
H  strong  affection  for  the  king,  and  the  mother  country,  to 
wards  whom  they  expressed  by  their  convention,  early  in 
vhe  year  1776,  many  professions  of  loyalty  and  regard. 

At  the  same  time,  they  strictly  enjoined  their  representa 
tives  in  congress,  not  to  consent  to  any  propositions  for  pub 
lishing  a  declaration  of  independence,  and  accompanied 
these  restrictions  with  a  resolution,  that  Maryland  would  not 
be  bound  by  any  vote  of  congress,  which  should  sanction 
such  a  measure. 

In  the  life  of  Mr.  Chase,  we  have  related  the  manner  in 
which  a  change  was  effected  among  the  people  in  relation  to 
this  subject,  particularly  through  the  instrumentality  of  Mr. 
Chase.  On  the  23th  of  June,  the  convention  of  Maryland 
recalled  their  instructions  to  their  delegates,  whom  they  left 
free  to  vote  in  favour  of  a  declaration  of  independence.  In 
consequence,  their  vote  was  given  in  its  favour,  shortly  after 
which  the  convention  expressed  their  approbation  of  the 
measure,  and  in  support  of  it  pledged  their  lives  and  fortunes 
and  sacred  honour. 

Early  in  the  year  1778,  Mr.  Paca  was  appointed  chief  jus 
tice  of  the  supreme  court  of  his  state,  an  office  which  he 
continued  to  exercise  with  great  ability,  until  1780,  when  he 
was  advanced  by  congress  to  the  still  more  important  office 
of  chief  judge  of  the  court  of  appeals,  in  prize  and  admiralty 
cases.  In  this  new  station,  he  acquitted  himself  with  great 
honour.  He  entered  with  ability  into  the  subject  of  inter 
national  law,  and  had  the  happiness  to  learn  that  his  deci 
sions  were  highly  approved,  both  at  home  and  abroad. 

In  1782,  he  was  elected  to  the  chief  magistracy  of  his  na 
tive  state.  Here,  again,  he  was  distinguished  for  great  cor 
rectness  and  integrity,  for  dignity  and  simplicity.  He  en 
tered  with  zeal  into  the  interests  of  literature  and  religion, 
both  of  which  he  promoted  by  his  private  donations,  and  his 
executive  patronage.  These  subjects  he  officially  recom- 
30 


350  MARYLAND    DELEGATION. 

mended  to  the  general  assembly  in  the  following  language 
"It  is  far  from  our  intention,"  said  he,  "  to  embarrass  your 
deliberations  with  a  variety  of  objects  ;  but  we  cannot  pass 
over  matters  of  so  high  concernment  as  religion  and  learning. 
The  sufferings  of  the  ministers  of  the  gospel  of  all  denomi 
nations,  during  the  war,  have  been  very  considerable ;  and 
the  perseverance  and  firmness  of  those,  who  discharged  theii 
sacred  functions  under  many  discouraging  circumstances, 
claim  our  acknowledgments  and  thanks.  The  bill  of  rights 
and  form  of  government  recognize  the  principle  of  public 
support  for  the  ministers  of  the  gospel,  and  ascertain  the 
mode.  Anxiously  solicitous  for  the  blessings  of  government, 
and  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  our  citizens,  and  thoroughly 
convinced  of  the  powerful  influence  of  religion,  when  dif 
fused  by  its  respectable  teachers,  we  beg  leave  most  seriously 
and  warmly  to  recommend,  among  the  first  objects  of  your 
attention,  on  the  return  of  peace,  the  making  such  provision 
as  the  constitution,  in  this  case,  authorizes  and  approves." 

The  recommendation  of  Governor  Paca  was  kindly  re 
ceived  by  the  assembly,  which  passed  several  acts  in  aid  of 
the  several  denominations  of  Christians,  which  were  at  that 
time  numerous  in  Maryland.  The  interest  which  he  mani 
fested  in  favour  of  religion,  met  the  warm  approbation  of 
the  various  sects ;  and  from  the  episcopalians,  in  particular, 
it  elicited,  through  their  convention,  a  formal  expression  of 
thanks. 

After  holding  the  office  of  chief  magistrate  for  one  year, 
Mr.  Paca  retired  to  private  life,  until  1786,  when  he  again 
accepted  the  executive  chair  for  a  single  year. 

In  1789,  on  the  organization  of  the  federal  government, 
Ixj  received  from  President  Washington  the  appointment  of 
judge  of  the  district  court  of  the  United  States  for  Mary 
land.  This  office  he  held  until  the  year  1799,  when  he  was 
summoned  to  another  world,  in  the  sixtieth  year  of  his  age. 

Mr.  Paca  was  twice  married.  The  first  time  to  a  daughter 
of  Samuel  Chew,  in  the  year  1761,  while  he  was  pursuing 
the  study  of  law.  The  second  time  in  1777,  to  a  daughter 
of  a  respectable  gentleman  of  Philadelphia,  by  the  name  of 


THOMAS    STONE.  351 

Harrison.  By  the  former  lady  he  had  five  children,  one  of 
whom  only  survives.  By  the  latter  he  had  a  son,  who  died 
shortly  after  his  mother,  whose  decease  occurred  in  1780. 

Few  men  in  America,  as  maybe  gathered  from  the  prece 
ding  sketch,  were  ever  more  estimable  in  their  character  than 
Governor  Paca.  He  possessed  a  mind  of  superior  order, 
which  was  greatly  improved  by  his  intercourse  with  man 
kind,  and  his  extensive  acquaintance  with  books. 

In  his  address  he  was  unusually  graceful,  and  in  his  social 
powers  was  excelled  by  few.  His  attention  to  the  young 
was  not  the  least  excellent  trait  in  his  character.  He  sought 
their  company,  and  took  a  deep  interest  in  their  moral  and 
intellectual  improvement.  Even  alter  he  became  governor 
of  the  state,  he  was  in  the  habit  of  attending  a  club  at  Anna 
polis,  composed  of  young  men  and  gentlemen  of  science.  In 
this  school,  many  were  trained,  who  afterwards  became 
highly  distinguished  both  as  statesmen  and  lawyers.  It  was 
here  that  that  celebrated  orator,  William  Pinkney,  first  at 
tracted  the  attention  of  Judge  Chase,  an  account  of  whose 
particularly  kind  conduct  towards  him,  we  have  given  in  the 
life  of  that  gentleman.  We  shall  only  add  to  this  notice  of 
Mr.  Paca,  that  as  he  lived  a  life  of  distinguished  usefulness, 
so  he  died  regretted  by  all  who  knew  how  to  estimate  moral 
worth,  intellectual  elevation,  and  political  integrity. 


THOMAS  STONE. 

THOMAS  STONE  was  the  son  of  David  Stone,  of  Pointon 
Manor,  Charles  county,  Maryland.  His  father  was  a  de 
scendant  of  William  Stone,  who  was  governor  of  Maryland 
during  the  protectorate  of  Oliver  Cromwell.  The  boyhood 
of  Thomas  Stone  was  distinguished  by  an  unusual  fondness 
for  learning.  At  the  age  of  fifteen,  having  acquired  a  re 
spectable  knowledge  of  the  English  language,  he  obtained 


352  MARYLAND    DELEGATION. 

the  reluctant  consent  of  his  father  to  enter  the  school  of  a  MJ, 
Blaizedel,  a  Scotchman,  for  the  purpose  of  pursuing  the 
Greek  and  Latin  languages.  This  school  was  at  the  distance 
of  ten  miles  from  his  father's  residence  ;  yet,  such  was  the 
zeal  of  young  Stone,  that  he  was  in  the  habit  of  rising  suffi 
ciently  early  in  the  morning,  to  traverse  this  distance  on 
horseback,  and  enter  the  school  at  the  usual  time  of  its  com 
mencement. 

On  leaving  the  school  of  Mr.  Blaizedel,  the  subject  of  our 
memoir  was  anxious  to  prosecute  the  study  of  law.  But,  al 
though  his  father  was  a  gentleman  of  fortune,  his  son  was 
under  the  necessity  of  borrowing  money  to  enable  him  to 
carry  his  laudable  design  into  effect.  He  placed  himself  under 
the  care  of  Thomas  Johnson,  a  respectable  lawyer  of  Anna 
polis.  Having  finished  his  preparatory  studies,  he  entered 
upon  the  practice  of  his  profession  in  Fredericktown,  Mary 
land,  where  having  resided  two  years,  he  removed  to  Charles 
county,  in  the  same  state. 

During  his  residence  in  the  former  of  these  places,  his 
business  had  enabled  him  to  discharge  the  obligations  under 
which  he  had  laid  himself  for  his  education.  At  the  age  of 
twenty-eight,  he  married  the  daughter  of  Dr.  Gustavus 
Brown,  with  whom  he  received  the  sum  of  one  thousand 
pounds  sterling.  With  this  money,  he  purchased  a  farm, 
near  the  village  of  Port  Tobacco,  upon  which  he  continued 
to  reside  during  the  revolutionary  struggle. 

The  business  of  Mr.  Stone,  during  a  considerable  part  of 
that  period,  was  not  lucrative  ;  and  as  the  soil  of  the  farm 
upon  which  he  lived  was  poor,  he  found  it  difficult  to  obtain 
more  than  a  competent  livelihood.  The  expenses  of  his  fa 
mily  were  increased  by  the  charge  of  four  brothers,  who  were 
yet  of  tender  years.  The  situation  of  many  of  our  fathers, 
during  those  trying  times,  was  similar  to  that  of  Mr.  Stone. 
They  had  small  patrimonies  ;  business  was  in  a  great  mea 
sure  suspended  ;  and,  added  to  this,  their  time  and  talents 
were  imperiously  demanded  by  their  suffering  country.  Yet, 
amidst  all  these  difficulties  and  trials,  a  pure  patriotism  con 
tinued  to  burn  within  their  breasts,  and  enabled  them  most 


THOMAS    STONE  353 

cheerfully  to  make  any  and  every  sacrifice  to  which  they 
were  called  by  the  cause  of  freedom.  Nor  should  it  be  for 
gotten,  that  in  these  sacrifices  the  families  of  our  fathers  joy 
fully  participated.  They  received  without  a  murmur  "  the 
spoiling  of  their  goods,"  being  elevated  by  the  reflection, 
that  this  was  necessary  for  the  achievement  of  that  indepen 
dence  to  which  they  considered  themselves  and  their  posteri 
ty  as  entitled. 

Although  Mr.  Stone  was  a  gentleman  of  acknowledged  ta 
lents,  and  of  inflexible  and  incorruptible  integrity,  it  does  not 
appear  that  he  was  brought  forward  into  public  life  until 
some  time  in  the  year  1774.  He  was  not  a  member  of  the 
illustrious  congress  of  that  year,  but  receiving  an  appoint 
ment  as  a  delegate  in  December,  he  took  his  seat  in  that  body 
in  the  following  May ;  and,  for  several  years  afterwards,  was 
annually  re-elected  to  the  same  dignified  station. 

In  our  biographical  sketches  of  the  other  gentlemen  who 
belonged  about  this  time  to  the  Maryland  delegation,  we  have 
had  frequent  occasion  to  notice  the  loyalty  and  affection 
which  prevailed  in  that  province,  for  several  years,  towards 
the  king  and  the  parent  country;  and  hence  the  reluctance 
of  her  citizens  to  sanction  the  declaration  of  independence. 
When,  therefore,  towards  the  close  of  the  year  1775,  such  a 
measure  began  seriously  to  be  discussed  in  the  country,  the 
people  of  Maryland  became  alarmed  ;  and,  apprehensive  lest 
their  delegation  in  congress,  which  was  composed  generally 
of  young  men,  should  be  disposed  to  favour  the  measure,  the 
convention  of  that  province  attempted  to  restrain  them  by 
strict  and  specific  instructions  : 

"  We  instruct  you,"  said  they,  "  that  you  do  not,  without 
the  previous  knowledge  and  approbation  of  the  convention 
of  this  province,  assent  to  any  proposition  to  declare  these 
colonies  independent  of  the  crown  of  Great  Britain,  nor  to 
any  proposition  for  making  or  entering  into  an  alliance  with 
any  foreign  power ;  nor  to  any  union  or  confederation  of 
these  colonies,  which  may  necessarily  lead  to  a  separation 
from  the  mother  country,  unless  in  your  judgments,  or  in  the 
judgments  of  any  four  of  you,  or  a  majority  of  the  whole  of 
2Z  30* 


354  MARYLAND  DELEGATION. 

you,  if  all  shall  be  then  attending  in  congress,  it  shall  be 
thought  absolutely  necessary  for  the  preservation  of  the  liber 
ties  of  the  united  colonies  ;  and  should  a  majority  of  the  colo 
nies  in  congress,  against  such  your  judgment,  resolve  to  de 
clare  these  colonies  independent  of  the  crown  of  Great 
Britain,  or  to  make  or  enter  into  alliance  with  any  foreign 
power,  or  into  any  union  or  confederation  of  these  colonies, 
which  may  necessarily  lead  to  a  separation  from  the  mother 
country,  then  we  instruct  you  immediately  to  call  the  conven 
tion  of  this  province,  and  repair  thereto  with  such  proposi 
tion  and  resolve,  and  lay  the  same  before  the  said  convention 
for  their  consideration;  and  this  convention  will  not  hold  this 
province  bound  by  such  majority  in  congress,  until  the  repre 
sentative  body  of  the  province  in  convention  assent  thereto." 

The  cautious  policy  observable  in  these  instructions,  arose, 
not  so  much  from  timidity  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  Ma 
ryland,  as  from  a  sincere  attachment  to  the  royal  government, 
and  an  equally  sincere  affection  to  the  parent  country.  Soon 
after,  however,  the  aspect  of  things  in  this  province  began  to 
change.  The  affections  of  the  people  became  gradually 
weaned  from  Great  Britain.  It  was  apparent  that  a  reunion 
with  that  country,  on  constitutional  principles,  though  infi 
nitely  desirable,  was  not  to  be  expected.  By  the  fifteenth 
of  May,  1776,  these  sentiments  had  become  so  strong,  that  a 
resolution  passed  the  convention,  declaring  the  authority  of 
the  crown  at  an  end,  and  the  necessity  that  each  colony 
should  form  a  constitution  of  government  for  itself. 

In  the  latter  part  of  June,  the  work  of  regeneration  was 
accomplished.  The  people  of  Maryland  generally  expressed 
themselves,  in  county  meetings,  decidedly  in  favour  of  a  de 
claration  of  independence.  This  expression  of  public  senti 
ment  proved  irresistible,  and  the  convention  proceeded  to 
resolve  :  "  That  the  instructions  given  to  their  deputies  be 
recalled,  and  the  restrictions  therein  contained,  removed ; 
and  that  the  deputies  of  said  colony,  or  any  three  or  more  of 
them,  be  authorized  and  empowered  to  concur  with  the  other 
united  colonies,  or  a  majority  of  them,  in  declaring  the  united 
colonies  free  and  independent  states ;  in  forming  such  fur- 


THOMAS    STONE.  355 

ther  compact  and  confederation  between  them ;  in  making 
foreign  alliances ;  and  in  adopting  such  other  measures  as 
shall  be  adjudged  necessary  for  securing  the  liberties  of 
America;  and  that  said  colony  will  hold  itself  bound  by  the 
resolutions  of  the  majority  of  the  united  colonies  in  the  pre 
mises  ;  provided  the  sole  and  exclusive  right  of  regulating 
the  internal  government  and  police  of  that  colony  be  reser 
ved  to  the  people  thereof." 

Being  thus  relieved  from  the  trammels  which  had  before 
bound  them,  Mr.  Stone  and  his  colleagues  joyfully  recorded 
their  names  in  favour  of  a  measure,  which  was  connected  with 
the  imperishable  glory  of  their  country. 

Soon  after  the  declaration  of  independence,  congress  ap 
pointed  a  committee  to  prepare  articles  of  confederation. 
To  act  on  this  committee,  Mr.  Stone  was  selected  from  the 
Maryland  delegation.  The  duty  devolving  upon  them  was 
exceedingly  arduous.  Their  report  of  the  plan  of  a  confede 
ration  was  before  the  house  for  a  long  period,  and  was  the 
subject  of  debate  thirty-nine  times.  Nor  was  it  at  length 
agreed  to,  till  the  fifteenth  day  of  November,  1777.  Although 
the  people  of  Maryland  had  consented  to  a  declaration  of  in 
dependence,  after  their  first  fervour  had  subsided,  their  for 
mer  jealousy  returned ;  and  the  Maryland  convention  pro 
ceeded  to  limit  the  powers  of  their  delegates,  as  to  the  forma 
tion  of  the  confederation.  At  the  same  time,  not  obscure 
ly  hinting  in  their  resolution,  that  it  might  be  still  possible, 
and  certainly  desirable,  to  accommodate  the  unhappy  diffe 
rences  with  Great  Britain. 

The  above  resolution  was  expressed  in  the  following 
terms  :  "That  the  delegates,  or  any  three  or  more  of  them, 
be  authorized  and  empowered  to  concur  with  the  other 
United  States,  or  a  majority  of  them,  in  forming  a  confedera 
tion,  and  in  making  foreign  alliances,  provided  that  such 
confederation,  when  formed,  be  not  binding  upon  this  state, 
without  the  assent  of  the  general  assembly  ;  and  the  said 
ilelegates,  or  any  three  or  more  of  them,  are  also  authorized 
and  empowered  to  concur  in  any  measures,  which  may  be 
resolved  on  by  congress  for  carrying  on  the  war  with  Great 


356  MARYLAND  DELEGATION. 

Britain,  and  securing  the  liberties  of  the  United  States ;  re 
serving  always  to  this  state,  the  sole  and  exclusive  right  of 
regulating  the  internal  police  thereof.  And  the  said  dele 
gates,  or  any  three  or  more  of  them,  are  hereby  authorized 
and  empowered,  notwithstanding  any  measure  heretofore 
taken,  to  concur  with  the  congress,  or  a  majority  of  them,  in 
accommodating  our  unhappy  difference  with  Great  Britain, 
on  such  terms  as  the  congress,  or  a  majority  of  them,  shall 
think  proper." 

After  seeing  the  confederation  finally  aqrecd  upon  in  con 
gress,  Mr.  Stone  declined  a  re-appointment  to  that  body,  but 
became  a  member  of  the  Maryland  legislature,  where  lie  pow 
erfully  contributed  to  meliorate  the  feelings  of  many,  who 
were  strongly  opposed  to  the  above  plan  of  confederation. 
He  had  the  pleasure,  however,  with  other  friends  of  that 
measure,  to  see  it  at  length  approved  by  the  general  assem 
bly  and  the  people  generally. 

Under  this  confederation,  in  1783,  he  was  again  elected  to 
a  seat  in  congress.  In  the  session  of  1784  he  acted  for  some 
time  as  president  pro  tempore.  On  the  breaking  up  of  con 
gress  this  year,  he  finally  retired  from  that  body,  and  again 
engaged  actively  in  the  duties  of  his  profession.  His  prac 
tice  now  became  lucrative  in  Annapolis,  whither  he  had  re 
moved  his  residence  ;  and  in  professional  reputation  he  rose 
to  great  distinction.  As  an  advocate,  he  excelled  in  strength 
of  argument.  He  was  often  employed  in  cases  of  great 
difficulty ;  and  by  his  brethren  of  the  bar,  it  was  thought  emi 
nently  desirable,  at  such  times,  to  have  him  for  their  colleague. 

In  1787,  Mr.  Stone  was  called  to  experience  an  affliction 
which  caused  a  deep  and  abiding  melancholy  to  settle  upon 
his  spirits.  This  was  the  death  of  Mrs.  Stone,  to  whom  he 
was  justly  and  most  tenderly  attached.  During  a  long  state 
of  weakness  and  decline,  induced  by  injudicious  treatment 
on  the  occasion  of  her  having  the  small  pox  by  inoculation, 
Mr.  Stone  watched  over  her  with  the  most  unwearied  devo 
tion.  At  length,  however,  she  sank  to  the  grave.  From 
this  time,  the  health  of  Mr.  Stone  evidently  declined.  In 
the  autumn  of  the  same  year  his  physicians  advised  him  to 


CHARLES  CARROLL.  357 

make  a  sea  voyage  ;  and  in  obedience  to  that  advice,  he  re 
paired  to  Alexandria,  to  embark  for  England.  Before  the 
vessel  was  ready  to  sail,  however,  he  suddenly  expired,  on 
the  fifth  of  October,  1787,  in  the  forty-fifth  year  of  his  age. 

Mr.  Stone  was  a  professor  of  religion,  and  distinguished 
for  a  sincere  and  fervent  piety.  To  strangers,  he  had  the 
appearance  of  austerity  ;  but  among  his  intimate  friends,  he 
was  affable,  cheerful,  and  familiar.  In  his  disposition  he  was 
uncommonly  amiable,  and  well  disposed.  In  person,  he  was 
tall,  but  well  proportioned. 

Mr.  Stone  left  one  son  and  two  daughters.  The  son  died 
in  1793,  while  pursuing  the  study  of  law.  One  of  the  daugh 
ters,  it  is  said,  still  lives,  and  is  respectably  married  in  the 
state  of  Virginia. 


Clf  \RLES  CARROLL. 

CHARLES  CARROLL  was  a  descendant  of  Daniel  Carroll,  an 
Irish  gentleman,  who  emigrated  from  England  to  America 
about  the  year  1G89.  He  settled  in  the  province  of  Mary 
land,  where,  a  few  years  after,  he  received  the  appointment 
of  judge,  and  register  of  the  land  office,  and  became  agent 
for  Lord  Baltimore. 

Charles  Carroll,  the  father  of  the  subject  of  the  present 
sketch,  was  born  in  1702.  His  son,  Charles  Carroll,  sur- 
named  of  Carrollton,  was  born  September  8,  1737,  O.  S.  at 
Annapolis,  in  the  province  of  Maryland. 

At  the  age  of  eight  years,  he  was  sent  to  France  for  the 
purpose  of  obtaining  an  education.  He  was  placed  at  a  col 
lege  of  English  Jesuits,  at  St.  Omer's,  where  he  remained  for 
six  years.  Afterwards  he  staid  some  time  at  Rheims,  whence 
he  was  removed  to  the  college  of  Lewis  le  Grand.  On 
leaving  college,  he  entered  upon  the  study  of  the  civil  law,  at 
Bourges  ;  from  which  place  he  returned  to  Paris,  where  he 


358  MARYLAND  DELEGATION. 

remained  till  1757,  in  which  year  he  jemoved  to  London,  and 
commenced  the  study  of  law.  He  returned  to  America  in 
1764,  an  accomplished  scholar,  and  an  accomplished  man 
Although  he  had  lived  abroad,  a.,J  might  naturally  be  sup 
posed  to  have  imbibed  a  predilection  for  the  monarchical  in 
stitutions  of  Europe,  he  entered  with  great  spirit  into  the 
controversy  between  the  colonies  and  Great  Britain,  which, 
about  the  time  of  his  arrival,  was  beginning  to  assume  a  most 
serious  aspect. 

A  few  years  following  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act,  the 
violent  excitement  occasioned  by  that  measure,  in  a  degree 
subsided  throughout  all  the  colonies.  In  this  calmer  state  of 
things  the  people  of  Maryland  participated.  But  about  the 
year  1771,  great  commotion  was  excited  in  that  province,  ii» 
consequence  of  the  arbitrary  conduct  of  Governor  Eden  and 
his  council,  touching  the  fees  of  the  civil  officers  of  the  colo 
nial  government.  These  fees,  as  was  noticed  in  the  life  of 
Mr.  Paca,  had  become,  in  the  estimation  of  the  popular 
branch  of  the  assembly,  from  the  manner  in  which  they  were 
charged,  exceedingly  exorbitant.  To  correct  the  abuses 
growing  out  of  the  indefinite  character  of  the  law,  a  new  law 
was  framed  ;  and,  after  being  passed  by  the  lower  house,  was 
sent  to  the  upper  house  for  their  concurrence.  This,  how 
ever,  was  refused  ;  and  the  assembly  was  prorogued,  without 
coming  to  any  agreement  on  the  subject.  Shortly  after,  Go 
vernor  Eden  issued  his  proclamation,  the  ostensible  object  of 
which  was  to  prevent  oppressions  and  extortions  on  the  part 
of  the  officers,  in  exacting  unreasonable  and  excessive  fees. 
The  proclamation  was  in  reality,  however,  highly  exception 
able  in  the  view  of  the  people,  as  it  affected  to  settle  the 
point,  which  was  the  prerogative  only  of  the  people.  The 
fees  in  question  were  considered  in  the  light  of  a  tax,  the 
power  to  lay  which  the  people  justly  claimed  to  themselves. 

The  controversy  which  grew  out  of  this  arbitrary  exercise 
of  power  on  the  part  of  Governor  Eden,  became  exceedingly 
spirited.  It  involved  the  great  principles  of  the  revolution. 
Several  writers  of  distinguished  character  enlisted  them 
selves  on  different  sides  of  the  question.  Among  these  wri- 


CHARLES  CARROLL. 

ters,  no  one  was  more  conspicuous  than  Mr.  Carroll.  The 
natural  consequence  of  his  firmness  in  defence  of  the  rights 
of  the  people  was,  that  great  confidence  was  reposed  in  him 
on  their  part,  and  he  was  looked  up  to  as  one  who  was  emi 
nently  qualified  to  lead  in  the  great  struggle  which  was  ap 
proaching  between  the  colonies  and  the  parent  country. 

From  what  has  been  observed  respecting  Mr.  Carroll,  it 
may  justly  be  inferred  that  his  mind  was  made  up  at  an  early 
day,  as  to  the  course  duty  required  him  to  take  in  respect  to 
this  coming  storm.  An  anecdote  is  related  of  him,  which 
will  illustrate  his  influence  with  the  people  of  Maryland.  By 
a  resolution  of  the  delegates  of  Maryland,  on  the  22d  day  of 
June,  1774,  the  importation  of  tea  was  prohibited.  Some 
time  after,  however,  a  vessel  arrived  at  Annapolis,  having  a 
quantity  of  this  article  on  board.  This  becoming  known, 
the  people  assembled  in  great  multitudes,  to  take  effectual 
measures  to  prevent  its  being  landed.  At  length  the  excite 
ment  became  so  high,  that  the  personal  safety  of  the  captain 
of  the  vessel  became  endangered.  In  this  state  of  things,  the 
friends  of  the  captain  made  application  to  Mr.  Carroll,  to  in 
terpose  his  influence  with  the  people  in  his  behalf.  The  pub 
lic  indignation  was  too  great  to  be  easily  allayed.  This  Mr. 
Carroll  perceived,  and  advised  the  captain  and  his  friends,  as 
the  only  probable  means  of  safety  to  himself,  to  set  fire  to  the 
vessel,  and  burn  it  to  the  water's  edge.  This  alternative  was 
indeed  severe ;  but,  as  it  was  obviously  a  measure  of  neces 
sity,  the  vessel  was  drawn  out,  her  sails  were  set,  her  colours 
unfurled,  in  which  attitude  the  fire  was  applied  to  her,  and,  in 
the  presence  of  an  immense  concourse  of  people,  she  was 
consumed.  This  atonement  was  deemed  satisfactory,  and 
the  captain  was  no  farther  molested. 

In  the  early  part  of  1776,  Mr.  Carroll,  whose  distinguished 
exertions  in  Maryland  had  become  extensively  known,  was 
appointed  by  congress,  in  connexion  with  Dr.  Franklin  and 
Samuel  Chase,  on  a  commission  to  proceed  to  Canada,  to  per 
suade  the  people  of  that  province  to  relinquish  their  alle 
giance  to  the  crown  of  England,  arid  unite  with  the  Americans 
in  their  struggle  for  independence. 


360  MARYLAND    DELEGATION. 

In  the  discharge  of  their  duties,  the  commissioners  met 
with  unexpected  difficulties.  The  defeat  and  death  of  Mont 
gomery,  together  with  the  compulsion  which  the  American 
troops  found  it  necessary  to  exercise,  in  obtaining  the  means  of 
support  in  that  province,  conspired  to  diminish  the  ardour  of 
the  Canadians  in  favour  of  a  union  with  the  colonies,  and 
even,  at  length,  to  render  them  hostile  to  the  measure.  To 
conciliate  their  affections,  and  to  bring  to  a  favourable  result 
the  object  of  their  mission,  the  commissioners  employed  their 
utmost  ingenuity  and  influence.  They  issued  their  proclama 
tions,  in  which  they  assured  the  people  of  the  disposition  of 
congress  to  remedy  the  temporary  evils,  which  the  inhabi 
tants  suffered  in  consequence  of  the  presence  of  the  American 
troops,  so  soon  as  it  should  be  in  their  power  to  provide  spe 
cie,  and  clothing,  and  provisions.  A  strong  tide,  however, 
was  now  setting  against  the  American  colonies,  the  strength 
of  which  was  much  increased  by  the  roman  catholic  priests, 
who,  as  a  body,  had  always  been  opposed  to  any  connexion 
with  the  united  colonies.  Despairing  of  accomplishing  the 
wishes  of  congress,  the  commissioners  at  length  abandoned 
the  object,  and  returned  to  Philadelphia. 

The  great  subject  of  independence  was,  at  this  time,  under 
going  a  discussion  in  the  hall  of  congress.  It  has  been  al 
ready  noticed,  that  the  Maryland  delegation,  in  that  body, 
had  been  instructed  by  their  convention  to  refuse  their  assent 
to  a  declaration  of  independence.  On  returning  to  Maryland, 
Mr.  Carroll  resumed  his  seat  in  the  convention,  and,  with  the 
advocates  of  a  declaration  of  independence,  urged  the  with 
drawal  of  the  above  instructions,  and  the  granting  of  power 
to  their  delegates  to  unite  in  such  a  declaration.  The  friends 
of  the  measure  had  at  length  ithe  happiness,  on  the  28th  of 
June,  of  procuring  a  new  set  of  instructions,  which  secured 
the  vote  of  the  important  province  of  Maryland  in  favour  of 
the  independence  of  America. 

On  the  same  day  on  which  the  great  question  was  decided 
in  congress,  in  favour  of  a  declaration  of  independence,  Mr. 
Carroll  was  elected  a  delegate  to  that  body  from  Maryland. 


CHARLES    CARROLL.  361 

and  accordingly  took  his  seat  on  the  eighteenth  of  the  same 
month. 

Although  not  a  member  of  congress  at  the  time  the  question 
of  a  declaration  of  independence  was  settled,  Mr.  Carroll  had 
the  honour  of  greatly  contributing  to  a  measure  so  auspicious 
to  the  interests  of  his  country,  by  assisting  in  procuring  the 
withdrawal  of  the  prohibiting  instructions,  and  the  adoption 
of  a  new  set,  by  which  the  Maryland  delegates  found  them 
selves  authorized  to  vote  for  independence.  He  had  the 
honour,  also,  of  affixing  his  signature  to  the  declaration  on 
the  second  of  August,  at  which  time  the  members  generally 
signed  an  engrossed  copy,  which  had  been  prepared  for  that 
purpose.  From  the  printed  journals  of  congress,  it  would 
appear,  that  the  declaration  was  signed  on  the  fourth  of  July, 
the  same  day  on  which  the  final  question  was  taken.  This 
is  an  error.  The  declaration,  as  first  published,  had  only  the 
name  of  Hancock  affixed  to  it;  and  it  was  only  on  the  nine 
teenth  of  July,  that  a  resolution  was  adopted,  directing  the 
declaration  to  be  engrossed  on  parchment,  with  a  view  to  a 
general  signature  on  the  part  of  the  members. 

The  truth  of  this  statement  may  be  inferred  from  the  fol 
lowing  letter,  addressed  by  Mr.  Secretary  Adams  to  Mr.  Car 
roll,  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  June,  1824 : 

"SIR, 

"In  pursuance  of  a  joint  resolution  of  the  two  houses  of 
congress,  a  copy  of  which  is  hereto  annexed,  and  by  direction 
of  the  president  of  the  United  States,  I  have  the  honour  of 
transmitting  to  you  two  fac  simile  copies  of  the  original  de 
claration  of  independence,  engrossed  on  parchment,  confor 
mably  to  a  secret  resolution  of  congress  of  nineteenth  July, 
1776,  to  be  signed  by  every  member  of  congress,  and  accord 
ingly  signed  on  the  second  day  of  August  of  the  same  year. 
Of  this  document,  unparalleled  in  the  annals  of  mankind,  the 
original,  deposited  in  this  department,  exhibits  your  name  as 
one  of  the  subscribers.  The  rolls  herewith  transmitted,  are 
copies  as  exact  as  the  art  of  engraving  can  present,  of  the  in 
strument  itself,  as  well  as  of  the  signers  to  it. 
3  A  31 


362  MARYLAND    DELEGATION. 

4  While  performing  the  duty  thus  assigned  me,  permit  me 
to  felicitate  you,  and  the  country,  which  is  reaping  the  reward 
of  your  labours,  as  well  that  your  hand  was  affixed  to  this 
record  of  glory,  as  that,  after  the  lapse  of  near  half  a  century, 
you  survive  to  receive  this  tribute  of  reverence  ant!  gratitude, 
from  your  children,  the  present  fathers  of  the  land. 

"With  every  sentiment  of  veneration,  I  have  the  ho 
nour,"  &c. 

A  signature  to  the  declaration,  was  an  important  step  for 
every  individual  member  of  congress.  It  exposed  the  signers 
of  it  to  the  confiscation  of  their  estates,  and  the  loss  of  life, 
should  the  British  arms  prove  victorious.  Few  men  had  more 
at  stake  in  respect  to  property  than  Mr.  Carroll,  he  being  con 
sidered  the  richest  individual  in  the  colonies.  But  wealth 
was  of  secondary  value  in  his  estimation,  in  comparison  with 
the  rights  and  liberties  of  his  country.  When  asked  whether 
he  would  annex  his  name,  he  replied,  "  most  willingly,"  and 
seizing  a  pen,  instantly  subscribed  "  to  this  record  of  glory." 
"  There  go  a  few  millions,"  said  some  one  who  watched  the 
pen  as  it  traced  the  name  of  "Charles  Carroll,  of  Carrollton," 
on  the  parchment.  Millions  would  indeed  have  gone,  for 
his  fortune  was  princely,  had  not  success  crowned  the  Ame 
rican  arms,  in  the  long  fought  contest. 

Mr.  Carroll  was  continued  a  member  of  congress  until 
1778,  at  which  time  he  resigned  his  seat  in  that  body,  and 
devoted  himself  more  particularly  to  the  interests  of  his  native 
state.  He  had  served  in  her  convention  in  1776,  in  the  lat 
ter  part  of  which  year  he  had  assisted  in  drafting  her  consti 
tution.  Soon  after,  the  new  constitution  went  into  operation, 
and  Mr.  Carroll  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  senate  of  Ma 
ryland.  In  1781  he  was  re-elected  to  the  same  station,  and 
in  1788,  on  the  adoption  of  the  federal  constitution,  was 
chosen  to  the  senate  of  the  United  States. 

In  1791  Mr.  Carroll  relinquished  his  seat  in  the  national 
s&nate,  and  was  again  called  to  the  senate  of  his  native  state. 
This  office  he  continued  to  hold  until  1804,  at  which  time  the 
democratic  party  was  successful  in  electing  their  candidate, 
to  the  exclusion  of  this  long  tried  and  faithful  patriot.  At 


CHARLES    CARROLL.  363 

this  time,  Mr.  Carroll  took  leave  of  public  life,  and  sought  in 
retirement  the  quiet  enjoyment  of  his  family  circle. 

Since  the  date  of  his  retirement  from  public  office,  few  in 
cidents  have  occurred  in  the  life  of  this  worthy  man,  which 
demand  particular  notice.  Like  a  peaceful  stream,  his  days 
have  glided  along,  and  have  continued  to  be  lengthened  out, 
while  the  generation  of  illustrious  men,  with  whom  he  acted 
on  the  memorable  fourth  of  July,  1776,  have  all  descended  to 
the  tomb. 

At  the  age  of  nearly  ninety-two  years,  he  alone  survives. 
"  He  seems  an  aged  oak,  standing  alone  on  the  plain,  which 
time  has  spared  a  little  longer,  after  all  its  contemporaries 
have  been  levelled  with  the  dust.  Sole  survivor  of  an  assem 
bly  of  as  great  men  as  the  world  has  witnessed,  in  a  transac 
tion,  one  of  the  most  important  that  history  records;  whal 
thoughts,  what  reflections,  must  at  times  fill  his  soul!  If  he 
dwell  on  the  past,  how  touching  its  recollections  ;  if  he  sur 
vey  the  present,  how  happy,  how  joyous,  how  full  of  the  frui 
tion  of  hope,  which  his  ardent  patriotism  indulged;  if  he 
glance  at  the  future,  how  must  the  prospect  of  his  country's 
advancement  almost  bewilder  his  weakened  conceptions. 
Fortunate,  distinguished  patriot !  Interesting  relic  of  the 
past  !" 

To  few  men  has  it  been  permitted  to  number  so  many 
years — to  none,  to  have  filled  them  up  more  honourably  and 
usefully,  than  Charles  Carroll.  Happy  in  the  recollection  of 
the  past — conscious  of  a  life  well  spent,  and  possessing 

A  peace  above  all  earthly  dignities — 
A  still  and  quiet  conscience, 

He  may  well  hope  to  pass  the  remaining  hours  of  the  even 
ing  of  his  life  in  tranquillity;  and  may  be  assured,  that  when 
called  to  follow  his  illustrious  predecessors  to  the  grave, 
liberiy,  and  intelligence,  and  patriotism,  and  affection,  will 
weep  at  his  departure,  while  they  will  rejoice  that  his  honour 
ie  placed  where  no  accident  can  reach  it,  and  no  stain  can 
tarnish  it. 


THE 


VIRGINIA  DELEGATION. 


GEORGE  WYTHE, 
RICHARD  HENRY  LEE, 
THOMAS  JEFFERSON, 
BENJAMIN  HARRISON, 
THOMAS  NELSON,  JUN. 
FRANCIS  LIGHTFOOT  LEE, 
CARTER  BRAXTON. 


GEORGE  WYTHE. 

GEORGE  WYTHE  was  a  native  of  the  county  of  Elizabeth 
city,  Virginia,  where  he  was  born  in  the  year  1726.  His 
father  was  a  respectable  farmer,  in  easy  circumstances,  and 
bestowed  upon  his  son  a  competent  patrimony.  At  a  proper 
age  he  was  placed  at  school ;  but  the  knowledge  which  he 
here  obtained  was  extremely  limited  and  superficial,  being 
confined  to  the  English  language,  and  the  elementary  rules 
of  arithmetic.  Fortunately  for  young  Wythe,  his  mother 
was  a  woman  of  extensive  knowledge  for  those  times,  and 
undertook  to  supply  the  defect  of  his  scholastic  education. 
By  her  assistance,  the  powers  of  his  mind,  which  were  ori 
ginally  strong  and  active,  rapidly  unfolded.  He  became  ac 
curately  versed  in  the  Latin  and  Greek  languages,  and  made 
honourable  attainmentr  \i  several  of  the  solid  sciences,  and 
in  polite  literature. 


GEORGE    WYTHE.  365 

Before  he  Became  of  age,  he  had  the  misfortune  to  lose 
his  excellent  mother,  whose  death  was,  not  long  after,  follow 
ed  by  that  of  his  father.  Being  deprived,  at  this  unguarded 
period  of  life,  of  the  counsel  and  example  of  these  natural 
guardians,  he  became  devoted,  for  several  years,  to  amuse 
ment  and  dissipation,  to  which  he  was  strongly  enticed  by  the 
fortune  that  had  been  left  him.  During  this  period,  his  litera 
ry  pursuits  were  almost  entirely  neglected  ;  and  there  was 
the  greatest  reason  to  fear  he  would  not  escape  that  vortex 
into  which  so  many  young  men  remedilessly  sink.  At  the 
age  of  thirty,  the  principles  which  had  been  instilled  into  his 
mind  by  his  virtuous  parents,  asserted  their  proper  influence 
ever  him.  He  abandoned  his  youthful  follies,  applied  him 
self  with  indefatigable  industry  to  study,  and  from  this  date, 
during  a  life  which  was  protracted  to  the  uncommon  age  of 
eighty  years,  he  maintained  a  rigid  and  inflexible  integrity  of 
character. 

Devoting  himself  to  the  profession  of  law,  he  pursued  his 
preparatory  studies  under  the  direction  of  Mr.  John  Lewis. 
The  courts  in  Virginia,  where  he  was  called  to  practice,  were 
filled  by  gentlemen  of  distinguished  ability  in  their  profes 
sion.  With  these  he  soon  held  an  equal  rank,  and  eventual 
ly,  by  his  superior  learning,  greater  industry,  and  more  pow 
erful  eloquence,  occupied  the  chief  place  at  the  bar. 

The  estimation  in  which  he  was  held  by  his  fellow-citizens, 
was  early  manifested  in  an  appointment  from  his  native  coun 
ty  to  a  seat  in  the  house  of  burgesses.  This  station  he  held 
for  several  years,  even  to  the  dawn  of  the  revolution.  In  this 
assembly  were  found,  from  time  to  time,  men  of  distinguish 
ed  genius  and  of  great  attainments.  Among  these,  George 
Wythe  was  conspicuous.  In  1764,  he  assisted  in  preparing 
a  petition  to  the  king,  a  memorial  to  the  house  of  lords,  and 
a  remonstrance  to  the  house  of  commons,  on  the  subject  of 
the  stamp  act,  which  was  then  occupying  the  deliberations  of 
parliament.  The  remonstrance  to  the  house  of  commons 
was  the  production  of  his  pen.  The  tone  and  language  of 
this  paper  were  both  in  spirit  and  style  of  too  independent  a 
character  for  the  times,  especially  in  the  estimation  of  the 

31* 


366  VIRGINIA   DELEGATION. 

more  timid  in  the  house  of  burgesses,  who  required,  be 
fore  it  received  their  sanction,  that  its  asperities  should  be 
softened. 

We  have  had  frequent  occasion,  in  the  course  of  these 
biographical  sketches,  to  allude  to  the  friendly  feelings  of  the 
Americans,  at  this  time,  to  the  parent  country.  Few,  if  any, 
were  to  be  found  whose  views  or  wishes  extended  to  a  sepa 
ration  from  Great  Britain.  Hence,  the  language  which  was 
used  by  the  colonies,  in  setting  forth  their  rights,  was  gene 
rally  supplicatory  in  its  style.  Their  remonstrances  were 
mild  and  conciliatory.  These,  however,  it  was  at  length 
found,  were  in  vain,  and  a  loftier  tone  was  adopted. 

The  passage  of  the  celebrated  stamp  act,  in  January,  1765, 
diffused  a  spirit  of  discontent  and  opposition  throughout  all 
the  American  colonies,  and  was  the  signal  for  the  commence 
ment  of  those  stronger  measures  which  led  on  to  the  great 
revolutionary  struggle. 

In  measures  of  this  kind,  it  is  well  known  that  Virginia 
took  the  lead.  About  this  time,  Patrick  Henry,  a  young 
man,  became  a  member  of  the  house  of  burgesses.  Although 
a  young  man,  he  was  possessed  of  a  most  powerful  eloquence, 
and  of  an  intrepidity  of  character  which  eminently  fitted  him 
to  take  the  lead  in  the  work  of  opposition. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  session,  in  May,  1765,  Mr.  Henry 
presented  to  the  house  the  following  resolutions  : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  first  adventurers  and  settlers  of  this, 
his  majesty's  colony  and  dominion,  brought  with  them,  and 
transmitted  to  their  posterity,  and  all  other  his  majesty's  sub 
jects,  since  inhabiting  in  this,  his  majesty's  said  colony,  all 
the  privileges,  franchises,  and  immunities,  that  have  at  any 
time  been  held,  enjoyed,  and  possessed  by  the  people  of 
Great  Britain. 

"  That  by  two  royal  charters  granted  by  King  James  the 
First,  the  colonists  aforesaid  are  declared  entitled  to  all  the 
privileges  and  immunities  of  denizens  and  natural  born  sub- 
iects,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  if  they  had  been  abiding 
and  born  within  the  realm  of  England. 

"  That  the  taxation  of  the  people  by  themselves,  or  by  per- 


GEORGE  WYTHE.  367 

sons  chosen  by  themselves  to  represent  them,  who  can  only 
know  what  taxes  the  people  are  able  to  bear,  and  the  easiest 
mode  of  raising  them,  is  the  distinguishing  characteristic  of 
British  freedom,  and  without  which  the  ancient  constitution 
cannot  subsist. 

"  That  his  majesty's  liege  people  of  this  most  ancient  co 
lony  have,  uninterruptedly,  enjoyed  the  right  of  being  thus 
governed  by  their  own  assembly  in  the  article  of  their  taxes 
and  internal  police ;  and  that  the  same  hath  never  been  for 
feited,  or  any  other  way  given  up,  but  hath  been  constantly 
recognized  by  the  king  and  people  of  Great  Britain. 

"  Resolved,  therefore,  that  the  general  assembly  of  this  co 
lony  have  the  sole  right  and  power  to  lay  taxes  and  imposi 
tions  upon  the  inhabitants  of  this  colony  :  and  that  any  at 
tempt  to  vest  such  power  in  any  person  or  persons  what 
soever,  other  than  the  general  assembly  aforesaid,  has  a 
manifest  tendency  to  destroy  British  as  well  as  American 
freedom." 

The  language  of  these  resolutions,  so  much  stronger  than 
the  house  had  been  accustomed  to  hear,  at  once  caused  no  in 
considerable  alarm  among  many  of  its  members.  A  power 
ful  opposition  arose  to  their  passage,  and  in  this  opposition 
were  to  be  found  some  of  the  warmest  friends  of  American 
independence.  Among  these  was  Mr.  Wythe ;  not  that  he, 
and  many  others,  did  not  admit  the  justice  of  the  sentiments 
contained  in  the  resolutions;  but  they  remonstrated  on  the 
ground  of  their  tending  to  involve  the  colony,  at  a  time  when 
it  was  unprepared,  in  open  hostility  with  Great  Britain.  The 
eloquence  of  Henry,  however,  silenced,  if  it  did  not  convince 
the  opposition,  and  produced  the  adoption  of  the  resolutions 
without  any  material  alteration.  As  the  fifth  resolution  was 
carried  by  a  majority  of  only  a  single  vote,  the  house,  on  the 
following  day,  in  the  absence  of  Henry,  rescinded  that  re 
solution,  and  directed  it  to  be  erased  from  the  journals. 

The  above  resolutions  spread  rapidly  through  the  Ameri 
can  colonies,  and  in  every  quarter  of  the  country  found  men, 
who  were  ready  to  justify  both  their  spirit  and  language. 
They  served  ta  rouse  the  energies  of  the  American  people, 


368  VIRGINIA    DELEGATION. 

and  were  among  the  measures  which  powerfully  urged  on 
the  revolutionary  contest.  The  bold  and  decided  measure 
thus  adopted  in  the  colony  of  Virginia,  loudly  called  upon  the 
patriots  of  other  states  to  follow  her  in  measures  of  a  similar 
character.  This  they  were  not  backward  in  doing.  After 
the  temporary  revival  of  the  affection  of  the  colonies,  conse 
quent  upon  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act,  had  ceased,  their  op 
position  became  a  principle,  and  in  its  operation  was  strong 
and  lasting.  In  the  history  of  the  opposition  of  America  to 
Great  Britain,  the  colony  of  Virginia  did  themselves  immor 
tal  honour.  In  this  honour,  as  an  individual,  Mr.  Wythe 
largely  participates.  For  many  years,  during  the  approach 
of  the  great  conflict,  he  held  a  seat  in  the  house  of  burgesses  ; 
and  by  his  learning,  his  boldness,  his  patriotic  firmness, 
powerfully  contributed  to  the  ultimate  liberty  and  indepen 
dence  of  his  country. 

In  1775,  he  was  appointed  a  delegate  from  his  native  state 
to  the  continental  congress  in  Philadelphia  ;  and  in  the  fol 
lowing  year,  assisted  in  bringing  forward  and  publishing  to 
the  world  the  immortal  declaration  of  independence.  During 
this  latter  year,  Mr.  Wythe  was  appointed,  in  connexion  with 
Thomas  Jefferson,  Edward  Pendlcton,  and  several  others,  to 
revise  the  laws  of  the  state  of  Virginia,  and  to  accommodate 
them  to  the  great  change  which  had  been  effected  in  her 
transition  from  a  colony  to  an  independent  state.  In  this  im 
portant  work,  only  the  three  gentlemen  mentioned  were  ac 
tually  engaged.  The  original  commission  included  also  the 
names  of  George  Mason  and  Thomas  Ludwell  Lee  ;  the  for 
mer  of  whom  deceased  before  the  committee  entered  upon 
the  duties  assigned  them  ;  and  the  latter  tendered  his  resig 
nation,  leaving  the  arduous  task  to  be  accomplished  by  the 
gentlemen  already  named. 

"The  report  of  this  committee  was  at  lengtn  made,  and 
showed  such  an  intimate  knowledge  of  the  great  principles  of 
legislation,  as  reflected  the  highest  honour  upon  those  who 
formed  it.  The  people  of  Virginia  are  indebted  to  it  for  the 
best  parts  of  their  present  code  of  laws.  Among  the  changes 
then  made  in  the  monarchical  system  of  jurisprudence,  which 


GEORGE    WYTHE.  309 

had  been  previously  in  force,  the  most  important  were  effected  by 
the  act  abolishing  the  right  of  primogeniture,  and  directing  the 
real  estate  of  persons  dying  intestate,  to  be  equally  divided 
among  their  children,  or  other  nearest  relations;  by  the  act  for 
regulating  conveyances,  which  converted  all  estates  in  tail  into 
fees  simple,  thus  destroying  one  of  the  supports  of  the  proud 
and  overbearing  distinctions  of  particular  families  ;  and  finally 
by  the  act  for  the  establishment  of  religious  freedom.  Had 
all  the  proposed  bills  been  adopted  by  the  legislature,  other 
changes  of  great  importance  would  have  taken  place.  A  wise 
and  universal  system  of  education  would  have  been  establish 
ed,  giving  to  the  children  of  the  poorest  citizen  the  oppor 
tunity  of  attaining  science,  and  thus  of  rising  to  honour  and 
extensive  usefulness.  The  proportion  between  crimes  and 
punishments  would  have  been  better  adjusted,  and  malefactors 
would  have  been  made  to  promote  the  interests  of  the  com 
monwealth  by  their  labour.  But  the  public  spirit  of  the  as 
sembly  could  not  keep  pace  with  the  liberal  views  of  Wythe." 

In  the  year  1777,  Mr.  Wythe  was  elected  speaker  of  the 
house  of  delegates,  and  during  the  same  year  was  appointed 
iudge  of  the  high  court  of  chancery  of  Virginia.  On  the  new 
organization  of  the  court  of  equity,  in  a  subsequent  year,  he 
was  appointed  sole  chancellor,  a  station  which  he  filled,  with 
great  ability,  for  more  than  twenty  years. 

During  the  revolution,  Mr.  Wythe  suffered  greatly  in  re 
spect  to  his  property.  His  devotion  to  public  services  left 
him  little  opportunity  to  attend  to  his  private  affairs.  The 
greater  part  of  his  slaves  he  lost  by  the  dishonesty  of  his  su- 
perintendant,  who  placed  them  in  the  hands  of  the  British. 
By  economy  and  judicious  management,  however,  Mr.  Wythe 
was  enabled,  with  the  residue  of  his  estate,  and  with  his  sala 
ry  as  chancellor,  to  discharge  his  debts,  and  to  preserve  his 
independence. 

Of  the  convention  of  1787,  appointed  to  revise  the  federal 
constitution,  Mr.  Wythe  was  a  delegate  from  Virginia,  having 
for  his  colleagues  Washington,  Henry,  Randolph,  Blair,  Ma 
dison,  and  Mason.  "  During  the  debates,  he  acted  for  the 
most  part  as  chairman,  Being  convinced  that  the  confede- 
3  B 


370  VIRGINIA    DELEGATION. 

ration  was  defective  in  the  energy  necessary  to  preserve  the 
union  and  liberty  of  America,  this  venerable  patriot,  then  be 
ginning  to  bow  under  the  weight  of  years,  rose  in  the  con 
vention,  and  exerted  his  voice,  almost  too  feeble  to  be  heard, 
in  contending  for  a  system,  on  the  acceptance  of  which  he 
conceived  the  happiness  of  his  country  to  depend.  He  was 
ever  attached  to  the  constitution,  on  account  of  the  principles 
of  freedom  and  justice  which  it  contained  ;  and  in  every 
change  of  affairs  he  was  steady  in  supporting  the  rights  of 
man.  His  political  opinions  were  always  firmly  republican. 
Though  in  1798  and  1799,  he  was  opposed  to  the  measures 
which  were  adopted  in  the  administration  of  President  Adams, 
and  reprobated  the  alien  and  sedition  laws,  and  the  raising  of 
the  army,  yet  he  never  yielded  a  moment  to  the  rancour  of 
party  spirit,  nor  permitted  the  difference  of  opinion  to  inter 
fere  with  his  private  friendships.  He  presided  twice  succes 
sively  in  the  college  of  electors  in  Virginia,  and  twice  voted 
for  a  president  whose  political  principles  coincided  with  his 
own. 

"  After  a  short,  but  very  excruciating  sickness,  he  died, 
June  8,  1806,  in  the  eighty-first  year  of  his  age.  It  was  sup 
posed  that  he  was  poisoned  ;  but  the  person  suspected  was 
acquitted  by  a  jury  of  his  countrymen.  By  his  last  will  and 
testament,  he  bequeathed  his  valuable  library  and  philosophi 
cal  apparatus  to  his  friend,  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  distributed  the 
remainder  of  his  little  property  among  the  grandchildren  of 
his  sister,  and  the  slaves  whom  he  had  set  free.  He  thus 
wished  to  liberate  the  blacks,  not  only  from  slavery,  but  from 
the  temptations  to  vice.  He  even  condescended  to  impart 
to  them  instruction  ;  and  he  personally  taught  the  Greek  lan- 
gua'ge  to  a  little  negro  boy,  who  died  a  few  days  before  his 
preceptor. 

"  Chancellor  Wythe  was  indeed  an  extraordinary  man. 
With  all  his  great  qualities,  he  possessed  a  soul  replete  with 
benevolence,  and  his  private  life  is  full  of  anecdotes,  which 
prove,  that  it  is  seldom  that  a  kinder  and  warmer  heart  throbbed 
in  the  breast  of  a  human  being.  He  was  of  a  social  and  affec 
tionate  disposition.  From  the  time  when  he  was  emanci 


GEORGE    WYTHE.  371 

pated  from  the  follies  of  youth,  he  sustained  an  unspotted  re 
putation.  His  integrity  was  never  even  suspected. 

"  While  he  practised  at  the  bar,  when  offers  of  an  extraor 
dinary,  but  well  merited  compensation,  were  made  to  him  by 
clients,  whose  causes  he  had  gained,  he  would  say,  that  the 
labourer  was  indeed  worthy  of  his  hire ;  but  the  lawful  fee 
was  all  he  had  a  right  to  demand ;  and  as  to  presents,  he  did 
not  want,  and  would  not  accept  them  from  any  man.  This 
grandeur  of  mind,  he  uniformly  preserved  to  the  end  of  his 
life.  His  manner  of  living  was  plain  and  abstemious.  He 
found  the  means  of  suppressing  the  desires  of  wealth  by  limit 
ing  the  number  of  his  wants.  An  ardent  desire  to  promote 
the  happiness  of  his  fellow  men,  by  supporting  the  cause  of 
justice,  and  maintaining  and  establishing  their  rights,  appears 
to  have  been  his  ruling  passion. 

**  As  a  judge,  he  was  remarkable  for  his  rigid  impartiality, 
and  sincere  attachment  to  the  principles  of  equity;  for  his  vast 
and  various  learning ;  and  for  his  strict  and  unwearied  atten 
tion  to  business.  Superior  to  popular  prejudices,  and  every 
corrupting  influence,  nothing  could  induce  him  to  swerve  from 
truth  and  right.  In  his  decisions,  he  seemed  to  be  a  pure  in 
telligence,  untouched  by  human  passions,  and  settling  the  dis 
putes  of  men,  according  to  the  dictates  of  eternal  and  immu 
table  justice.  Other  judges  have  surpassed  him  in  genius,  and 
a  certain  facility  in  despatching  causes ;  but  while  the  vigour 
of  his  faculties  remained  unimpaired,  he  was  seldom  surpassed 
in  learning,  industry,  and  judgment. 

"  From  a  man,  entrusted  with  such  high  concerns,  and 
whose  time  was  occupied  by  so  many  difficult  and  perplexing 
avocations,  it  could  scarcely  have  been  expected,  that  he  should 
have  employed  a  part  of  it  in  the  toilsome  and  generally  unplea 
sant  task  of  the  education  of  youth.  Yet,  even  to  this,  he  was 
prompted  by  his  genuine  patriotism  and  philanthropy,  which 
induced  him  for  many  years  to  take  great  delight  in  educating 
such  young  persons  as  showed  an  inclination  for  improve 
ment.  Harassed  as  he  was  with  business,  and  enveloped 
with  papers  belonging  to  intricate  suits  in  chancery,  he  yet 
found  time  to  keep  a  private  school  for  the  instruction  of  a 


372  VIRGINIA   DELEGATION. 

few  scholars,  always  with  very  little  compensation,  and  of 
ten  demanding  none.  Several  living  ornaments  of  their  coun 
try  received  their  greatest  lights  from  his  sublime  example  and 
instruction.  Such  was  the  upright  and  venerable  Wythe." 


RICHARD   HENRY  LEE. 

RICHARD  HENRY  LEE,  a  descendant  from  an  ancient  and 
distinguished  family  in  Virginia,  was  born  in  Westmoreland 
county,  of  that  province,  on  the  twentieth  of  January,  1732. 
As  the  schools  of  the  country  for  many  years  furnished  but 
few  advantages  for  an  education,  those  who  were  able  to  meet 
the  expense,  were  accustomed  to  send  their  sons  abroad  for 
instruction.  At  a  proper  age,  young  Lee  was  sent  to  a  flou 
rishing  school,  then  existing  at  Wakesfield,  in  the  county  ol 
Yorkshire,  England.  The  talents  which  he  possessed,  indus 
triously  employed  under  the  guidance  of  respectable  tutors, 
rendered  his  literary  acquisitions  easy  and  rapid  ;  and  in  a  few 
years  he  returned  to  his  native  country,  with  a  mind  well 
stored  with  scientific  and  classical  knowledge. 

For  several  years  following  his  return  to  America,  he  con 
tinued  his  studies  with  persevering  industry,  greatly  adding  to 
the  stock  of  knowledge  which  he  had  gained  abroad,  by 
which  he  was  still  more  eminently  fitted  for  the  conspicuous 
part  he  was  destined  to  act  in  the  approaching  revolutionary 
struggle  of  his  country. 

About  the  year  1757,  Mr.  Lee  was  called  to  a  seat  in  the 
house  of  burgesses.  For  several  years,  however,  he  made 
but  an  indifferent  figure,  either  as  an  orator  or  the  leader  of  a 
party,  owing,  it  is  said,  to  a  natural  diffidence,  which  prevent 
ed  him  from  displaying  those  powers  with  which  he  was 
gifted,  or  exercising  that  influence  to  which  he  was  entitled. 
This  impediment,  however,  was  gradually  removed,  when 
he  rapidly  rose  into  notice,  and  became  conspicuous  as  a  poli 


RICHARD    HENRY    LEE.  373 

tical  leader  in  his  country,  and  highly  distinguished  for  a  na 
tural,  easy,  and  at  the  same  time  impressive  eloquence. 

In  the  year  1765,  Patrick  Henry, proposed  the  celebrated 
resolutions  against  the  stamp  act,  noticed  in  the  preceding 
sketch  of  the  life  of  Mr.  Wythe.  During  the  debate  on  these 
resolutions,  Mr.  Lee  arrived  at  the  seat  of  government,  soon 
after  which  he  entered  with  great  spirit  into  the  debate,  and 
powerfully  assisted  in  carrying  these  resolutions  through  the 
house,  in  opposition  to  the  timidity  of  some,  and  the  mis 
taken  judgment  of  others. 

The  above  strong  and  spirited  resolutions  served,  as  has 
already  been  noticed  in  a  former  page,  to  rouse  the  energies 
of  the  Americans,  and  to  concentrate  that  feeling,  which  was 
spending  itself  without  obtaining  any  important  object.  Not 
long  after  the  above  resolutions  were  carried,  Mr.  Lee  pre 
sented  to  his  fellow  citizens  the  plan  of  an  association,  the 
object  of  which  was  an  effectual  resistance  to  the  arbitrary 
power  of  the  mother  country,  which  was  manifesting  itselt 
in  various  odious  forms ;  and  especially  in  that  detestable 
measure,  the  stamp  act.  The  third  article  of  the  constitu 
tion  of  this  association  will  show  the  patriotic  and  determined 
spirit  which  prevailed  in  the  county  of  Westmoreland,  the 
people  of  which  generally  united  in  the  association.  "  As  the 
stamp  act  does  absolutely  direct  the  property  of  people  to  be 
taken  from  them,  without  their  consent,  expressed  by  their 
representatives,  and  as  in  many  cases  it  deprives  the  British 
American  subject  of  his  right  to  be  tried  by  jury,  we  do  deter 
mine,  at  every  hazard,  and  paying  no  regard  to  death,  to 
exert  every  faculty  to  prevent  the  execution  of  the  stamp  act, 
in  every  instance,  within  the  colony." 

The  influence  of  this  association,  and  of  other  associations 
of  a  similar  kind,  rendered  the  execution  of  the  stamp  act  dif 
ficult,  and  even  impossible.  It  was  a  measure  to  which  the 
Americans  would  not  submit;  and  the  ministry  of  Great  Bri 
tain  were  reluctantly  forced  to  repeal  it.  To  Mr.  Lee,  as 
well  as  to  his  countrymen,  the  removal  of  the  stamp  act  was 
an  occasion  of  no'small  joy  ;  but  the  clause  accompanying  the 
repealing  act,  which  declared  the  power  of  parliament  to  bind 

32 


374  VIRGINIA    DELEGATION. 

the  colonies  in  all  cases  whatever,  was  a  dark  cloud,  which  in 
a  measure  obscured  the  brightness  of  the  prospect,  and  fore 
boded  an  approaching  storm. 

In  the  year  1773,  Mr.  Lee  brought  forward  in  the  Virginia 
house  of  burgesses  his  celebrated  plan  for  the  formation  of  a 
committee  of  correspondence,  whose  object  was  to  dissemi 
nate  information,  and  to  kindle  the  flame  of  liberty,  through 
out  the  continent ;  or,  in  other  language,  "  to  watch  the  con 
duct  of  the  British  parliament,  to  spread  more  widely  correct 
information  on  topics  connected  with  the  interests  of  the  co 
lonies,  and  to  form  a  closer  union  of  the  men  of  influence  in 
each."  The  honour  of  having  first  established  corresponding 
societies  is  claimed  both  by  Massachusetts  and  Virginia  ;  the 
former  placing  the  merit  to  the  account  of  her  distinguished 
patriot,  Samuel  Adams  ;  and  the  latter  assigning  it  to  Richard 
Henry  Lee.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  each  of  these  dis 
tinguished  men  are  entitled  to  equal  honour,  in  respect  to  ori 
ginating  a  plan  which  contributed,  more  than  most  others,  to  a 
unity  of  sentiment  and  harmony  of  action  among  the  different 
leaders  in  the  respective  colonies.  Without  concert  between 
them,  each  of  these  individuals  seems  to  have  introduced  the 
plan,  about  the  same  period,  to  the  legislatures  of  their  re 
spective  colonies.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  in  respect  to 
Mr.  Lee,  the  plan  of  these  corresponding  societies  was  not 
the  result  of  a  few  days  reflection  only.  It  had  occupied  his 
thoughts  for  several  years ;  had  been  there  forming  and  ma 
turing,  and,  at  length,  was  proposed  and  adopted,  to  the  infi 
nite  advantage  of  the  cause  of  liberty  in  the  country. 

Of  the  distinguished  congress  which  met  at  Philadelphia  in 
1774,  Mr.  Lee  was  a  delegate  from  Virginia,  with  Washington 

nd  Henry.     In  the  deliberations   of  this   celebrated  body, 
.  Lee  acted  a  conspicuous  part,  and  served  on  several  com- 

ittees  ;  and  to  his  pen  is  attributed  the  memorial,  which  the 
continental  congress  authorized,  to  the  people  of  British  Ame 
rica.  In  the  following  year,  Mr.  Lee  received  the  unanimous 
suffrage  of  the  district  in  which  he  resided  to,jthe  assembly  of 
Virginia,  by  which  he  was  deputed  to  represent  the  colony 
in  the  second  congress,  which  was  to  meet  on  the  tenth  of 


RICHARD  HENRY  LEE.  375 

May  of  that  year.  At  the  same  time,  he  received  an  expres 
sion  of  the  thanks  of  the  assembly,  "  for  his  cheerful  under 
taking,  and  faithful  discharge  of  the  trust  reposed  in  him, 
during  the  session  of  the  last  congress." 

On  the  meeting  of  this  second  congress,  it  was  apparent 
that  all  hope  of  peace  and  reconciliation  with  the  mother 
country  was  at  an  end.  Indeed,  hostilities  had  actually  com 
menced  ;  the  busy  note  of  preparation  was  heard  in  all  the 
land.  Washington  was  summoned  by  the  unanimous  voice 
of  congress  to  the  command  of  the  American  armies ;  and 
his  commission  and  instructions  it  fell  to  Mr.  Lee  to  furnish, 
as  the  chairman  of  a  committee  appointed  for  that  purpose. 
During  the  same  session,  also,  he  was  placed  on  committees 
which  were  appointed  to  the  important  duties  of  preparing 
munitions  of  war,  encouraging  the  manufacture  of  saltpetre 
and  arms,  and  for  devising  a  plan  for  the  more  rapid  commu 
nication  of  intelligence  throughout  the  colonies. 

The  period  had  now  arrived,  when  the  thoughts  of  the 
American  people  were  turned,  in  solemn  earnest,  to  the  great 
subject  of  American  independence.  Most  of  the  colonies 
were  already  prepared  to  hail  with  joy  a  measure  which 
should  declare  to  the  world  their  determination  to  be  ac 
counted  a  free  and  independent  people.  Most  of  the  provin 
cial  assemblies  had  published  resolutions  in  favour  of  such  a 
declaration,  and  had  even  instructed  their  delegates  to  urge 
upon  congress  the  importance  and  necessity  of  this  decisive  step. 

Mr.  Lee  was  selected  to  move  the  resolution  in  congress 
on  this  great  subject.  This  he  did  on  the  seventh  of  June, 
1776,  in  the  following  words  :  "  That  these  united  colonies 
are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  states ; 
that  they  are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the  British 
crown  ;  and  that  all  political  connexion  between  them  and  the 
state  of  Great  Britain  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved." 

The  motion,  thus  introduced  by  Mr.  Lee,  he  followed  by 
one  of  the  most  luminous  and  eloquent  speeches  ever  deli 
vered,  either  by  himself  or  any  other  gentleman,  on  the  floor 
of  congress.  "Why  then,  sir,"  (said  he,  in  conclusion,) 
"  why  do  we  longer  delay  ?  Why  still  deliberate  ?  Let  thi« 


376  VIRGINIA  DELEGATION. 

happy  day  give  birth  to  an  American  republic.  Let  her  arise, 
not  to  devastate  and  to  conquer,  but  to  re-establish  the  reign 
of  peace  and  of  law.  The  eyes  of  Europe  are  fixed  upon  us  ; 
she  demands  of  us  a  living  example  of  freedom,  that  may  ex 
hibit  a  contrast  in  the  felicity  of  the  citizen  to  the  ever  in 
creasing  tyranny  which  desolates  her  polluted  shores.  She 
invites  us  to  prepare  an  asylum,  where  the  unhappy  may  find 
solace,  and  the  persecuted  repose.  She  entreats  us  to  culti 
vate  a  propitious  soil,  where  that  generous  plant  which  first 
sprung  and  grew  in  England,  but  is  now  withered  by  the 
poisonous  blasts  of  Scottish  tyranny,  may  revive  and  flourish, 
sheltering  under  its  salubrious  and  interminable  shade,  all 
the  unfortunate  of  the  human  race.  If  we  are  not  this  day 
wanting  in  our  duty,  the  names  of  the  American  legislators 
of  1776  will  be  placed  by  posterity  at  the  side  of  Theseus, 
Lycurgus,  and  Romulus,  of  the  three  Williams  of  Nassau, 
and  of  all  those  whose  memory  has  been,  and  ever  will  be, 
dear  to  virtuous  men  and  good  citizens." 

The  debate  on  the  above  motion  of  Mr.  Lee  was  protracted 
until  the  tenth  of  June,  on  which  day  congress  resolved  : 
"  that  the  consideration  of  the  resolution  respecting  indepen 
dence  be  postponed  till  the  first  Monday  in  July  next;  and,  in 
the  mean  while,  that  no  time  be  lost,  in  case  the  congress 
agree  thereto,  that  a  committee  be  appointed  to  prepare  a 
declaration  to  the  effect  of  the  said  resolution." 

On  the  day  on  which  this  resolution  was  taken,  Mr.  Lee 
was  unexpectedly  summoned  to  attend  upon  his  family  in 
Virginia,  some  of  the  members  of  which  were  at  that  time 
dangerously  ill.  As  the  mover  of  the  original  resolution  for 
independence,  it  would,  according  to  parliamentary  usage, 
have  devolved  upon  Mr.  Lee  to  have  been  appointed  chair 
man  of  the  committee  selected  to  prepare  a  declaration,  and, 
as  chairman,  to  have  furnished  that  important  document.  In 
the  absence  of  Mr.  Lee,  however,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  elected 
to  that  honour,  by  whom  it  was  drawn  up  with  singular  en 
ergy  of  style  and  argument. 

In  the  following  month,  Mr.  Lee  resumed  his  scat  in  con 
gress,  in  which  body  he  continued  till  June,  1777,  during 


RICHARD  HENRY  LEE.  377 

which  period  he  continued  the  same  round  of  active  exertions 
for  the  welfare  of  his  country.  It  was  his  fortune,  however, 
as  well  as  the  fortune  of  others,  to  have  enemies,  who  charged 
him  with  disaffection  to  his  country,  and  attachment  to  Great 
Britain.  The  ground  upon  which  this  charge  was  made,  was, 
that  contrary  to  his  former  practice,  previously  to  the  war, 
he  received  the  rents  of  his  tenants  in  the  produce  of  their 
farms,  instead  of  colonial  money,  which  had  now  become 
greatly  depreciated.  This  accusation,  though  altogether  un 
just,  and  unwarrantable,  at  length  gained  so  much  credit,  that 
the  name  of  Mr.  Lee  was  omitted  by  the  assembly,  in  their 
list  of  delegates  to  congress.  This  gave  him  an  opportunity, 
and  furnished  him  with  a  motive,  to  demand  of  the  assembly 
an  inquiry  into  the  nature  of  the  allegations  against  him. 
The  inquiry  resulted  in  an  entire  acquittal,  and  in  an  expres 
sion  of  thanks  to  Mr.  Lee,  which  was  conveyed,  on  the  part 
of  the  house,  by  their  speaker,  Mr.  Wythe,  in  the  following 
language  : — "  It  is  with  peculiar  pleasure,  sir,  that  I  obey  this 
command  of  the  house,  because  it  gives  me  an  opportunity, 
while  I  am  performing  an  act  of  duty  to  them,  to  perform  an 
act  of  justice  to  yourself.  Serving  with  you  in  congress,  and 
attentively  observing  your  conduct  there,  I  thought  that  you 
manifested,  in  the  American  cause,  a  zeal  truly  patriotic ;  and 
as  far  as  I  could  judge,  exerted  the  abilities  for  which  you  are 
confessedly  distinguished,  to  promote  the  good  and  prosperity 
of  your  own  country  in  particular,  and  of  the  United  States 
in  general.  That  the  tribute  of  praise  deserved,  may  reward 
those  who  do  well,  and  encourage  others  to  follow  your  ex 
ample,  the  house  have  come  to  this  resolution:  that  the  thanks 
of  this  house  be  given  by  the  speaker  to  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
for  the  faithful  services  he  has  rendered  his  country,  in  dis 
charge  of  his  duty,  as  one  of  the  delegates  from  this  state  in 
general  congress." 

At  a  subsequent  period,  Mr.  Lee  was  again  elected  a  dele 
gate  to  congress ;  but  during  the  session  of  1778  and  1779, 
in  consequence  of  ill  health,  he  was  obliged  frequently  to  ab 
sent  himself  from  the  arduous  duties  which  devolved  upon 
him,  and  which  he  could  no  longer  sustain.  From  this  time, 
3C  33* 


378  VIRGINIA    DELEGATION. 

until  1784,  Mr.  Lee  declined  accepting  a  seat  in  congress, 
from  a  belief  that  he  might  be  more  useful  to  his  native  state, 
by  holding  a  seat  in  her  assembly.  In  this  latter  year,  how 
ever,  the  people  of  Virginia  again  honoured  him,  by  appoint 
ing  him  one  of  her  representatives  to  congress,  of  which  body 
he  was  unanimously  elected  president.  In  this  exalted  sta 
tion  h-e  presided  with  great  ability  ;  and  on  the  expiration  of 
his  time  of  service,  he  received  the  thanks  of  congress  for  his 
able  and  faithful  discharge  of  the  duties  of  president,  while 
acting  in  that  station." 

To  the  adoption  of  the  federal  constitution  without  amend 
ment,  although  not  a  member  of  the  convention  which  dis 
cussed  its  merits,  he  was  strongly  opposed.  The  tendency 
of  the  constitution,  he  apprehended,  was  to  consolidation.  To 
guard  against  this,  it  was  his  wish  that  the  respective  states 
should  impart  to  the  federal  head  only  so  much  power  as 
was  necessary  for  mutual  safety  and  happiness.  Under  the 
new  constitution,  Mr.  Lee  was  appointed  the  first  senator  from 
Virginia;  in  the  exercise  of  which  office,  he  offered  several 
amendments  to  the  constitution,  from  the  adoption  of  which 
he  hoped  to  lessen  the  danger  to  the  country,  which  he  had 
apprehended. 

About  the  year  1792,  Mr.  Lee,  enfeebled  by  his  long  at 
tention  to  public  duties,  and  by  the  infirmities  of  age,  retired 
to  the  enjoyment  of  his  family  and  friends.  Not  long  after, 
he  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  from  the  senate  and  house 
of  delegates  of  Virginia,  the  following  unanimous  vote  of 
thanks  :  "  Resolved,  unanimously,  that  the  speaker  be  de 
sired  to  convey  to  Richard  Henry  Lee,  the  respects  of  the 
senate  ;  that  they  sincerely  sympathise  with  him  in  those  in 
firmities,  which  have  deprived  their  country  of  his  valuable 
services ;  and  that  they  ardently  wish  he  may,  in  his  retire 
ment,  with  uninterrupted  happiness,  close  the  evening  of  a 
life,  in  which  he  hath  so  conspicuously  shone  forth  as  a  states 
man  and  a  patriot ;  that  while  mindful  of  his  many  exertions 
to  promote  the  public  interests,  they  are  particularly  thankful 
for  his  conduct  as  a  member  of  the  legislature  of  the  United 
States." 


RICHARD  HENRY  LEE. 

The  life  of  Mr.  Lee  was  continued  until  the  nineteenth  of 
June,  1794,  when  he  breathed  his  last,  at  the  age  of  sixty- 
three  years. 

Few  men,  in  any  age  or  in  any  country,  have  shone  with 
greater  brilliancy,  or  have  left  a  more  desirable  name,  than 
Richard  Henry  Lee.  Both  in  public  and  private  life,  he  had 
few  equals.  In  his  public  career,  he  was  distinguished  for 
no  common  ardour  and  disinterestedness.  As  an  orator,  he 
exercised  an  uncommon  sway  over  the  minds  of  men.  His 
manners  were  perfectly  graceful,  and  his  language  universally 
chaste.  "  Although  somewhat  monotonous,  his  speeches," 
says  a  writer,  "  were  always  pleasing,  yet  he  did  not  ravish 
your  senses,  nor  carry  away  your  judgment  by  storm.  His 
was  the  mediate  class  of  eloquence,  described  by  Rollin  in 
his  belles  lettres.  He  was  like  a  beautiful  river,  meandering 
through  a  flowery  mead,  but  which  never  overflowed  its  banks. 
It  was  Henry  who  was  the  mountain  torrent,  that  swept  away 
every  thing  before  it ;  it  was  he  alone,  who  thundered  and 
lightened  ;  he  alone  attained  that  sublime  species  of  eloquence, 
also  mentioned  by  Rollin." 

In  private  life,  Mr.  Lee  was  justly  the  delight  of  all  who 
knew  him.  He  had  a  numerous  family  of  children,  the  off 
spring  of  two  marriages,  who  were  eminently  devoted  to  their 
father,  who  in  his  turn  delighted  to  administer  to  their  inno 
cent  enjoyments,  and  to  witness  the  expansion  of  their  intel 
lectual  powers. 

We  conclude  this  hasty  sketch,  with  the  following  account 
of  Mr.  Lee,  from  the  flowing  pen  of  the  author  of  the  life  of 
Patrick  Henry. — "  Mr.  Lee,"  says  he,  "  had  studied  the 
classics  in  the  true  spirit  of  criticism.  His  taste  had  that  de 
licate  touch,  which  seized  with  intuitive  certainty  every 
beauty  of  an  author,  and  his  genius  that  native  affinity,  which 
combined  them  without  an  effort.  Into  every  walk  of  litera 
ture  and  science,  he  had  carried  his  mind  of  exquisite  selec 
tion,  and  brought  it  back  to  the  business  of  life,  crowned  with 
every  light  of  learning,  and  decked  with  every  wreath  that 
all  the  muses  and  all  the  graces  could  entwine.  Nor  did 
these  light  decorations  constitute  the  whole  value  of  its 


380  VIRGINIA   DELEGATION. 

freight.  He  possessed  a  rich  store  of  political  knowledge, 
with  an  activity  of  observation,  and  a  certainty  of  judgment, 
which  turned  that  knowledge  to  the  very  best  account.  He 
was  not  a  lawyer  by  profession,  but  he  understood  thoroughly 
the  constitution  both  of  the  mother  country  and  of  her  colo 
nies,  and  the  elements,  also,  of  the  civil  and  municipal  law. 
Thus,  while  his  eloquence  was  free  from  those  stiff  and  tech 
nical  restraints,  which  the  habit  of  forensic  speaking  are  so 
apt  to  generate,  he  had  all  the  legal  learning  which  is  neces 
sary  to  a  statesman.  He  reasoned  well,  and  declaimed  freely 
and  splendidly.  The  note  of  his  voice  was  deep  and  melo 
dious.  It  was  the  canorous  voice  of  Cicero.  He  had  lost 
the  use  of  one  of  his  hands,  which  he  kept  constantly  covered 
with  a  black  silk  bandage,  neatly  fitted  to  the  palm  of  his 
hand,  but  leaving  his  thumb  free ;  yet,  notwithstanding  this 
disadvantage,  his  gesture  was  so  graceful  and  highly  finished, 
that  it  was  said  he  had  acquired  it  by  practising  before  a  mir 
ror.  Such  was  his  promptitude,  that  he  required  no  prepa 
ration  for  debate.  He  was  ready  for  any  subject,  as  soon  as 
it  was  announced,  and  his  speech  was  so  copious,  so  rich,  so 
mellifluous,  set  off  W7ith  such  bewitching  cadence  of  voice, 
and  such  captivating  grace  of  action,  that  while  you  listened 
to  him,  you  desired  to  hear  nothing  superior ;  and,  indeed, 
thought  him  perfect.  He  had  quick  sensibility  and  a  fervid 
imagination." 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

THOMAS  JEFFERSON  was  born  on  the  second  day  of  April, 
O.  S.  1743,  at  a  place  called  Shadwell,  in  the  county  of  Al- 
bermarle,  and  state  of  Virginia,  a  short  distance  from  Mon- 
tioello.  His  family  were  among  the  earliest  emigrants  from 
England.  They  sustained  an  honourable  standing  in  the 
territory  in  which  they  resided,  and  lived  in  circumstances  of 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  381 

considerable  affluence.  His  father,  Peter  Jefferson,  was 
much  known  in  the  province,  as  a  gentleman  of  considerable 
scientific  attainments,  and  more  than  ordinary  firmness  and 
integrity.  It  was  probably  in  consequence  of  these  qualifica 
tions,  that  he  was  selected  as  one  of  the  commissioners  ap 
pointed  to  the  delicate  and  responsible  task  of  determining 
the  division  line  between  Virginia  and  North  Carolina.  On 
the  decease  of  the  father,  the  son  inherited  from  him  an  ex 
tensive  and  valuable  estate. 

Of  the  early  incidents  in  the  life  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  but 
little  is  known.  He  was  entered,  while  yet  a  youth,  a  stu 
dent  in  the  college  of  William  and  Mary,  in  Williamsburg ; 
but  the  precise  standing  which  he  occupied  among  his  litera 
ry  associates,  is  probably  now  lost.  He  doubtless,  however, 
left  the  college  with  no  inconsiderable  reputation.  He  ap 
pears  to  have  been  imbued  with  an  early  love  of  letters  and 
science,  and  to  have  cherished  a  strong  disposition  to  the 
physical  sciences  especially  ;  and  to  ancient  classical  litera 
ture,  he  is  understood  to  have  had  a  warm  attachment,  and 
never  to  have  lost  sight  of  them,  in  the  midst  of  the  busiest 
occupations. 

On  leaving  college,  he  applied  himself  to  the  study  of  the 
law  under  the  tuition  of  George  Wythe,  of  whose  high  judi 
cial  character  we  have  had  occasion  to  speak  in  a  preceding 
memoir.  In  the  office  of  this  distinguished  man,  he  acquired 
that  unrivalled  neatness,  system,  and  method  in  business, 
which  through  all  his  future  life,  and  in  every  office  that  he 
filled,  gave  him  so  much  power  and  despatch.  Under  the 
direction  of  hrs  distinguished  preceptor,  he  became  intimately 
acquainted  with  the  whole  round  of  the  civil  and  common 
law.  From  the  same  distinguished  example  he  caught  that 
untiring  spirit  of  investigation,  which  never  left  a  subject  till 
he  had  searched  it  to  the  very  foundation.  In  short,  Mr. 
Wythe  performed  for  him,  as  one  "of  his  eulogists  remarks, 
what  Jeremiah  Gridley  did  for  his  great  rival,  Mr.  Adams ; 
he  placed  on  his  head.,  the  crown  of  legal  preparation,  and 
well  did  it  become  him. 

For  his  able  legal  preceptor,  Mr.  Jefferson  always  enter- 


382  VIRGINIA    DELEGATION. 

tained  the  greatest  respect  and  friendship.  Indeed,  the  at 
tachment  of  preceptor  and  pupil  was  mutual,  and  for  a  long 
series  of  years  continued  to  acquire  strength  and  stability. 
At  the  close  of  his  life,  in  1806,  it  was  found  that  Mr.  Wythe 
had  bequeathed  his  library  and  philosophical  apparatus  to 
his  pupil,  as  a  testimony  of  the  estimation  in  which  he  was 
held  by  his  early  preceptor  and  aged  friend. 

Mr.   Jefferson  was    called  to   the  bar  in   the   year   1766. 
With  the  advantages  which  he  had  enjoyed  with  respect  to 
legal   preparation,    it   might  naturally  be   expected   that  he 
would  appear  with  distinguished  credit  in  the  practice  of  his 
profession.     The  standing  which  he  occupied  at  the  bar,  may 
be  gathered  from  the  following  account,   the  production  of 
the  biographer  of  Patrick  Henry :  "  It  has  been  thought  that 
Mr.  Jefferson  made  no  figure  at  the  bar  ;  but  the  case  was  far 
otherwise.     There  are  still   extant,  in  his  own  fair  and  neat 
hand,  in  the  manner  of  his  master,  a  number  of  arguments, 
which  were  delivered  by  him  at  the  bar,  upon  some  of  the 
most  intricate  questions  of  the  law  ;  which,  if  they  shall  ever 
see  the  light,  will  vindicate  his  claim  to  the  first  honours  of 
the  profession.     It  is  true,  he  was  not  distinguished  in  popular 
debate  ;  why  he  was  not  so,  has  often  been  matter  of  surprise 
to  those  who  have  seen  his  eloquence  on  paper,  and  heard  it 
in  conversation.     He  had  all  the  attributes  of  the  mind,  and 
the  heart,  and  the  soul,  which  are  essential  to  eloquence  of 
the  highest  order.     The  only  defect  was  a  physical  one  :  he 
wanted  volume  and  compass  of  voice,  for  a  large  deliberative 
assembly ;  and  his  voice,   from  the  excess  of  his  sensibility, 
instead  of  rising  with  his  feelings  and  conceptions,  sunk  under 
their  pressure,  and  became   guttural  and  inarticulate.     The 
consciousness  of  this  infirmity,   repressed  any  attempt  in  a 
large  body,  in  which  he  knew  he  must  fail.     But  his  voice 
was  all   sufficient  for  the  purposes  of  judicial   debate  ;  and 
there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that,  if  the  service  of  his  country 
had  not  called  him  away  so  soon  from  his  profession,  his 
fame  as  a  lawyer  would  now  have  stood  upon  the  same  dis 
tinguished  ground,  which  he  confessedly  occupied  as  a  states 
man,  an  author,  and  a  scholar." 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  383 

The  year  previous  to  Mr.  Jefferson's  admission  to  the  bar, 
Mr.  Henry  introduced  into  the  Virginia  house  of  burgesses, 
then  sitting  at  Williamsburg,  his  celebrated  resolutions 
against  the  stamp  act.  Mr.  Jefferson  was,  at  this  time,  pre 
sent  at  the  debate.  *'  He  was  then,"  he  says,  "  but  a  student, 
and  stood  in  the  door  of  communication,  between  the  house 
and  the  lobby,  where  he  heard  the  whole  of  this  magnificent 
debate.  The  opposition  to  the  last  resolution  was  most  ve 
hement  ;  the  debate  upon  it,  to  use  his  own  strong  language, 
'  most  bloody  ;'  but,"  he  adds,  "  torrents  of  sublime  eloquence 
from  Henry,  backed  by  the  solid  reasoning  of  Johnson,  pre 
vailed  ;  and  the  resolution  was  carried  by  a  single  vote.  I 
well  remember,"  he  continues,  "  the  cry  of  *  treason,'  by  the 
speaker,  echoed  from  every  part  of  the  house,  against  Mr. 
Henry :  I  well  remember  his  pause,  and  the  admirable  ad 
dress  with  which  he  recovered  himself,  and  baffled  the  charge 
thus  vociferated." 

He  here  alludes  to  that  memorable  exclamation  of  Mr. 
Henry,  now  become  almost  too  familiar  for  quotation  : 
"  Caesar  had  his  Brutus,  Charles  the  First  his  Cromwell,  and 
George  the  Third  ('  treason  !'  cried  the  speaker ;  « treason  ! 
treason !'  echoed  the  house ;)  may  profit  by  their  example. 
If  this  be  treason,  make  the  most  of  it." 

The  talents  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  which  were  early  well  known, 
permitted  him  not  long  to  remain  in  a  private  station,  or  to 
pursue  the  ordinary  routine  of  his  profession.  A  career  of 
more  extensive  usefulness,  and  objects  of  greater  importance, 
were  now  presented  to  him.  His  country  demanded  his  ser 
vices  ;  and  at  the  early  age  of  twenty-five,  that  is,  in  the 
year  1769,  he  entered  the  house  of  burgesses  in  Virginia,  and 
then  first  inscribed  his  name  as  a  champion  of  his  country's 
rights. 

At  a  former  period,  the  attachment  of  the  American  colo 
nies  to  England  was  like  that  of  an  affectionate  child  towards 
a  venerable  parent.  In  Virginia,  this  attachment  was  unusu 
ally  strong.  Various  circumstances  combined  to  render  it 
so.  Many  of  the  families  of  that  province  were  allied  to  dis 
tinguished  families  in  England,  and  the  sons  of  the  former 


384  VIRGINIA  DELEGATION. 

sought  their  education  in  the  universities  of  the  mother  coun 
try.  It  was  not  singular,  therefore,  that  a  strong  affection 
should  exist,  on  the  part  of  this  colony,  for  the  people  in 
England,  nor  that  the  people  of  the  colonies  generally  should 
have  come  to  the  severance  of  these  ties  with  peculiar  reluc 
tance.  Resistance,  however,  was  at  length  forced  upon  them, 
by  the  rash  course  pursued  by  the  British  ministry.  The  rights 
of  the  colonies  were  invaded  ;  their  choicest  privileges  were 
taken  away,  and  loudly  were  the  patriots  of  America  called 
upon,  by  the  sufferings  of  the  country,  to  awake  to  a  strong  and 
effectual  resistance.  At  this  time,  Mr.  Jefferson  commenced 
his  political  career,  and  has  himself  given  us,  in  few  words, 
an  outline  of  the  reasons  which  powerfully  impelled  him  to 
enter  the  lists,  with  other  American  patriots,  against  the  pa 
rent  country. 

"  The  colonies,"  says  he,  "were  taxed  internally  and  ex 
ternally  ;  their  essential  interests  sacrificed  to  individuals  in 
Great  Britain  ;  their  legislatures  suspended  ;  charters  an 
nulled  ;  trials  by  jurors  taken  away  ;  their  persons  subjected 
to  transportation  across  the  Atlantic,  and  to  trial  by  foreign 
judicatories  ;  their  supplications  for  redress  thought  beneath 
answer,  themselves  published  as  cowards  in  the  councils  of 
their  mother  country,  and  courts  of  Europe  ;  armed  troops 
sent  amongst  them,  to  enforce  submission  to  these  violences  ; 
and  actual  hostilities  commenced  against  them.  No  alterna 
tive  was  presented,  but  resistance  or  unconditional  submis 
sion.  Between  these  there  could  be  no  hesitation.  They 
closed  in  the  appeal  to  arms." 

In  the  year  1773,  Mr.  Jefferson  became  a  member  of  the 
first  committee  of  correspondence,  established  by  the  pro 
vincial  assemblies.  We  have  already  noticed  the  claim 
which  Virginia  and  Massachusetts  have  respectively  urged, 
to  the  honour  of  having  first  suggested  this  important  mea 
sure  in  the  revolution.  Both,  probably,  in  respect  to  this, 
are  entitled  to  equal  credit ;  but  to  whomsoever  the  honour 
belongs,  that  honour  is,  indeed,  great,  since  this  measure, 
more  than  most  others,  contributed  to  that  union  of  action 
and  sentiment,  which  characterized  the  proceedings  of  the 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  385 

several  colonies,  and  which  was  the  foundation  of  their  final 
triumph  over  an  ancient  and  powerful  kingdom. 

In  1774,  Mr.  Jefferson  published  a  ''Summary  View  of 
the  Rights  of  British  America,"  a  valuable  production  among 
those  intended  to  show  the  dangers  which  threatened  the 
liberties  of  the  country,  and  to  encourage  the  people  in  their 
defence.  This  pamphlet  was  addressed  to  the  king,  whom, 
in  language  respectful  but  bold,  it  reminded  that  America 
was  settled  by  British  freemen,  whose  rights  had  been  vio- 
Jated  ;  upon  whom  the  hand  of  tyranny  was  thus  heavily 
lying,  and  from  the  sufferings  which  they  were  experiencing, 
they  must  be,  and  they  would  be,  free. 

The  bold  and  independent  language  of  this  pamphlet  gave 
great  umbrage  to  Lord  Dunmore,  the  royal  governor  of  the 
province.  Mr.  Jefferson,  on  avowing  himself  the  author  of 
the  pamphlet,  was  threatened  with  a  prosecution  for  high 
treason  by  the  governor  ;  a  threat,  which  he  probably  would 
have  carried  into  effect,  could  he  have  hoped  that  the  vindic 
tive  measure  would  succeed. 

In  the  following  year,  1775,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  selected  by 
the  Virginia  legislature  to  answer  Lord  North's  famous 
*'  Conciliatory  proposition,"  called,  in  the  language  of  the 
day,  his  "  Olive  branch  ;"  but  it  was  an  olive  branch  that 
concealed  a  serpent ;  or,  as  the  former  President  Adams  ob 
served,  "it  was  an  asp,  in  a  basket  of  flowers."  The  task 
assigned  him,  was  performed  by  Mr.  Jefferson  in  a  manner 
the  most  happy  and  satisfactory.  The  reply  was  cool  and 
calm  and  close — marked  with  uncommon  energy  and  keen 
sagacity.  The  document  may  be  found  in  most  of  the  his 
tories  of  that  period,  and  is  manifestly  one  of  the  most  ner 
vous  and  manly  productions  of  that  day.  It  concluded  with 
the  following  strong  and  independent  language  : 

"  These,  my  lord,  are  our  sentiments,  on  this  important 
subject,  which  we  offer  only  as  an  individual  part  of  the 
whole  empire.  Final  determination  we  leave  to  the  general 
congress,  now  sitting,  before  whom  we  shall  lay  the  papers 
your  lordship  has  communicated  to  us.  For  ourselves,  we 
have  exhausted  every  mode  of  application,  which  our  inven- 
3D  33 


386  VIRGINIA  DELEGATION. 

tion  could  suggest,  as  proper  and  promising.  We  have  de 
cently  remonstrated  with  parliament — they  have  added  new 
injuries  to  the  old  ;  we  have  wearied  our  king  with  supplica 
tions — he  has  not  deigned  to  answer  us  ;  we  have  appealed 
to  the  native  honour  and  justice  of  the  British  nation — their 
efforts  in  our  favour  have  hitherto  been  ineffectual.  What 
then  remains  to  be  done  ?  That  we  commit  our  injuries  to 
the  even  handed  justice  of  that  Being,  who  doth  no  wrong, 
earnestly  beseeching  Him  to  illuminate  the  councils,  and 
prosper  the  endeavours  of  those  to  whom  America  hath  con 
fided  her  hopes  ;  that  through  their  wise  directions,  we  may 
again  see  reunited  the  blessings  of  liberty,  prosperity,  and 
harmony  with  Great  Britain." 

In  the  month  of  June,  1775,  Mr.  Jefferson  appeared  and 
took  his  seat  in  the  continental  congress,  as  a  delegate  from 
Virginia.  In  this  enlightened  assembly,  he  soon  became 
conspicuous  among  the  most  distinguished  for  their  abilities 
and  patriotism.  He  was  appointed  on  various  important 
committees,  towards  the  discharge  of  whose  duties  he  con 
tributed  his  full  share.  The  cause  of  liberty  lay  near  his 
heart,  nor  did  he  hesitate  to  incur  all  necessary  hazard  in 
maintaining  and  defending  it. 

Antecedently  to  the  year  1776,  a  dissolution  of  the  union 
with  Great  Britain  had  not  been  contemplated,  either  by  con. 
gress,  or  the  nation.  During  the  spring  of  that  year,  how 
ever,  the  question  of  independence  became  one  of  deep  and 
solemn  reflection,  among  the  American  people.  It  was  per 
ceived  by  many  in  all  parts  of  the  land,  that  the  hope  of  re 
conciliation  with  the  parent  country  was  at  an  end.  It  was, 
indeed,  an  unequal  contest,  in  which  the  colonies  were  en 
gaged.  It  was  a  measure  of  unexampled  boldness,  which 
they  were  contemplating — a  step  which,  should  it  not  receive 
the  smiles  of  a  propitious  Providence,  would  evidently  in 
volve  them  and  their  posterity  in  calamities,  the  full  measure 
and  duration  of  which  no  political  prophet  could  foretel. 
But,  then,  it  was  a  measure  rendered  necessary,  by  the  op 
pression  which  they  were  suffering.  The  '*  shadows,  clouds, 
and  darkness,"  which  rested  on  the  future,  did  not  deter  them. 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  387 

The  language  which  they  adopted,  and  the  feelings  which 
they  indulged,  were  the  language  and  feelings  of  the  patriotic 
Hawley,  who  said,  "  We  must  put  to  sea — Providence  will 
bring  us  into  port." 

It  was  fortunate  for  the  cause  of  America,  and  for  the  cause 
of  freedom,  that  there  was  a  class  of  men  at  that  day,  who 
were  adequate  to  the  high  and  mighty  enterprise  of  sunder 
ing  the  ties  which  bound  the  colonies.  For  this  they  were 
doubtless  specially  raised  up  by  the  God  of  heaven ;  for  this 
they  were  prepared  by  the  lofty  energies  of  their  minds,  and 
by  that  boldness  and  intrepidity  of  character,  which,  perhaps, 
never  so  signally  marked  another  generation  of  men. 

The  measure  thus  determined  upon  was,  at  length,  brought 
forward   in    the   continental    congress.      We   have   already 
noticed  in    several   preceding  sketches,   the  debate  on   this 
subject,  and  the   important  part  which  various  individuals 
took  in  urging  it  forward.     It  belongs  to  this  place  to  notice, 
particularly,  the  important  services  which  Mr.  Jefferson  ren 
dered  in  relation  to  it.     A  resolution  had  been  presented  by 
Richard  Henry  Lee  to  declare  America  free  and  independent. 
The    debate   upon  this   resolution  was  continued   from  the 
seventh  to  the  tenth  of  June,  when  the  further  consideration 
of  it  was  postponed  until  the  first  of  July,  and  at  the  same 
time  a  committee   of  five  was  appointed  to  prepare  provi 
sionally  a  draught  of  a   declaration   of  independence.     At 
the   head  of  this  committee  was  placed  Thomas  Jefferson. 
He  was  at   this  time  but  thirty-two  years  of  age,  and   was 
probably  the   youngest   member  of  the  committee,  and  one 
of  the  youngest  men  in  the  house,  for  he  had   only  served 
part  of  the  former  session. 

Mr.  Jefferson  being  chairman  of  this  committee,  the  im 
portant  duty  of  preparing  the  draught  of  the  document  was 
assigned  to  him.  It  was  a  task  of  no  ordinary  magnitude, 
and  demanded  the  exercise  of  no  common  judgment  and  fore 
sight.  By  the  act  itself,  a  nation  was  to  stand  or  fall.  Nay, 
in  its  effects,  it  was  to  exercise  a  powerful  influence  upon 
other  nations  on  the  globe,  and  might  extend  forward  to  the 
end  of  time. 


388  VIRGINIA    DELEGATION. 

To  frame  a  document,  which  should  precisely  meet  the  exi 
gencies  of  the  case — \vhich  should  set  forth  the  causes  of  com 
plaint,  according  to  truth — which  should  abide  the  scrutiny 
of  enemies  at  home  and  abroad — which  should  stand  the  test 
of  time,  especially  of  a  day  which  would  come,  when  the  high 
wrought  excitement,  then  existing,  would  have  subsided — 
this  was  no  ordinary  task.     Indeed,  there  were  few  minds, 
even  at  that  day,  which  would  have  felt  adequate  to  the  un 
dertaking. 

From  his  study,  Mr.  Jefferson  at  length  presented  to  his 
colleagues  the  original  draught.  A  few  changes  only  in  the 
document  were  suggested  by  two  of  them,  Dr.  Franklin  and 
Mr.  Adams.  The  whole  merit  of  the  paper  was  Mr.  Jeffer 
son's.  On  being  reported  to  congress,  it  underwent  a  few 
other  slight  alterations ;  none  of  which,  however,  altered  the 
tone,  the  frame,  the  arrangement,  or  the  general  character  of 
the  instrument. 

"  It  has  sometimes  been  said,"  observes  an  eloquent  writer, 
"as  if  it  were  a  derogation  from  the  merits  of  this  paper,  that 
it  contains  nothing  new  ;  that  it  only  states  grounds  of  pro 
ceeding,  and  presses  topics  of  argument,  which  had  often  been 
stated  and  pressed  before.  But  it  was  not  the  object  of  the 
declaration  to  produce  any  thing  new.  It  was  not  to  invent 
reasons  for  independence,  but  to  state  those  which  governed 
the  congress.  For  great  and  sufficient  reasons  it  was  pro 
posed  to  declare  independence  ;  and  the  proper  business  oi 
the  paper  to  be  drawn,  was,  to  set  forth  those  causes,  and 
justify  the  authors  of  the  measure,  in  any  event  of  fortune,  to 
the  country  and  to  posterity.  The  cause  of  American  inde 
pendence,  moreover,  was  now  to  be  presented  to  the  world 
in  such  a  manner,  if  it  might  so  be,  as  to  engage  its  sympa 
thy,  to  command  its  respect,  to  attract  its  admiration  ;  and  in 
an  assembly  of  most  able  and  distinguished  men,  Thomas  Jef 
ferson  had  the  high  honour  of  being  the  selected  advocate  of 
this  cause.  To  say  that  he  performed  his  great  work  well, 
would  be  doing  him  injustice.  To  say  that  he  did  excellently 
well,  admirably  well,  would  be  inadequate  and  halting  praise. 
Let  us  rather  say,  that  he  so  discharged  the  duty  assigned 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  389 

him,  that  all  Americans  may  well  rejoice  that  the  work  of 
drawing  the  little  deed  of  their  liberties  devolved  on  his 
hands." 

In  1778,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  appointed  by  congress,  in  con 
junction  with  Dr.  Franklin  andSilasDeane,a  commissioner  to 
France,  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  treaty  of  alliance  and 
commerce  with  that  nation.  In  consequence,  however,  of  ill 
health,  and  impressed  with  the  conviction  that  he  could  be 
of  greater  service  to  his  country,  and  especially  to  his  state,  by 
continuing  at  home,  he  declined  accepting  the  office,  and  Ar 
thur  Lee  was  appointed  in  his  place. 

Between  1777  and  1779,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  employed,  con 
jointly  with  George  Wythe  and  Edmund  Pendleton,  on  a  com 
mission  for  revising  the  laws  of  Virginia.  This  was  an  ar 
duous  service,  requiring  no  less  than  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
six  bills,  which  were  drawn  by  these  gentlemen,  and  which  for 
simplicity  and  perspicuity  have  seldom  been  excelled.  In 
respect  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  it  should  be  noticed,  that,  besides 
the  laborious  share  which  he  took  in  revising  the  laws  of  the 
state,  to  him  belongs  the  honour  of  having  first  proposed  the 
important  laws  in  the  Virginia  code,  forbidding  the  importa 
tion  of  slaves;  converting  estates  tail  into  fees  simple  ;  annul 
ling  the  rights  of  primogeniture  ;  establishing  schools  for  ge 
neral  education,  and  confirming  the  rights  of  freedom  in  re 
ligious  opinion,  with  several  others. 

In  1779,  Patrick  Henry,  who  was  the  first  republican  go 
vernor,  under  the  renovated  constitution,  and  the  successor 
of  the  earl  of  Dunmore,  having  served  his  appointed  term, 
retired  from  that  office,  upon  which  Mr.  Jefferson  was  chosen 
to  succeed  him.  To  this  office  he  was  re-elected  the  follow 
ing  year,  and  continued  in  office  until  June,  1781. 

The  administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  as  governor  of  Virgi 
nia,  during  the  above  term,  was  arduous  and  difficult.  The 
revolutionary  struggle  was  progressing,  and  the  southern 
states  were  particularly  the  theatre  of  hostile  operations.  At 
three  several  times,  during  his  magistracy,  the  state  of  Virgi 
nia  was  invaded  by  the  enemy ;  the  first  time  in  the  spring  of 
1780,  by  the  ferocious  General  Tarlton,  whose  military  move- 

33* 


390  VIRGINIA    DELEGATION. 

ments  were  characterized  by  unusual  barbarity,  and  who  waa 
followed  in  his  invasion,  by  the  main  army,  under  Lord  Corn- 
wallis. 

While  the  eyes  of  all  were  directed  to  these  military  move 
ments  in  the  south,  the  state  experienced  a  still  more  unex 
pected  and  disastrous  attack,  from  a  body  of  troops,  under 
the  guidance  of  the  infamous  Arnold,  whom  treachery  had 
rendered  more  daring  and  more  vindictive. 

In  respect  to  preparations  for  hostilities  within  her  own 
limits,  the  state  of  Virginia  was  sadly  deficient ;  nor  had  the 
habits  and  pursuits  of  Mr.  Jefferson  been  of  a  kind  which  fitted 
him  for  military  enterprise.  Aware,  however,  of  the  neces 
sity  of  energy  and  exertion,  in  this  season  of  danger  and  ge 
neral  distress,  he  applied  his  mind,  with  alacrity  and  ardour, 
to  meet  the  exigencies  of  the  case.  Scarcely  had  Arnold  left 
the  coast,  when  Cornwallis  entered  the  state,  on  its  southern 
border.  At  this  time,  the  condition  of  Virginia  was  extreme 
ly  distressing;  she  was  wholly  unprepared  ;  her  troops  were 
fighting  in  remote  parts  of  the  country  ;  she  had  few  military 
stores;  and,  to  add  to  her  distress,  her  finances  were  exhaust 
ed.  On  the  approach  of  Arnold  in  January,  the  general  as 
sembly  had  hastily  adjourned,  to  meet  again  at  Charlottesville, 
on  the  twenty-fourth  of  May. 

In  the  mean  time,  a  most  anxious  part  devolved  upon  the 
governor.  He  had  few  resources,  and  was  obliged  to  depend, 
in  a  great  measure,  upon  his  personal  influence  to  obtain  the 
munitions  of  war,  and  to  raise  and  set  in  motion  troops  from 
different  parts  of  the  state.  The  various  expedients  which  he 
adopted  were  indicative  of  much  sagacity,  and  were  attended 
by  success  highly  important  to  the  common  cause. 

On  the  twenty-fourth  of  May,  the  legislature  was  to  meet 
at  Charlottesville.  They  were  not  formed  for  business,  how 
ever,  until  the  twenty-eighth.  A  few  days  following  which, 
the  term  for  which  Mr.  Jefferson  had  been  elected  expired, 
when  he  again  found  himself  a  private  citizen. 

On  leaving  the  chair  of  state,  Mr.  Jefferson  retired  to  Mon- 
ticello,  when  intelligence  was  received,  two  days  after,  that  a 
body  of  troops  under  comnand  of  General  Tarlton  were  ra- 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  391 

pidly  hastening  to  Charlottesville,  for  the  purpose  of  surpri 
sing  and  capturing  the  members  of  the  assembly.  They  had 
only  time,  after  the  alarm  was  given,  to  adjourn  to  meet  at 
Staunton,  and  to  disperse,  before  the  enemy  entered  the  vil 
lage.  Another  party  had  directed  their  course  to  Monticello 
to  capture  the  ex-governor.  Fortunately,  an  express  hasten 
ed  from  Charlottesville,  to  convey  intelligence  to  Mr.-  Jeffer 
son  of  their  approach.  Scarcely  had  the  family  time  to  make 
arrangements,  indispensable  for  their  departure,  and  to  effect 
their  escape,  before  the  enemy  were  seen  ascending  the  hill, 
leading  to  the  mansion-house.  Mr.  Jefferson  himself,  mount 
ing  his  horse,  narrowly  escaped,  by  taking  a  course  through 
the  woods.  This  flight  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  eminently  proper, 
and  upon  which  his  safety  depended,  has  unwarrantably  ex 
cited  in  times  gone  by  the  ridicule  and  censure  of  his  enemies. 

Agreeably  to  their  appointment,  the  legislature  assembled  at 
Staunton  on  the  seventh,  soon  after  which,  at  the  instigation 
of  Mr.  George  Nicholas,  an  inquiry  was  moved  into  the  con 
duct  of  Mr.  Jefferson  in  respect  to  remissness  in  the  discharge 
of  his  duty,  at  the  time  of  Arnold's  invasion.  The  ensuing  session 
of  the  legislature  was  fixed  upon  for  the  investigation  of  the 
charges.  At  the  arrival  of  the  appointed  time,  Mr.  Nicholas  had 
become  convinced  that  the  charges  were  without  foundation, 
and  this  impression  having  generally  obtained,  no  one  ap 
peared  to  bring,  forward  the  investigation.  Upon  thi's,  Mr. 
Jefferson,  who  had  been  returned  a  member  of  the  assembly, 
rose  in  his  place,  and  entered  into  a  justification  of  his  con 
duct.  His  statement  was  calm,  lucid,  and  convincing.  On 
concluding  it,  the  house  unanimously  adopted  the  following 
resolution : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  sincere  thanks  of  the  general  assem 
bly  be  given  to  our  former  governor,  Thomas  Jefferson,  for 
his  impartial,  upright,  and  attentive  administration,  whilst  in 
office.  The  assembly  wish,  in  the  strongest  manner,  to  de 
clare  the  high  opinion  they  entertain  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  abili 
ty,  rectitude,  and  integrity,  as  chief  magistrate  of  this  com 
monwealth  ;  and  mean,  by  thus  publicly  avowing  their  opi 
nion,  to  obviate  and  to  remove  all  unmerited  censure." 


392  VIRGINIA    DELEGATION. 

To  this  it  may  be  added,  that  Mr.  Nicholas,  some  time  af 
ter,  did  Mr.  Jefferson  the  justice  to  acknowledge,  in  a  public 
manner,  the  erroneous  views  which  he  had  entertained,  and 
to  express  his  regret  that  more  correct  information  had  not 
been  obtained,  before  the  accusation  had  been  brought  forward. 

In  the  year  1781,  Mr.  Jefferson  composed  his  "  Notes  on 
Virginia,"  a  work  which  grew  out  of  a  number  of  questions, 
proposed  to  him  by  M.  De  Marbois,  the  secretary  of  the 
French  legation  in  the  United  States.  It  embraced  a  general 
view  of  the  geography  of  Virginia,  its  natural  productions, 
statistics,  government,  history,  and  laws.  In  1787,  Mr.  Jef 
ferson  published  the  work,  under  his  own  signature.  It  at 
tracted  much  attention  in  Europe,  as  well  as  in  America  ;  dis 
pelled  many  misconceptions  respecting  this  continent,  and 
gave  its  author  a  place  among  men  distinguished  for  science. 
It  is  still  admired,  and  will  long  be  admired,  for  the  happy 
simplicity  of  its  style,  and  for  the  extent  and  variety  of  its 
information. 

In  1782,  Mr.  Jefferson  received  the  appointment  of  minis 
ter  plenipotentiary,  to  join  commissioners  already  in  Europe, 
to  settle  the  conditions  of  peace  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain.  Before  his  embarkation,  however,  intel 
ligence  was  received,  that  the  preliminaries  of  peace  had  been 
signed.  The  necessity  of  his  mission  being  removed,  congress 
dispensed  with  his  leaving  America. 

In  November,  1783,  he  again  took  his  seat  in  the  conti 
nental  congress  ;  but  in  May  following  was  appointed  minis 
ter  plenipotentiary  to  act  abroad  in  the  negotiations  of  com 
mercial  treaties,  in  conjunction  with  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr. 
Adams.  In  the  month  of  July,  Mr.  Jefferson  sailed  for  France, 
and  joined  the  other  commissioners  at  Paris,  in  August. 

Although  ample  powers  had  been  imparted  to  the  commis 
sioners,  they  were  not  as  successful  in  forming  commercial 
treaties  as  had  been  expected.  It  was  of  great  importance  to 
the  United  States  to  effect  a  treaty  of  this  kind  with  Great 
Britain,  and  for  this  purpose  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Adams 
proceeded  to  London.  In  this  important  object  they  failed, 
owing,  probably,  to  the  hostile  feelings  which  the  ministry 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  393 

indulged  towards  America,  and  to  the  wounded  pride  which 
still  rankled  in  their  breasts  ;  and,  moreover,  to  a  selfish  po 
licy  which  they  had  adopted  in  respect  to  their  navigation 
system,  by  which  they  intended  to  increase  their  own  navi 
gation  at  the  expense  of  other  nations,  and  especially  of  the 
United  States.  The  only  treaties  which  the  commissioners 
were  at  this  time  able  to  negotiate,  were  with  Morocco  and 
Prussia. 

In  1785,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  appointed  to  succeed  Doctor 
Franklin  as  minister  plenipotentiary  to  the  court  of  Versailles. 
The  duties  of  this  station  he  continued  to  perform  until  Octo 
ber,  1789,  when  he  obtained  leave  to  retire,  just  on  the  eve  oi 
that  tremendous  revolution  which  has  so  much  agitated  the 
world  in  our  times. 

The  discharge  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  diplomatic  duties  while 
abroad,  "  was  marked  by  great  ability,  diligence,  and  patriot 
ism  ;  and  while  he  resided  at  Paris,  in  one  of  the  most  inte 
resting  periods,  his  character  for  intelligence,  his  love  of 
knowledge,  and  of  the  society  of  learned  men,  distinguished 
him  in  the  highest  circles  of  the  French  capital.  No  court 
in  Europe  had,  at  that  time,  in  Paris,  a  representative  com 
manding  or  enjoying  higher  regard,  for  political  knowledge, 
or  for  general  attainment,  than  the  minister  of  this  then  infant 
republic.'.' 

During  his  residence  in  France,  Mr.  Jefferson  found  leisure 
to  visit  both  Holland  and  Italy.  In  both  countries  he  was 
received  with  the  respect  and  attention  due  to  his  official  sta 
tion,  as  the  minister  of  a  rising  republic,  and  as  a  man  of  learn 
ing  and  science. 

In  the  year  1789,  he  returned  to  his  native  country.  His 
talents  and  experience  recommended  him  to  President  Wash 
ington  for  the  first  office  in  his  gift.  He  was  accordingly 
placed  at  the  head  of -the  department  of  state,  and  immediately 
entered  on  the  arduous  duties  of  that  important  station. 

Soon  after  Mr.  Jefferson  entered  on  the  duties  of  this  office, 
congress  directed  him  to  prepare  and  report  a  plan  for  esta 
blishing  a  uniform  system  of  currency,  weights,  and  measures. 
This  was  followed,  at  a  subsequent  day,  by  reports  on  the 
3E 


394  VIRGINIA    DELEGATION. 

subject  of  tonnage  duties  payable  by  France,  and  on  the  sub 
ject  of  the  cod  and  whale  fisheries.  Each  of  these  reports 
displayed  the  usual  accuracy,  information,  and  intelligence  of 
the  writer. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1791,  the  relation  of  the 
United  States  to  several  countries  abroad  became  embarrass 
ing,  and  gave  occasion  to  Mr.  Jefferson  to  exercise  those  ta 
lents  of  a  diplomatic  character,  with  which  he  was  pre-emi 
nently  endowed.  "  His  correspondence  with  the  ministers  of 
other  powers  residing  here,  and  his  instructions  to  our  own  di 
plomatic  agents  abroad,  are  among  our  ablest  state  papers.  A 
thorough  knowledge  of  the  laws  and  usages  of  nations,  perfect 
acquaintance  with  the  immediate  subject  before  him,  great  fe 
licity,  and  still  greater  facility,  in  writing,  show  themselves  in 
whatever  effort  his  official  situation  called  on  him  to  make.  It 
is  believed,  by  competent  judges,  that  the  diplomatic  inter 
course  of  the  government  of  the  United  States,  from  the  first 
meeting  of  the  continental  congress  in  1774  to  the  present  time, 
taken  together,  would  not  suffer,  in  respect  to  the  talent  with 
which  it  has  been  conducted,  by  comparison  with  any  thing 
which  other  and  older  states  can  produce ;  and  to  the  attainment 
of  this  respectability  and  distinction,  Mr.  Jefferson  has  con 
tributed  his  full  part." 

On  the  sixteenth  of  December,  1793,  Mr.  Jefferson  com 
municated  his  last  official  report  to  congress,  on  the  nature 
and  extent  of  the  privileges  and  restrictions  on  the  commerce 
of  the  United  States  in  foreign  countries,  and  the  measures 
which  he  deemed  important  to  be  adopted  by  the  United 
States,  for  the  improvement  of  their  commerce  and  navigation. 

This  report,  which  has  ever  been  considered  as  one  of  pri 
mary  importance,  gave  rise  to  a  long  and  interesting  discus 
sion  in  the  national  legislature.  In  regard  to  the  measures 
recommended  in  the  report,  a  wide  difference  prevailed  in 
congress,  among  the  two  great  parties,  into  which  that  body 
had  become  obviously  and  permanently  divided.  Indeed,  it 
may  be  said  to  have  been  this  report,  which  finally  separated 
the  statesmen  of  the  country  into  two  great  political  parties, 
which  have  existed  almost  to  the  present  time. 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  39»> 

On  the  thirty-first  of  December,  1793,  Mr.  Jefferson  ten 
dered  his  resignation  as  secretary  of  state,  and  again  retired 
to  private  life.  The  interval  which  elapsed  between  his  re 
signation  of  the  above  office,  and  his  being  summoned  again 
to  the  councils  of  the  nation,  he  employed  in  a  manner  most 
delightful  to  himself,  viz.  in  the  education  of  his  family,  the 
management  of  his  estate,  and  the  pursuit  of  philosophical 
studies,  to  the  latter  of  which,  though  long  neglected,  in  his 
devotion  to  higher  duties,  he  returned  with  renewed  ardour. 

The  attachment  of  a  large  proportion  of  his  fellow-citizens, 
which  Mr.  Jefferson  carried  with  him  into  his  seclusion,  did 
not  allow  him  long  to  enjoy  the  pleasures  of  a  private  life,  to 
which  he  appears  to  have  been  sincerely  devoted.  General 
Washington  had  for  some  time  determined  upon  a  relinquish- 
ment  of  the  presidential  chair,  and  in  his  farewell  address,  in 
the  month  of  September,  1796,  announced  that  intention. 
This  distinguished  man,  having  thus  withdrawn  himself,  the 
two  political  parties  brought  forward  their  respective  candi 
dates,  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Jefferson.  On  counting  the  votes 
in  February,  1797,  in  the  presence  of  both  houses  of  con 
gress,  it  was  found  that  Mr.  Adams  was  elected  president,  he 
having  the  highest  number  of  votes,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  vice 
president,  upon  which  respective  offices  they  entered  on  the 
following  fourth  of  March. 

In  the  life  of  Mr.  Adams,  we  had  occasion  to  allude  to  the 
unsettled  state  of  the  country,  and  the  general  dissatisfaction 
with  his  administration,  which  prevailed.  During  this  pe 
riod,  however,  Mr.  Jefferson  resided  chiefly  at  Monticello, 
pursuing  the  peaceful  and  noiseless  occupations  of  private 
life.  The  time,  at  length,  approached  for  a  new  election  of 
president.  Mr.  Jefferson  was  again  proposed  by  the  republi 
can  party  as  a  candidate  for  that  office.  The  candidate  of 
the  federal  party  was  Mr.  Burr. 

On  the  eleventh  of  February,  1801,  the  votes  were  counted 
in  the  presence  of  both  houses  of  congress,  and  the  result 
declared  by  the  vice  president  to  be,  for  Thomas  Jefferson 
seventy-three ;  for  Aaron  Burr  seventy-three ;  John  Adams 
sixty -five  ;  C.  C.  Pinckney  sixty-four ;  and  John  Jay  one. 


396  VIRGINIA   DELEGATION. 

The  vice  president  then,  in  pursuance  of  the  duty  enjoined 
upon  him,  declared  that  Thomas  Jefferson  and  Aaron  Burr, 
having  an  equal  number  of  votes,  it  remained  for  the  house 
of  representatives  to  determine  the  choice.  Upon  this,  the 
two  houses  separated,  "  and  the  house  of  representatives  re 
turned  to  their  chamber,  where  seats  had  been  previously 
prepared  for  the  members  of  the  senate.  A  call  of  the  mem 
bers  of  the  house,  arranged  according  to  states,  was  then 
made;  upon  which  it  appeared  that  every  member  was  pre 
sent,  except  General  Sumpter,  who  was  unwell,  and  unable 
to  attend.  Mr.  Nicholson,  of  Maryland,  was  also  unwell,  but 
attended,  and  had  a  bed  prepared  for  him  in  one  of  the  com 
mittee  rooms,  to  which  place  the  ballot  box  was  carried  to 
him,  by  the  tellers,  appointed  on  the  part  of  the  state. 

"  The  first  ballot  was  eight  states  for  ?vlr.  Jefferson,  six 
for  Mr.  Burr,  and  two  divided  ;  which  result  continued  to  be 
the  same  after  balloting  thirty-five  times." 

Thus  stood  affairs,  after  a  long  and  even  distressing  con 
test,  when  a  member  of  the  hotise,  (General  Smith,)  commu 
nicated  to  the  house  the  following  extract  of  a  letter  from 
Mr.  Burr  :  "  It  is  highly  improbable  that  I  shall  have  an 
equal  number  of  votes  with  Mr.  Jefferson:  but  if  such  should 
be  the  result,  every  man  who  knows  me,  ought  to  know, 
that  I  would  utterly  disclaim  all  competition.  Be  assured 
that  the  federal  party  can  entertain  no  wish  for  such  an 
exchange. 

"  As  to  my  friends,  they  would  dishonour  my  views,  and 
insult  my  feelings,  by  a  suspicion  that  I  would  submit  to  be 
instrumental  in  counteracting  the  wishes  and  expectations  of 
the  United  States ;  and  I  now  constitute  you  my  proxy  to 
declare  these  sentiments,  if  the  occasion  shall  require." 

This  avowal  of  the  wishes  of  Mr.  Burr,  induced  two  fede 
ral  members  to  withdraw ;  in  consequence  of  which,  on  the 
thirty-sixth  balloting,  Mr.  Jefferson  was  elected  president. 
Colonel  Burr,  by  the  provision  of  the  constitution,  became, 
of  course,  vice  president. 

On  the  fourth  of  March,  1801,  Mr.  Jefferson,  agreeable  to 
the  constitution,  took  the  oath  of  office,  in  the  presence  of 


THOMAS    JEFFERSON.  397 

both  houses  of  congress,  on  which  occasion  he  delivered  his 
naugural  address. 

In  this  address,  after  expressing  his  diffidence  in  his  powers 
satisfactorily  to  discharge  the  duties  of  the  high  and  respon- 
*iblc  office  assigned  him,  he  proceeded  to  state  the  principles 
oy  which   his  administration  would  be   governed.      These 
were,  "  Equal  and  exact  justice  to  all  men,  of«whatever  state 
or  persuasion,  religious  or  political:  peace,  commerce,  and 
honest  friendship  with  all  nations,  entangling  alliances  with 
none  :  the  support  of  the  state  governments  in  all  their  rights, 
as  the  most  competent  administration  for  our  domestic  con 
cerns,  and  the   surest  bulwarks  against  anti-republican  ten- 
lencies  :  the  preservation  of  the  general  government  in  its 
whole  constitutional  vigour,  as  the  sheet  anchor  of  our  peace 
it  home,  and  safety  abroad :  a  jealous  care   of  the  right  of 
election  by  the  people,  a  mild  and  safe  corrective  of  abuses 
which  are  lopped  by  the  sword  of  revolution,  where  peacea 
ble  remedies  are  unprovided :  absolute  acquiescence  in   the 
decisions  of   the  majority,  the  vital  principle  of  republics, 
from  which  is  no  appeal  but  to  force,  the  vital  principle  and 
immediate  parent  of  despotisms  :  a  well  disciplined  militia, 
our  best  reliance  in  peace,  and  for  the  first  moments  of  wai, 
till  regulars  may  relieve  them  :  the  supremacy  of  the  civil 
over   the    military  authority :    economy   in    the    public  ex 
pense,    that   labour  may  be   lightly  burthened :   the  honest 
payment  of  our  debts,  and  sacred  preservation  <of  the  public 
faith  :  encouragement  of  agriculture,  and  of  co  mmerce  as  its 
hand-maid:  the  diffusion  of  information,  and  a.rraignment  of 
all  abuses  at  the  bar  of  public  reason  :  freed  om  of  reljgio-n  : 
freedom  of  the  press  :  and  freedom  of  perse  ,n,  under  the  pro 
tection  of  the  habeas  corpus  :  and  trial  by  ?  juries  impartially 
selected. — These  principles,"  added  Mr.   Jefferson,  "  should 
be  the  creed  of  our  political  faith ;  and    should  we  wander 
from  them  in  moments  of  error  or  of  aJ  arm,  let  us  hasten  to 
-etrace  our  steps,  and  to  regain  the  7JOad  which  alone  leads 
to  peace,  liberty,  and  safety." 

To  enter  into  a  minute  detail     of  the  administration  of 
Mr  Jefferson,  would  neither   com  port  with  the  duties  of  a 

34 


398  VIRGINIA    DELEGATION. 

biographer,  nor  with  the  limits  which  must  necessarily  be 
prescribed  to  the  present  sketch.  At  a  future  day,  more  dis 
tant  by  far  than  the  present,  when  the  remembrance  of  poli 
tical  asperities  shall  have  passed  away,  can  exact  justice  be 
done  to  Mr.  Jefferson  and  his  administration.  That  he  was 
a  distinguished  man,  distinguished  as  a  statesman,  none  can 
deny.  But  as^the  measures  of  his  administration  were  called 
in  question,  in  respect  to  their  policy,  and  as  the  day  of  ex 
citement  has  scarcely  passed  by,  it  is  deemed  more  judicious 
to  leave  the  subject  to  the  research  and  deliberation  of  the 
future  historian,  than,  in  this  place,  to  attempt  to  settle  ques 
tions,  about  which  there  was,  while  he  lived,  and  still  may 
exist,  an  honest  difference  of  opinion. 

On  the  meeting  of  congress  in  December,  1801,  Mr.  Jef 
ferson,  varying  from  the  practice  of  the  former  presidents, 
communicated  a  message  to  congress,  instead  of  delivering 
a  speech  in  person.  The  change  in  this  respect  thus  intro 
duced  was  obviously  so  popular  and  acceptable,  that  it  has 
been  adopted  on  every  subsequent  similar  occasion. 

The  principal  acts  which  characterized  the  first  term  of 
Mr.  Jefferson's  career,  were,  a  removal  from  responsible  and 
lucrative  offices  of  a  great  portion  of  those  whose  political 
opinions  were  opposed  to  his  own  ;  the  abolition  of  the  inter 
nal  taxes  ;  a  reorganization  of  the  judiciary  ;  an  extension  of 
the  laws  relative  to  naturalization ;  the  purchase  of  Louisi 
ana,  and  the  establishment  of  commercial  and  friendly  rela 
tions  with  various  western  tribes  of  indians. 

On  the  occurrence  of  a  new  presidential  election,  in  1805, 
the  administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson  had  been  so  acceptable, 
that  he  was  re-elected  by  a  majority,  not  of  eight  votes,  as  in 
the  former  instance,  but  by  one  hundred  arid  forty-eight.  In 
spired  with  new  zeal  by  this  additional  proof  of  confidence 
which  his  fellow-citizens  had  given  him,  he  took  occasion,  in 
his  second  inaugural  address,  to  assert  his  determination  to 
abide  by  those  principles  upon  which  he  had  administered 
the  government,  and  the  approbation  of  which,  on  the  part 
of  the  people,  he  read  in  their  re-election  of  him  to  the  same 
exalted  station.  In  concluding  his  inaugural  address,  he  took 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  399 

occasion  to  observe  :  "  I  do  not  fear  that  any  motives  of  in 
terest  may  lead  me  astray  ;  I  am  sensible  of  no  passion  which 
could  seduce  me  knowingly  from  the  path  of  justice  ;  but  the 
weaknesses  of  human  nature,  and  the  limits  of  my  own  un 
derstanding,  will  produce  errors  of  judgment  sometimes  inju- 
rio^s  to  your  interests ;  I  shall  need,  therefore,  all  the  indul 
gence  I  have  heretofore  experienced  ;  the  want  of  it  will 
certainly  not  lessen  with  increasing  years.  I  shall  need,  too» 
the  favour  of  that  Being  in  whose  hands  we  are,  who  Jed  our 
forefathers,  as  Israel  of  old,  from  their  native  land,  and 
planted  them  in  a  country  flowing  with  all  the  necessaries 
and  comforts  of  life  ;  who  has  covered  our  infancy  with  his 
providence,  and  our  riper  years  with  his  wisdom  and  poxver." 

On  the  second  election  of  Mr.  Jefferson  to  the  presidency, 
the  vice  presidency  was  transferred  from  Mr.  Burr  to  George 
Clinton,  of  New-York.  A  merited  odium  had  settled  upon 
Mr.  Burr  in  consequence  of  his  unprincipled  duel  with  Gene 
ral  Hamilton,  in  which  the  latter  gentleman  had  fallen  a  vic 
tim  to  murderous  revenge.  From  this  time,  Mr.  Burr  sunk, 
as  it  was  thought,  into  final  obscurity  ;  but  his  future  conduct 
showed,  that,  while  unobserved  by  his  fellow  citizens,  he  had 
been  achieving  a  project,  which,  but  for  the  sagacity  and  ef 
fective  measures  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  might  have  led  even  to  a 
dissolution  of  the  union. 

In  the  autumn  of  1806,  the  movements  of  Mr.  Burr  first  at 
tracted  the  notice  of  government.  He  had  purchased  and 
was  building  boats  on  the  Ohio,  and  engaging  men  to  descend 
that  river.  His  declared  purpose  was  to  form  a  settlement 
on  the  banks  of  the  Washita,  in  Louisiana  ;  but  the  character 
of  the  man,  the  nature  of  his  preparations,  and  the  incautious 
disclosures  of  his  associates,  led  to  the  suspicion  that  his  true 
object  was  either  to  gain  possession  of  New-Orleans,  and  to 
erect  into  a  separate  government  the  country  watered  by  the 
Mississippi  and  its  branches,  or  to  invade,  from  the  territories 
of  the  United  States,  the  rich  Spanish  province  of  Mexico. 

From  the  first  moment  of  suspicion,  he  was  closely  watch 
ed  by  the  agents  of  the  government.  At  Natchez,  .while  on 
his  way  to  New-Orleans,  he  was  cited  to  appear  before  the 


100  VIRGINIA    DELEGATION. 

supreme  court  of  the  Mississippi  Territory.  But  he  had  so 
enveloped  his  projects  in  secrecy,  that  sufficient  evidence  to 
convict  him  could  not  be  produced,  and  he  was  discharged. 
Hearing,  however,  that  several  persons,  suspected  of  being 
his  accomplices,  had  been  arrested  at  New-Orleans  and  else 
where,  he  fled  in  disguise  from  Natchez,  was  apprehendedfOn 
the  Tombigbee,  and  conveyed  a  prisoner  to  Richmond.  Two 
indictments  were  found  against  him,  one  charging  him  with 
treason  against  the  United  States,  the  other  with  preparing 
and  commencing  an  expedition  against  the  dominions  of  Spain. 

In  August,  1807,  he  was  tried  upon  those  indictment'?  be 
fore  John  Marshall,  the  chief  justice  of  the  United  States. 
Full  evidence  of  his  guilt  not  being  exhibited,  he  was  acquit 
ted  by  the  jury.  The  people,  however,  believed  him  guilty  ; 
and  by  their  desertion  and  contempt  he  was  reduced  to  a 
condition  of  the  most  abject  wretchedness.  The  ease  with 
which  his  plans  were  defeated,  demonstrated  the  strength  of 
the  government ;  and  his  fate  will  ever  be  an  impressive 
warning  to  those  who,  in  a  free  country,  listen  to  the  sugges 
tions  of  criminal  ambition. 

While  these  domestic  troubles  were,  in  a  measure,  agitating 
the  country,  questions  of  still  greater  importance  were  en 
gaging  the  attention  of  the  government  in  respect  to  our  fo 
reign  relations.  War  was  at  this  time  waging  between 
England  and  France.  America,  taking  advantage  of  the  bel 
ligerent  state  of  these  kingdoms,  was  advantageously  em 
ploying  herself,  as  a  neutral  power,  in  carrying  from  port  to 
port  the  productions  of  France  and  her  dependent  kingdoms, 
and  also  to  the  ports  of  those  kingdoms  the  manufactures  of 
England. 

Great  Britain,  at  this  time,  and  indeed  from  the  peace  of 
1783,  had  claimed  a  right  to  search  for  and  seize  her  seamen, 
even  on  board  of  neutral  vessels  while  traversing  the  ocean. 
In  the  exercise  of  this  pretended  right,  many  unlawful  seizures 
were  made,  against  which  Washington,  Adams,  and  Jeffer 
son,  had  successively  remonstrated  in  vain.  Added  to  this, 
the  Americans  were  molested  in  the  carrying  trade,  their  ves 
sels  being  seized  by  British  cruisers  while  transporting  to  the 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  401 

continent  the  products  of  the  French  colonies,  and  condemn 
ed  by  the  English  courts  as  lawful  prizes.  In  May,  1806, 
were  issued  the  British  orders  in  council,  by  which  several 
European  ports,  under  the  control  of  France,  were  declared 
to  be  in  a  state  of  blockade,  although  not  invested  with  a  Bri 
tish,  fleet,  and  American  vessels,  in  attempting  to  enter  those 
ports,  were  captured  and  condemned. 

As  a  measure  retaliatory  to  the  above  orders  in  council,  the 
French  emperor  issued  a  decree  at  Berlin,  in  1806,  declaring 
the  British  islands  in  a  state  of  blockade.  In  consequence  of 
these  measures  of  the  two  belligerents,  the  commerce  of  the 
United  States  severely  suffered,  and  their  merchants  were 
oud  in  their  demands  on  the  government  for  redress  and 
protection. 

In  June,  1807,  an  act  was  committed  which  raised  the  in 
dignation  of  the  whole  American  people,  and  concentrated 
upon  the  British  government  the  whole  weight  of  popular  in 
dignation.  This  was  an  attack  upon  the  frigate  Chesapeake, 
just  as  she  was  leaving  her  port,  for  a  distant  service,  by 
order  of  a  British  admiral,  in  consequence  of  which  three  of 
her  men  were  killed,  and  four  taken  away.  This  outrage 
occasioned  an  immediate  proclamation  on  the  part  of  Mr. 
Jefferson,  requiring  all  British  armed  vessels  immediately  to 
depart  from  the  waters  of  the  United  States,  and  forbidding 
all  such  to  enter.  Instructions  were  forwarded  to  the  Ame 
rican  minister  at  the  court  of  Great  Britain,  to  demand  satis 
faction  for  the  insult,  and  security  against  future  aggression. 
Congress  was  summoned  to  meet,  and  to  decide  upon  the 
further  measures  which  should  be  adopted. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  British  government  promptly  disa 
vowed  the  act  of  the  officer,  by  whom  the  above  outrage  had 
been  committed,  and  offered  reparation  for  the  injuries  done, 
which  some  time  after  was  carried  into  effect. 

From  this  time,  the  conduct  of  the  belligerents  was  such, 
in  respect  to  each  other,  as  to  bear  oppressively  upon  the 
American  nation,  leaving  the  government  of  the  latter  no 
other  alternative,  but  abject  submission,  or  decided  retalia 
tion.  In  respect  to  the  latter  course,  two  measures  only 
3F  34* 


402  VIRGINIA  DELEGATION. 

could  be  adopted,  a  declaration  of  war,  or  a  suspension  of  the 
commerce  of  the  United  States.  The  latter  alternative  was 
adopted,  and  on  the  twenty-second  of  December,  1807,  an 
act  passed  both  houses  of  congress,  laying  a  general  embargo. 

In  respect  to  the  policy  of  the  embargo,  the  most  promi 
nent  feature  in  the  administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  different 
opinions  prevailed  among  the  American  people.  By  the  ad 
ministration,  it  was  acknowledged  to  be  only  an  experiment; 
which,  while  it  showed  the  spirit  of  the  nation,  and  operated 
with  no  inconsiderable  severity  upon  the  interests  of  the  bel 
ligerents,  left  the  way  open  to  negociations,  or,  if  necessary 
to  actual  war. 

Before  the  result  of  that  system  of  measures  which  had. 
been  recommended  by  Mr.  Jefferson  was  fully  known,  the 
period  arrived  when  a  new  election  to  the  presidency  was  to 
take  place.  As  Mr.  Jefferson  had  reached  the  age  of  sixty- 
five  years,  forty  of  which  had  almost  uninterruptedly  been 
devoted  to  the  arduous  duties  of  public  life,  he  was  desirous, 
at  the  close  of  his  then  presidential  term,  of  ending  his  poli 
tical  career. 

Having  formed  this  determination,  he  alluded  to  it  in  a 
message  to  congress,  in  the  following  language:  "Availing 
myself  of  this,  the  last  occasion  which  will  occur  of  address 
ing  the  two  houses  of  the  legislature  at  their  meeting,  I  can 
not  omit  the  expression  of  my  sincere  gratitude  for  the  re 
peated  proofs  of  confidence  manifested  to  me  by  themselves, 
and  their  predecessors,  since  my  call  to  the  administration, 
and  the  many  indulgences  experienced  at  their  hands.  The 
same  grateful  acknowledgments  are  due  to  my  fellow-citizens 
generally,  whose  support  has  been  my  great  encouragement, 
under  all  embarrassments.  In  the  transactions  of  their  busi 
ness,  I  cannot  have  escaped  error.  It  is  incident  to  our  im 
perfect  nature.  But  I  may  say  with  truth,  my  errors  have 
been  of  the  understanding,  not  of  intention  ;  and  that  the  ad 
vancement  of  their  rights  and  interests  has  been  the  constant 
motive  of  every  measure.  On  these  considerations,  I  solicit 
their  indulgence.  Looking  forward  with  anxiety  to  their 
future  destinies,  I  trust,  that  in  their  steady  character,  un- 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON.  403 

haken  by  difficulties,  in  their  love  of  liberty,  obedience  to 
law,  and  support  of  public  authorities,  I  see  a  sure  guarantee 
of  the  permanence  of  our  republic ;  and  retiring  from  the 
charge  of  their  affairs,  I  carry  with  me  the  consolation  of  a 
firm  persuasion,  that  heaven  has  in  store  for  our  beloved 
country,  long  ages  to  come  of  prosperity  and  happiness." 

From  the  time  of  his  retirement  from  public  life,  in  1807, 
Mr.  Jefferson  resided  at  Monticello,  and  lived  as  became  a 
wise  man.  "  Surrounded  by  affectionate  friends,  his  ardour 
in  the  pursuit  of  knowledge  undiminished,  with  uncommon 
health,  and  unbroken  spirits,  he  was  able  to  enjoy  largely 
the  rational  pleasures  of  life,  and  to  partake  in  that  public 
prosperity,  which  he  had  so  much  contributed  to  produce. 
His  kindness  and  hospitality,  the  charm  of  his  conversation, 
the  ease  of  his  manners,  the  extent  of  his  acquirements,  and 
especially  the  full  store  of  revolutionary  incidents  which  he 
possessed,  and  which  he  knew  when  and  how  to  dispense, 
rendered  his  abode,  in  a  high  degree,  attractive  to  his  ad 
miring  countrymen,  while  his  high  public  and  scientific 
character  drew  towards  him  every  intelligent  and  educated 
traveller  from  abroad.'' 

Although  Mr.  Jefferson  had  withdrawn  from  public  life,  he 
was  still  anxious  to  promote  the  objects  of  science,  taste,  and 
literature  ;  and  especially  solicitous  to  see  established  a  uni 
versity  in  his  native  state.  To  this  object  he  devoted  several 
years  of  incessant  and  anxious  attention,  and  by  the  enlight 
ened  liberality  of  the  legislature  of  Virginia,  and  the  co-ope 
ration  of  other  able  and  zealous  friends,  he  lived  to  see  it  ac 
complished.  Of  this  institution,  of  which  he  was  the  father, 
he  was  elected  the  rector,  and,  during  the  declining  years  of 
his  life,  devoted  himself,  with  unceasing  ardour,  to  its  perma 
nent  prosperity. 

It  has  often  been  the  lot  of  those  who  have  devoted 
themselves  to  the  public  service,  to  suffer  in  the  decline  of 
life  from  the  hand  of  poverty.  This  was  the  lot  of  Mr.  Jef 
ferson.  His  patrimony  was  originally  Iarge5  but  was  una 
voidably  neglected,  in  his  attendance  upon  the  duties  of  the 
high  official  stations  which  he  had  filled.  Partial  efforts 


404  VIRGINIA    DELEGATION. 

were  made  in  his  native  state,  and  in  other  parts  of  the  coun 
try,  to  relieve  his  embarrassments  ;  but  the  precise  extent  of 
the  measures  adopted,  in  reference  to  this  subject,  we  have 
not  the  means  of  ascertaining. 

At  length,  the  day  on  which  this  illustrious  man  was  to 
terminate  his  long  and  useful  career,  approached.  That  day, 
by  the  appointment  of  heaven,  was  to  be  the  fourth  of  July, 
1826.  He  saw  its  approach  with  undisturbed  serenity.  He 
had  no  wish  to  live  beyond  that  day.  It  was  a  day  which, 
fifty  years  before,  he  had  helped  to  make  immortal.  His 
wishes  were  answered ;  and  at  ten  minutes  before  one  o'clock, 
on  that  day — memorable,  also,  for  the  departure  of  his  com 
patriot,  Adams — Mr.  Jefferson  himself  expired  at  Monticello. 
At  this  time  he  had  reached  the  age  of  eighty-three  years, 
two  mpnths,  and  twenty-one  days.  In  stature,  he  was  six 
feet  and  two  inches  high.  His  person  was  erect  and  well 
formed,  though  spare.  The  colour  of  his  eyes  was  light,  but 
they  beamed  with  intelligence. 

We  shall  not  attempt  minutely  to  delineate  the  character 
of  Mr.  Jefferson  ;  this  must  be  left  to  others,  who  may  pos 
sess  greater  facilities  of  doing  him  justice.  It  maybe  ob 
served,  however,  that  in  his  manners  he  was  simple  and  un 
affected  ;  at  the  same  time  possessing  no  inconsiderable 
share  of  dignity.  In  disposition  he  was  uncommonly  liberal 
and  benevolent.  In  seasons  of  danger  and  perplexity,  he 
exhibited  no  ordinary  fortitude  and  strength  of  mind.  His 
opinions  were  slowly  formed,  but  yielded  with  great  re 
luctance.  Over  his  passions  he  possessed  an  uncommon 
control. 

In  his  domestic  habits,  he  was  quite  simple.  He  rose 
early,  and  through  the  whole  day  was  unusually  diligent  in 
his  application,  eifher  to  business  or  study.  He  was  ardent 
ly  devoted  to  literature  and  science,  with  almost  every  branch 
of  which  he  was  well  acquainted.  Of  his  peculiar  opinions 
on  religious  subjects,  we  are  designedly  silent.  In  respect 
to  these,  the  best  and  wisest  of  his  countrymen  have  enter- 
tuined  very  different  sentiments.  At  a  future  day,  it  will 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON.  405 

oe  easier  to  decide  in  respect  to  their  true  character  and 
tendency. 

It  remains  to  notice  only  one  circumstance  more.  "  In  a 
private  memorandum  found  among  some  other  obituary  pa 
pers  and  relics  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  is  a  suggestion,  in  case  a 
monument  over  him  should  ever  be  thought  of,  that  a  granite 
obelisk,  of  small  dimensions,  should  be  erected,  with  the  fol 
lowing  inscription : 


"  HERE  WAS  BURIED 

THOMAS  JEFFERSON, 

Author  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 

Of  the  Statutes  of  Virginia,  for  Religious  Freedom, 

And  Father  of  the  University  of  Virginia." 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 

BENJAMIN  HARRISON  was  the  descendant  of  a  family  long 
distinguished  in  the  history  of  Virginia.  Both  his  father  and 
grandfather  bore  the  name  of  Benjamin,  and  lived  at  Berkeley, 
where  they  owned,  and  where  the  family  still  owns,  a  seat, 
beautifully  situated  on  the  banks  of  the  James  River,  in  full 
view  of  City  Point,  the  seaport  of  Petersburg  and  Richmond 

The  father  of  Mr.  Harrison  married  the  eldest  daughter  oi 
Mr.  Carter,  the  king's  surveyor  general,  by  whom  he  had  six 
sons  and  four  daughters.  Two  of  the  latter,  with  himself, 
were,  at  the  same  time,  during  the  occurrence  of  a  thunder 
storm,  killed  by  lightning  in  the  mansion  house  at  Berkeley. 

The  subject  of  the  present  memoir  was  the  eldest  son  of 
the  preceding,  but  the  date  of  his  birth  has  not  been  satisfac 
torily  ascertained.  He  was  a  student  in  the  college  of  Wil 
liam  and  Mary  at  the  time  of  his  father's  death  ;  but,  in  con 
sequence  of  a  misunderstanding  with  an  officer  of  the  college, 
he  left  it  before  the  regular  period  of  graduation,  and  returned 
aome. 


406  VIRGINIA    DELEGATION. 

The  management  of  his  father's  estate  now  devolved  upon 
him  ;  and  though  young  to  be  entrusted  with  a  charge  so  im 
portant,  and  involving  responsibilities  so  weighty,  he  dis 
played  an  unusual  share  of  prudence  and  judgment. 

His  ancestors  having  long  been  distinguished  as  political 
leaders  in  the  province,  he  was  summoned  at  an  early  date, 
even  before  he  had  attained  to  the  age  required  by  law,  to 
sustain  the  reputation  which  they  had  acquired.  He  com 
menced  his  political  career  as  a  member  of  the  legislature, 
about  the  year  1764,  a  station  which  he  may  be  said  to  have 
held  through  life,  since  he  was  always  elected  to  a  seat, 
whenever  his  other  political  employments  admitted  of  his  oc 
cupying  it.  As  a  member  of  the  provincial  assembly,  Mr. 
Harrison  soon  became  conspicuous.  To  strong  good  sense 
he  united  great  firmness  and  decision  of  character.  Besides, 
his  fortune  being  ample,  and  his  connexions  by  marriage 
highly  respectable,  he  wras  naturally  marked  out  as  a  politi 
cal  leader,  in  whom  general  confidence  might  well  be  re 
posed. 

The  royal  government,  awrare  of  his  influence  and  respect 
ability,  was,  at  an  early  day,  anxious  to  enlist  him  in  its  fa 
vour,  and  accordingly  proposed  to  create  him  a  member  of 
the  executive  council  in  Virginia,  a  station  corresponding  to 
the  privy  council  in  England,  and  one  which  few  would  have 
had  the  firmness  to  have  declined. 

Mr.  Harrison,  however,  though  a  young  man,  was  not  to 
be  seduced  from  the  path  of  duty  by  the  rank  and  influence 
conferred  by  office.  Even  at  this  time,  the  measures  of  the 
British  ministry,  although  not  as  oppressive  as  at  a  later  day, 
were  such  as  neither  he  nor  the  patriotic  burgesses  of  Virgi 
nia  could  approve.  In  opposition  to  the  royal  cause,  he  iden 
tified  himself  with  the  people,  whose  rights  and  liberties  he 
pursued  with  an  ardour  which  characterized  most  of  the  pa 
triots  of  the  revolution. 

Passing  over  the  following  ten  years  of  Mr.  Harrison's  life, 
in  which  few  incidents  either  of  a  private  or  political  nature 
are  recorded  of  him,  we  arrive  at  the  year  1774,  the  era  of 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON.  407 

the  memorable  congress  which  laid  the  foundation  of  Ameri 
can  liberty,  of  which  body  Mr.  Harrison  was  a  member. 

From  this  period  until  the  close  of  1777,  during  nearly 
every  session  of  congress,  Mr.  Harrison  represented  his  na 
tive  state  in  that  distinguished  assembly.  Our  limits  forbid 
us  entering  into  a  minute  detail  of  the  important  services 
which  he  rendered  his  country  during  his  career  in  the  na 
tional  legislature.  As  a  member  of  the  board  of  war,  and  as 
chairman  of  that  board,  an  office  which  he  retained  until  he 
left  congress,  he  particularly  distinguished  himself.  Accord 
ing  to  the  testimony  of  a  gentleman  who  was  contemporary 
with  him  in  congress,  he  was  characterized  for  great  firmness, 
good  sense,  and  a  peculiar  sagacity  in  difficult  and  critical 
situations.  In  seasons  of  uncommon  trial  and  anxiety,  he 
was  always  steady,  cheerful,  and  undaunted. 

Mr.  Harrison  was  also  often  called  to  preside  as  chairman 
of  the  committee  of  the  whole  house,  in  which  station  he  was 
extremely  popular.  He  occupied  the  chair  during  the  deli 
berations  of  congress  on  the  despatches  of  Washington,  the 
settlement  of  commercial  restrictions,  the  state  of  the  colo 
nies,  the  regulation  of  trade,  and  during  the  pendency  of  the 
momentous  question  of  our  national  independence.  By  his 
correctness  and  impartiality,  during  the  warm  and  animated 
debates  which  were  had  on  questions  growing  out  of  these 
important  subjects,  he  gained  the  general  confidence  and  ap 
probation  of  the  house. 

An  interesting  anecdote  is  related  of  him,  on  the  occasion 
of  the  members  affixing  their  signatures  to  the  declaration  of 
independence.  While  signing  the  instrument,  he  noticed 
Mr.  Gerry  of  Massachusetts  standing  beside  him.  Mr.  Har 
rison  himself  was  quite  corpulent ;  Mr.  Gerry  was  slender 
and  spare.  As  the  former  raised  his  hand,  having  inscribed 
his  name  on  the  roll,  he  turned  to  Mr.  Gerry,  and  facetiously 
observed,  that  when  the  time  of  hanging  should  come,  he 
should  have  the  advantage  over  him.  "  It  will  be  over  with 
me,"  said  he,  "  in  a  minute,  but  you  will  be  kicking  in  the  air 
?ialf  an  hour  after  I  am  gone." 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1777,  Mr.  Harrison  resigned 


408  VIRGINIA    DELEGATION. 

his  seat  in  congress,  and  returned  to  Virginia.  He  was  soon 
after  elected  a  member  of  the  house  of  burgesses,  of  which 
body  he  was  immediately  chosen  speaker,  a  station  which  he 
held  until  the  year  1782. 

In  this  latter  year,  Mr.  Harrison  was  elected  to  the  office 
of  chief  magistrate  of  Virginia,  and  became  one  of  the  most 
popular  governors  of  his  native  state.  To  this  office  he  was 
twice  re-elected.  In  1785,  having  become  ineligible  by  the 
provisions  of  the  constitution,  he  returned  to  private  life,  carry 
ing  with  him  the  universal  esteem  and  approbation  of  his 
fellow  citizens. 

In  1788,  when  the  new  constitution  of  the  United  States 
was  submitted  to  Virginia,  he  was  returned  a  member  of  her 
convention.  Of  the  first  committee  chosen  by  that  body,  that 
of  privileges  and  elections,  he  was  appointed  chairman. 
Owing,  however,  to  his  advanced  years,  and  to  infirmities 
which  were  now  coming  in  upon  him,  he  took  no  very  active 
part  in  the  debates  of  the  convention.  He  was  a  friend, 
however,  to  the  constitution,  provided  certain  amendments 
could  be  made  to  it,  and  opposed  its  ratification  until  these 
should  be  incorporated  with  it.  When  the  question  was 
taken  in  the  convention  as  to  its  unconditional  ratification, 
the  majority  in  the  affirmative  was  but  ten.  A  minority  so 
respectable  in  point  of  number  and  character  was  not  to  be 
slighted.  Hence,  the  convention  appointed  a  committee  to 
prepare  and  report  such  amendments  as  they  should  deem 
necessary.  Of  this  committee  Mr.  Harrison  was  a  member, 
and,  in  connexion  with  his  colleagues,  introduced  such  a  se 
ries  of  amendments  as  were  thought  advisable,  and  which, 
after  passing  the  convention,  formed  the  basis  of  the  altera 
tions  which  were  subsequently  made. 

In  1790,  Mr.  Harrison  was  again  proposed  as  a  candidate 
to  the  executive  chair.  Finding,  however,  that  if  run  it  must 
be  in  opposition  to  Mr.  Beverley  Randolph,  who  was  at  that 
time  governor,  a  gentleman  distinguished  for  his  great  amia- 
bleness  of  character,  and  a  particular  and  intimate  friend  of 
Governor  Harrison,  the  latter  declined  the  designed  honour, 


BENJAMIN    HARRISON.  409^ 

in  consequence  of  which,  Mr.  Randolph  was  elected,  but  by 
only  a  majority  of  two  or  three  votes. 

In  the  spring  of  1791,  Mr.  Harrison  was  attacked  by  a  se- 
rere  fit  of  the  gout,  of  which  however  he  partially  recovered. 
In  the  month  of  April,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  legis 
lature.  On  the  evening  of  the  day  after,  however,  a  recur- 
ence  of  his  disease  took  place,  which  on  the  following  day 
terminated  his  life. 

In  his  person,  Mr.  Harrison  was  above  the  ordinary  height; 
ne  possessed  a  vigorous  constitution,  and  in  his  manners  was 
remarkably  dignified.  Owing  to  the  free  manner  in  which  he 
lived,  he,  at  length,  became  quite  corpulent ;  his  features 
were  less  handsome,  and  the  vigour  of  his  constitution  was 
much  impaired. 

Those  who  recollect  him  represent  his  talents  as  rather 
useful  than  brilliant.  He  seldom  entered  into  public  discus 
sions,  nor  was  he  fond  of  writing;  yet  when  occasion  required, 
he  appeared  with  respectability  in  both. 

Mr.  Harrison  became  connected  by  marriage  with  Eliza 
beth  Bassett,  daughter  of  Colonel  William  Bassett,  of  the 
county  of  New  Kent,  a  niece  to  the  sister  of  Mrs.  Washing 
ton.  He  had  n^ny  children,  seven  of  whom  only  attained  to 
any  number  of  years.  Several  of  his  sons  became  men  of 
considerable  distinction,  but  no  one  has  occupied  so  conspicu 
ous  a  place  in  society  as  his  third  son,  William  Henry  Harri 
son.  While  young,  this  gentleman  distinguished  himself  in 
a  battle  with  the  Indians  at  the  rapids  of  Miami ;  since  which 
time,  he  has  filled  the  office  of  governor  of  Indiana  Territory 
served  as  a  high  military  officer  on  the  north-western  fron 
tier,  been  sent  as  a  delegate  from  the  state  of  Ohio  in  con 
gress,  and  more  recently  been  appointed  to  the  important 
office  of  minister  plenipotentiary  to  Mexico. 
3G  35 


410  VIRGINIA    DELEGATION 


THOMAS  NELSON,  JUN. 

THOMAS  NELSON  was  born  at  York  on  the  twenty-sixth  of 
December,  1738.  He  was  the  eldest  son  of  William  Nelson, 
a  merchant  of  highly  respectable  character,  who  was  de 
scended  from  an  English  family,  which  settled  at  York,  in 
the  province  of  Virginia.  By  his  prudence  and  industry,  the 
latter  acquired  a  large  fortune.  After  the  meridian  of  life,  he 
held  several  offices  of  high  distinction  ;  and  at  his  death,  which 
occurred  a  few  years  before  the  revolution,  left  a  character, 
not  only  sullied  by  no  stain,  but  justly  venerated  for  the  many 
virtues  which  adorned  it. 

At  the  age  of  fourteen,  Thomas  Nelson  was  sent  to  Eng 
land,  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  an  education.  He  was  for 
some  time  placed  at  a  private  school,  in  a  village  in  the  neigh 
bourhood  of  London  ;  whence  he  was  removed  to  the  uni 
versity  of  Cambridge,  where  he  enjoyed  the  instruction  of 
that  distinguished  man,  Doctor  Beilby  Porteus,  afterwards 
bishop  of  London.  Under  the  guidance  of  this  excellent 
man  and  accomplished  scholar,  young  Nelson  became  deeply 
imbued  with  a  taste  for  literary  pursuits. 

About  the  close  of  1761,  he  returned  to  his  native  coun 
try,  and  in  the  following  year  became  connected  by  marriage 
with  a  daughter  of  Philip  Grymes,  Esq.  of  Brandon,  with 
\vhom  he  settled  at  York.  The  ample  fortune  given  him  by 
his  father,  at  the  time  of  his  marriage,  enabled  him  to  main 
tain  a  style  of  no  common  elegance  and  hospitality. 

At  what  period  Mr.  Nelson  commenced  his  political  careei, 
we  have  not  been  able  to  ascertain.  He  was,  however,  a 
member  of  the  house  of  burgesses  in  1774,  and  during  the 
same  year  was  appointed  to  the  first  general  convention, 
which  met  at  Williamsburg  on  the  first  of  August.  The  next 
year,  1775,  he  was  a  second  time  returned  a  member  to  the 
general  convention  of  the  province,  during  the  session  of 
which,  he  introduced  a  resolution  for  organizing  a  military 
force  in  the  province,  a  step  which  obviously  placed  the  co 
lony  of  Virginia  in  the  attitude  of  opposition  to  the  mother 


THOMAS    NELSON,  JUN.  411 

Country.  This  plan  was  at  first  startling  to  some  of  the 
warmest  friends  of  liberty  ;  but  in  the  issue,  it  proved  a  mea 
sure  of  high  importance  to  the  colonies. 

In  July,  1775,  the  third  convention  of  Virginia  delegates 
assembled  at  Richmond,  and  in  the  following  month  Mr.  Nel 
son  was  appointed  a  delegate  to  represent  the  colony  in  the 
continental  congress,  which  was  to  assemble  at  Philadelphia. 
Agreeably  to  this  appointment,  he  took  his  seat  in  that  body 
on  the  thirteenth  of  September. 

From  this  time,  until  May,  1777,  Mr.  Nelson  continued  to 
represent  the  colony  of  Virginia  in  the  national  council,  where 
he  was  frequently  appointed  on  important  committees,  and 
was  highly  distinguished  for  his  sound  judgment  and  liberal 
sentiments.  In  the  month  of  May,  of  the  year  mentioned 
above,  while  attending  in  his  place  in  congress,  he  was  sud 
denly  attacked  with  a  disease  of  the  head,  probably  of  a  para- 
lytic  nature,  which,  for  a  time,  greatly  impaired  his  mental 
faculties,  particularly  his  memory. 

He  now  returned  to  Virginia,  soon  after  which  he  resigned 
his  %seat  in  congress.  His  health  gradually  returning,  his  ser 
vices  were  again  demanded  by  the  public,  and  by  the  governor 
and  council  he  was  appointed  brigadier  general  and  com 
mander  in  chief  of  the  forces  of  the  commonwealth.  In  this 
office  he  rendered  the  most  important  services  to  his  country 
in  general,  and  to  the  colony  of  Virginia  in  particular.  His 
ample  fortune  enabled  him,  in  cases  of  emergency,  to  advance 
money  to  carry  forward  the  military  operations  of  the  day, 
nor  did  the  generosity  of  his  nature  allow  him  to  withhold 
his  hand  whenever  occasion  demanded  advancements. 

In  1779,  the  health  of  Mr.  Nelson  being,  as  it  was  thought, 
confirmed,  he  was  induced  again  to  accept  a  seat  in  congress. 
The  arduous  duties,  however,  to  which  he  was  called,  con 
nected  with  the  long  confinement  which  those  duties  required, 
induced  a  recurrence  of  his  former  complaint,  which  com 
pelled  him  again  to  return  home. 

Happily  for  his  country,  his  health  was  again  restored,  and 
he  entered  with  great  animation  into  several  military  expedi 
dons  against  the  British,  who,  at  that  time,  were  making  the 


412  VIRGINIA  DELEGATION. 

southern  states  the  chief  theatre  of  war.  In  1781,  Mr.  Jef 
ferson,  who  had  for  three  years  filled  the  executive  chair,  left 
it,  upon  which  General  Nelson  was  called  to  succeed  him. 
This  was  a  gloomy  period  in  the  annals  of  Virginia.  In  re 
peated  instances  the  state  was  invaded,  and  the  path  of  the 
enemy  marked  by  wanton  and  excessive  barbarity.  The  le 
gislature  were  several  times  interrupted  in  their  deliberations, 
and  repeatedly  obliged  to  adjourn  to  a  different  and  more  re 
tired  place.  Immediately  following  the  accession  of  Mr.  Nel 
son  to  the  executive  chair,  they  were  driven,  as  was  noticed 
in  the  life  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  by  Tarlton,  from  Charlottesville 
*o  Staunton. 

At  this  time  they  passed  a  law,  "  by  which  the  governor, 
with  the  advice  of  the  council,  was  empowered  to  procure. 
by  impress  or  otherwise,  under  such  regulations  as  they 
should  devise,  provisions  of  every  kind,  all  sorts  of  clothing, 
accoutrements  and  furniture  proper  for  the  use  of  the  army, 
negroes  as  pioneers,  horses  both  for  draught  and  cavalry, 
wagons,  boats,  and  other  vessels,  with  their  crews,  and  all 
<.»iher  things  which  might  be  necessary  for  supplying  the 
militia,  or  other  troops,  employed  in  the  public  service." 

According  to  this  law,  Mr.  Nelson  could  not  constitution 
ally  act,  except  with  the  advice  of  his  council.  Owing  to 
the  capture  of  two  of  the  council  by  Tarlton,  and  to  the 
Designation  of  two  others,  that  body  was  reduced  to  four 
•members,  the  least  number  which  agreeably  to  the  constitu- 
ion  could  act.  Even  this  number,  in  the  distracted  state  of 
lie  country,  it  was  difficult  and  nearly  impossible  to  keep 
together. 

Thus  circumstanced,  Governor  Nelson  determined,  at  the 
risk  of  public  censure,  to  take  those  measures  which  the 
safety  of  the  state  and  the  good  of  the  country  demanded. 
These  measures  were  taken  ;  and  though  departing  from  the 
strict  line  of  duty  as  denned  by  the  laws  of  the  common 
wealth,  it  was  owing  to  his  prompt  and  independent  course 
that  the  army  was  kept  together  until  the  battle  of  Yorktown 
gave  the  finishing  stroke  to  the  war. 

Soon  after  the  occurrence  of  that  memorable  and  glorious 


THOMAS  NELSON,  JUN. 

event,  Governor  Nelson  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  a  just 
expression  of  thanks  from  General  Washington,  who,  in  his 
general  orders  of  the  20th  of  October,  1781,  thus  spoke  of 
him :  "  The  general  would  be  guilty  of  the  highest  ingrati 
tude,  a  crime  of  which  he  hopes  he  shall  never  be  accused, 
if  he  forgot  to  return  his  sincere  acknowledgments  to  his 
excellency  Governor  Nelson,  for  the  succours  which  he  re 
ceived  from  him,  and  the  militia  under  his  command,  to 
whose  activity,  emulation,  and  bravery,  the  highest  praises 
are  due.  The  magnitude  of  the  acquisition  will  be  ample 
compensation  for  the  difficulties  and  dangers  which  they 
met  with  so  much  firmness  and  patriotism." 

At  the  expiration  of  a  month,  following  the  surrender  of 
Lord  Cornwallis,  Governor  Nelson  finding  his  health  im 
paired  by  the  arduous  duties  to  which  he  had  been  called, 
tendered  his  resignation  as  chief  magistrate  of  Virginia. 

The  many  services  which  he  had  rendered,  the  great  self- 
denial  which  he  had  practised,  the  uncommon  liberality 
which  he  had  manifested,  entitled  him  to  the  gratitude  of  the 
people,  and  to  the  unmolested  enjoyment  of  the  few  years 
which  remained  to  him.  But  scarcely  had  his  resigna 
tion  been  accepted,  when  an  accusation  was  laid  before  the 
legislature  by  his  enemies,  charging  him  with  having  tran 
scended  his  powers  in  acting  without  the  consent  of  his 
council. 

Soon  after  the  presentment  of  this  accusation,  Governor 
Nelson  addressed  a  letter  to  the  legislature,  requesting  an  in 
vestigation  of  his  official  conduct.  In  compliance  with  this 
request,  a  committee  was  appointed  for  that  purpose,  who, 
at  length,  having  reported,  the  legislature,  on  the  31st  of 
December,  1781,  passed  the  following  act : 

"  An  act  to  indemnify  THOMAS  NELSON,  Junior,  Esquire, 
late  governor  of  this  commonwealth,  and  to  legalise  certain 
acts  of  his  administration.  Whereas,  upon  examination  it 
appears  that  previous  to,  and  during  the  seige  of  York, 
Thomas  Nelson,  Esquire,  late  governor  of  this  common 
wealth,  was  compelled  by  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the 
state  and  army,  to  perform  many  acts  of  government  without 

35* 


414  VIRGINIA  DELEGATION. 

the  advice  of  the  council  of  state,  for  the  purpose  of  pro 
curing  subsistence  and  other  necessaries  for  the  allied  army 
under  the  command  of  his  excellency  General  Washington  : 
be  it  enacted,  that  all  such  acts  of  government,  evidently 
productive  of  general  good,  and  warranted  by  necessity,  be 
judged  and  held  of  the  same  validity,  and  the  like  proceed 
ings  be  had  on  them,  as  if  they  had  been  executed  by  and 
with  the  advice  of  the  council,  and  with  all  the  formalities 
prescribed  by  law.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  that  the  said 
Thomas  Nelson,  Jun.  Esq.  be,  and  hereby  is,  in  the  fullest 
manqer,  indemnified  and  exonerated  from  all  penalties  and 
dangers  which  might  have  accrued  to  him  from  the  same." 

Having  thus  been  honourably  acquitted  of  charges  from 
which  his  noble  and  patriotic  conduct  ought  to  have  saved 
him,  he  now  retired  wholly  from  public  life.  His  death  oc 
curred  on  the  4th  3f  January,  1789,  just  after  he  had  com 
pleted  his  fiftieth  year.  Few  patriots  of  the  revolution  have 
descended  to  the  grave  more  justly  honoured  and  beloved. 
Few  possessed  a  more  ample  fortune  ;  few  contributed  more 
liberally  to  support  the  cause  of  liberty.  It  was  the  patriot 
ism,  the  firmness,  the  generosity,  the  magnanimous  sacrifices 
of  such  men,  that  conducted  the  colonies  through  a  gloomy 
contest  of  seven  years  continuance,  and  gave  them  a  rank 
amxmg  the  independent  nations  of  the  earth. 

We  shall  conclude  this  notice  of  this  illustrious  man,  by 
presenting  to  our  readers  the  tribute,  which  was  happily  and 
affectionately  paid  to  his  memory  by  Colonel  Innes : 

"  The  illustrious  General  Thomas  Nelson  is  no  more ! 
He  paid  the  last  great  debt  to  nature,  on  Sunday,  the  fourth 
of  the  present  month,  at  his  estate  in  Hanover.  He  who 
undertakes  barely  to  recite  the  exalted  virtues  whi^h  adorned 
the  life  of  this  great  and  good  man,  will  unavoidably  pro 
nounce  a  panegyric  on  human  nature.  As  a  man,  a  citizen, 
a  legislator,  and  a  patriot,  he  exhibited  a  conduct  untarnished 
and  undebased  by  sordid  or  selfish  interest,  and  strongly 
marked  with  the  genuine  characteristics  of  true  religion, 
sound  benevolence,  and  liberal  policy.  Entertaining  the 
most  ardent  love  for  civil  and  religious  liberty,  he  was 


THOMAS  NELSON,  JUN.  415 

among  the  first  of  that  glorious  band  of  patriots  whose  ex 
ertions  dashed  and  defeated  the  machinations  of  British 
tyranny,  and  gave  United  America  freedom  and  independent 
empire.  At  a  most  important  crisis,  during  the  late  struggle 
for  American  liberty,  when  this  state  appeared  to  be  desig 
nated  as  the  theatre  of  action  for  the  contending  armies,  he 
was  selected  by  the  unanimous  suffrage  of  the  legislature  to 
command  the  virtuous  yeomanry  of  his  country  ;  in  this 
honourable  employment  he  remained  until  the  end  of  the 
war  ;  as  a  soldier,  he  was  indefatigably  active  and  coolly  in 
trepid  ;  resolute  and  undejected  in  misfortunes,  he  towered 
above  distress,  and  struggled  with  the  manifold  difficulties  to 
which  his  situation  exposed  him,  with  constancy  and  courage. 
In  the  memorable  year  1781,  when  the  whole  force  of  the 
southern  British  army  was  directed  to  the  immediate  subju 
gation  of  this  state,  he  was  called  to  the  helm  of  govern 
ment;  this  was  a  juncture  which  indeed  '  tried  men's  souls.' 
He  did  not  avail  himself  of  this  opportunity  to  retire  in  the 
rear  of  danger  ;  but  on  the  contrary,  took  the  field  at  the 
head  of  his  countrymen  ;  and  at  the  hazard  of  his  life,  his 
fame,  and  individual  fortune,  by  his  decision  and  magna 
nimity,  he  saved  not  only  his  country,  but  all  America,  from 
disgrace,  if  not  from  total  ruin.  Of  this  truly  patriotic  and 
heroic  conduct,  the  renowned  commander  in  chief,  with  all 
the  gallant  officers  of  the  combined  armies  employed  at  the 
siege  of  York,  will  bear  ample  testimony ;  this  part  of  his 
conduct  even  contemporary  jealousy,  envy,  and  malignity 
were  forced  to  approve,  and  this,  more  impartial  posterity, 
if  it  can  believe,  will  almost  adore.  If,  after  contemplating 
the  splendid  and  heroic  parts  of  his  character,  we  shall  in 
quire  for  the  milder  virtues  of  humanity,  and  seek  for  the 
man,  we  shall  find  the  refined,  beneficent,  and  social  qualities 
of  private  life,  through  all  its  forms  and  combinations,  so 
happily  modified  and  united  in  him,  that  in  the  words  of  the 
darling  poet  of  nature,  it  may  be  said, 

'  His  life  was  gentle  :  and  the  elements 

So  mixed  in  him,  that  nature  might  stand  up 

And  say  to  all  the  world— this  was  a  man.'  " 


416  VIRGINIA    DELEGATION. 

FRANCIS  LIGHTFOOT  LEE. 

FRANCIS  LIGHTFOOT  LEE,  the  fourth  son  of  Thomas  Lee, 
was  born  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  October,  1734.  His  father 
for  several  years  held  the  office  of  president  of  the  king's 
council  of  the  provincial  government  of  Virginia.  He  had 
several  sons,  all  of  whom  were  highly  distinguished  for  their 
talents,  and  for  the  services  which  they  rendered  their  coun 
try.  Philip  Ludwell,  a  member  of  the  king's  council  ;  Tho 
mas  Ludwell,  a  member  of  the  Virginia  assembly;  Richard 
Henry,  as  the  champion  of  American  freedom  ;  William,  as  a 
sheriff  and  alderman  of  London,  and  afterwards  a  commis 
sioner  of  the  continental  congress  at  the  courts  of  Berlin  and 
Vienna  ;  and  Arthur  as  a  scholar,  a  politician,  and  diplomatist. 

Francis  Lightfoot,  the  subject  of  the  present  memoir,  was 
perhaps  not  less  distinguished,  although  he  had  not  the  ad 
vantages,  which  were  enjoyed  by  the  elder  sons,  of  an  educa 
tion  at  the  English  universities.  His  advantages,  however, 
were  not  of  a  moderate  character.  He  was  placed  under  the 
care  of  a  domestic  tutor  of  the  name  of  Craig,  a  gentleman 
distinguished  for  his  love  of  letters,  and  for  his  ability  to  im 
part  useful  knowledge  to  those  of  whom  he  had  the  care.  Un 
der  such  a  man,  the  powers  of  Francis  Lightfoot  rapidly  un 
folded.  He  acquired  an  early  fondness  for  reading  and  men 
tal  investigation,  and  became  well  acquainted  with  the  vari 
ous  branches  of  science  and  literature. 

The  fortune  bequeathed  him  by  his  father  rendered  the 
study  of  a  profession  unnecessary.  He,  therefore,  devoted 
himself  for  several  years  to  reading,  and  to  the  enjoyment  of  his 
friends.  He  was  a  man,  however,  in  whom  dwelt  the  spirit 
of  the  patriot,  and  who  could  not  well  be  neglected,  nor  could 
he  well  neglect  his  country,  when  the  political  troubles  of  the 
colonies  began. 

In  1765,  he  was  returned  a  member  of  the  house  of  bur 
gesses  from  the  county  of  Loudon,  where  his  estate  was  si 
tuated.  In  this  situation,  he  proved  himself  to  be  a  gentleman 
of  strong  good  sense  and  discriminating  judgment ;  and  to  this 


FRANCIS  LIGHTFOOT  LEE.  417 

office  he  was  annually  re-elected  until  1772  ;  when  having  be 
come  connected  by  marriage  with  a  daughter  of  Colonel  John 
Tayloe,  of  the  county  of  Richmond,  he  removed  to  that  coun 
ty,  the  citizens  of  which  soon  after  elected  him  a  member  ol 
the  house  of  burgesses. 

In  1775,  Mr.  Lee  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  continental 
congress,  by  the  Virginia  convention.  This  was  an  eventful 
period  in  the  annals  of  America.  It  was  the  year  in  which 
was  shed  the  first  blood  in  the  revolutionary  struggle.  It 
was  emphatically  the  year  of  "  clouds  and  darkness,"  in  which 
indeed  the  hope  of  better  days  was  indulged,  but  in  which, 
notwithstanding  this  hope,  "men's  souls  were  tried." 

Mr.  Lee  continued  a  member  of  congress  until  the  spring 
of  1779.  During  his  attendance  upon  this  body,  he  seldom 
took  part  in  the  public  discussions,  but  few  surpassed  him  in 
his  warmth  of  patriotism,  and  in  his  zeal  to  urge  forward  those 
measures  which  contributed  to  the  success  of  the  American 
arms,  and  the  independence  of  the  country.  To  his  brother, 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  the  high  honour  was  allotted  of  bringing 
forward  the  momentous  question  of  independence,  and  to  him, 
and  his  associates  in  that  distinguished  assembly,  the  not  in 
ferior  honour  was  granted  of  aiding  and  supporting  and 
finishing  this  important  work. 

As  already  noticed,  Mr.  Lee  retired  from  congress  in  the 
year  1779.  It  was  his  wish  to  be  exempted  from  public  care, 
and  in  the  pleasures  of  home  to  seek  those  enjoyments  which 
were  consentaneous  to  his  health  and  happiness. 

This  seclusion,  however,  he  was  not  permitted  long  to  en 
joy.  The  internal  condition  of  Virginia,  at  this  time,  was 
one  of  much  agitation  and  perplexity.  His  fellow  citizens, 
justly  appreciating  the  value  of  such  a  man,  summoned  him 
by  their  suffrages  to  represent  them  in  the  legislature  of  Vir 
ginia.  Although  reluctantly,  he  obeyed  the  summons,  and 
took  his  seat  in  that  body.  He  was  fond  of  ease,  and  of  the 
pleasures  of  domestic  life  ;  still  he  was  conscious  of  his  obli 
gations,  and  most  faithfully  discharged  them.  While  a  mem 
ber  of  the  continental  congress,  he  had  been  characterized  for 
3  H 


418  VIRGINIA    DELEGATION. 

integrity,  sound  judgment,  and  love  of  country.     In  his  pre 
sent  office,  he  was  distinguished  for  the  same  virtues. 

He  could  not  content  himself,  however,  long  in  this  situa 
tion.  He  became  wearied  with  the  duties  of  public  life  ;  and, 
at  length,  relinquished  them  for  the  pleasures  of  retirement. 

In  this  latter  course  of  life,  he  not  only  enjoyed  himsell 
highly,  but  contributed  greatly  to  the  happiness  of  many 
around  him.  The  benevolence  of  his  disposition,  and  the 
urbanity  of  his  manners,  recommended  him  both  to  the  old 
and  the  young,  to  the  gay  and  the  grave.  The  poor  shared 
in  his  benevolence  and  advice.  In  his  intercourse  with 
his  particular  friends,  he  was  uncommonly  pleasing  and  in 
structive. 

Mr.  Lee,  having  no  children  to  require  his  care  and  atten 
tion,  devoted  much  of  his  time  to  the  pleasures  of  reading, 
farming,  and  the  company  of  his  friends.  His  death  was  oc 
casioned  by  a  pleurisy,  which  disease  about  the  same  time, 
also,  attacked  his  beloved  wife,  and  terminated  the  life  of  both, 
within  a  few  days  of  each  other.  It  is  said,  that  he  had  em 
braced  the  religion  of  the  gospel,  and  that  under  its  support 
ing  hope  and  consolation,  he  made  his  exit  in  peace  from 
the  world. 


CARTER   BRAXTON. 

CARTER  BRAXTON  was  the  son  of  George  Braxton,  a 
wealthy  planter  of  Newington,  in  the  county  of  King  and 
Queen,  in  Virginia,  where  he  was  born  on  the  tenth  of  Sep 
tember,  1736.  His  mother  was  the  daughter  of  Robert  Car 
ter,  who  was  for  some  time  a  member,  and  the  president  of 
the  king's  council. 

Carter  Braxton  was  liberally  educated,  at  the  college  of  Wil 
liam  and  Mary.  About  the  time  that  he  left  college,  it  ie 
supposed  that  his  father  died,  although  this  is  not  well  ascer- 


CARTER   BRAXTON.  419 

tained.  On  this  event,  he  became  possessed  of  a  considerable 
fortune,  consisting  chiefly  of  land  and  slaves.  His  estate  was 
much  increased,  by  his  marriage,  at  the  early  age  of  nineteen 
years,  with  the  daughter  of  Mr.  Christopher  Robinson,  a 
wealthy  planter  of  the  county  of  Middlesex. 

He  had  the  misfortune  to  lose  his  wife  within  a  few  years 
of  his  marriage,  soon  after  which  he  embarked  for  England, 
for  the  purpose  of  improving  his  mind  and  manners.  He  re 
turned  to  America  in  1760  ;  and,  in  the  following  year,  was 
married  to  the  eldest  daughter  of  Richard  Corbin,  of  Lanne- 
ville,  by  whom  he  had  sixteen  children.  The  life  of  Mrs. 
Braxton  was  continued  until  the  year  1814.  Of  her  numer 
ous  children,  one  only,  a  daughter,  it  is  believed,  is  still  living. 

The  ample  fortune  of  Mr.  Braxton  rendering  the  study  of 
a  profession  unnecessary,  he  became  a  gentleman  planter. 
He  lived  in  considerable  splendour,  according  to  the  fashion 
of  the  landed  aristocracy  at  that  day.  Yet,  it  is  said,  that 
his  fortune  was  not  impaired  by  it. 

Upon  his  return  from  a  voyage  to  England,  he  was  called 
to  a  seat  in  the  house  of  burgesses  ;  and  in  1765,  particu 
larly  distinguished  himself  at  the  time  that  Patrick  Henry 
brought  forward  his  celebrated  resolutions  on  the  stamp  act. 

From  this  date,  until  1776,  the  political  career  of  Mr< 
Braxton  corresponded,  in  general,  with  that  of  the  other 
delegates  from  Virginia,  of  whom  we  have  given  a  more  par 
ticular  and  circumstantial  account.  It  will  be  unnecessary 
therefore,  to  observe  in  this  place  more  than  that  Mr.  Brax 
ton  was,  during  this  period,  for  the  most  part,  a  member  of 
the  house  of  burgesses,  and  a  member  of  the  first  convention 
which  ever  met  in  Virginia.  Nor  is  it  necessary  to  speak 
particularly  of  the  patriotic  zeal  and  firmness  which  charac 
terized  him,  in  all  the  duties  which  he  was  called  upon  to 
discharge. 

On  the  twenty-second  of  October,  1775,  the  distinguishea 
Peyton  Randolph  died  at  Philadelphia,  while  presiding  over 
congress.  In  the  following  month,  the  convention  of  Vir 
ginia  proceeded  to  appoint  his  successor,  upon  which  Mr. 
Braxton  was  elected.  In  that  body  he  soon  ifter  too]?  his 


420  VIRGINIA   DELEGATION. 

seat,  and  was  present  on  the  occasion  which  gave  birth  to 
the  declaration  of  independence. 

In  June.  1776,  the  convention  of  Virginia  reduced  the 
number  of  their  delegates  in  congress  to  five,  any  three  of 
whom,  it  was  directed,  should  be  sufficient.  In  consequence 
of  this  resolution,  Mr.  Harrison  and  Mr.  Braxton  were 
omitted. 

In  the  month  of  October,  1776,  the  first  general  assembly 
under  the  republican  constitution,  assembled  at  Williamsburg. 
Of  this  assembly  Mr.  Braxton  was  a  member,  and  soon  after 
taking  his  seat,  he  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving,  in  connexion 
with  Thomas  Jefferson,  an  expression  of  the  public  thanks  in 
the  following  language : 

"  Saturday,  October  12th,  1776. 

"  Resolved,  unanimously,  that  the  thanks  of  this  house  are 
justly  due  to  Thomas  Jefferson  and  Carter  Braxton,  Esquires, 
for  the  diligence,  ability,  and  integrity,  with  which  they  exe 
cuted  the  important  trust  reposed  in  them,  as  two  of  the  dele 
gates  for  this  county  in  the  general  congress." 

Of  the  above  first  session  of  the  legislature  of  Virginia, 
Mr.  Braxton  was  an  active  member.  This  session,  as  might 
be  supposed,  was  interesting  and  important,  from  the  circum 
stance  that  being  the  first,  it  was  called  upon  to  accommodate 
the  government  to  the  great  change  which  the  people  had 
undergone  in  their  political  condition.  From  this  time,  he 
continued  to  be  a  delegate  in  the  house  for  several  years, 
where  he  proved  himself  to  be  faithful  to  his  constituents, 
and  a  zealous  advocate  for  civil  and  religious  liberty. 

In  1786,  he  received  an  appointment  as  a  member  of  the 
council  of  state  of  the  commonwealth,  which  office  he  con 
tinued  to  execute  until  the  thirtieth  of  March,  1791.  After 
an  interval  of  a  few  years,  during  which  he  occupied  a  seat 
in  the  house  of  delegates,  he  was  again  elected  into  the  exe 
cutive  council,  where  he  continued  until  October,  1797,  on 
the  tenth  of  which  month  he  was  removed  to  another  world, 
by  means  of  an  attack  of  paralysis. 


CARTER  BRAXTON.  421 

Mr.  Braxton  was  a  gentleman  of  cultivated  mind,  and  re 
spectable  talents.  Although  not  distinguished  by  the  im 
pressive  eloquence  of  Henry  and  Lee,  his  oratory  was  easy 
and  flowing.  In  his  manners,  he  was  peculiarly  agreeable, 
and  the  language  of  his  conversation  and  eloquence  was 
smooth  and  flowing. 

The  latter  days  of  Mr.  Braxton  were  embittered  by  several 
unfortunate  commercial  speculations,  which  involved  him  in 
pecuniary  embarrassments,  from  which  he  found  it  impossible 
to  extricate  himself.  Several  vexatious  law-suits,  in  which 
he  became  engaged,  contributed  still  farther  to  diminish  his 
property,  and  unfortunately  led  him  unintentionally  to  injure 
several  of  his  friends,  who  were  his  sureties.  The  morning 
of  his  days  was  indeed  bright ;  but,  like  many  a  morning 
which  appears  in  the  natural  world  without  clouds,  his  was 
followed,  towards  the  close  of  the  day,  by  clouds  and  dark 
ness,  under  which  he  sunk,  imparting  an  impressive  lesson  of 
the  passing  nature  of  the  form  and  fashion  of  the  present 
world 

36 


THE 


NORTH  CAROLINA  DELEGATION. 


WILLIAM  HOOPER, 
JOSEPH  HEWES, 
JOHN  PENN. 


WILLIAM  HOOPER. 

WILLIAM  HOOPER  was  a  native  of  Boston,  province  of 
Massachusetts  Bay.  where  he  was  born  on  the  seventeenth 
of  June,  1742. 

His  father's  name  was  also  William  Hooper.  He  was 
born  in  Scotland,  in  the  year  1702,  and  soon  after  leaving  the 
university  of  Edinburgh  emigrated  to  America.  He  settled  in 
Boston,  where  he 'became  connected  in  marriage  with  the 
daughter  of  Mr.  John  Dennie,  a  respectable  merchant.  Not 
long  after  his  emigration,  he  was  elected  pastor  of  Trinity 
Church,  in  Boston,  in  which  office,  such  were  his  fidelity  and 
affectionate  intercourse  with  the  people  of  his  charge,  that 
long  after  his  death  he  was  remembered  by  them  with  pecu 
liar  veneration  and  regard. 

William  Hooper,  a  biographical  notice  of  whom  we  are 
now  to  give,  was  the  eldest  of  five  children.  At  an  early  age 
he  exhibited  indications  of  considerable  talent.  Until  he  was 
seven  years  old,  he  was  instructed  by  his  father ;  but,  at 
length,  became  a  member  of  a  free  grammar  school  in  Boston, 


•  I 

WILLIAM  HOOPER.  423 

winch  at  that  time  was  under  the  care  of  Mr.  John  Lovell,  a 
teacher  of  distinguished  eminence.  At  the  age  of  fifteen,  he 
entered  Harvard  university,  where  he  acquired  the  reputation 
of  a  good  classical  scholar  ;  and,  at  length,  in  1760,  com 
menced  bachelor  of  arts,  with  distinguished  honour. 

Mr.  Hooper  had  destined  his  son  for  the  ministerial  office. 
But  his  inclination  turning  towards  the  law,  he  obtained  his 
father's  consent  to  pursue  the  studies  of  tlxit  profession,  in 
the  office  of  the  celebrated  James  Otis.  On  being  qualified 
for  the  bar,  he  left  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  with  the 
design  of  pursuing  the  practice  of  his  profession  in  North 
Carolina.  After  spending  a  year  or  two  in  that  province,  his 
father  became  exceedingly  desirous  that  he  should  return 
home.  The  health  of  his  son  had  greatly  suffered,  in  conse 
quence  of  an  excessive  application  to  the  duties  of  his  profes 
sion.  In  addition  to  this,  the  free  manner  of  living,  generally 
adopted  by  the  wealthier  inhabitants  of  the  south,  and  in  which 
he  had  probably  participated,  had  not  a  little  contributed  to 
the  injury  of  his  health. 

Notwithstanding  the  wishes  of  his  father,  in  regard  to  his 
favourite  son,  the  latter,  at  length,  in  the  fall  of  1767,  fixed 
his  residence  permanently  in  North  Carolina,  and  became 
connected  by  marriage  with  Miss  Ann  Clark,  of  Wilmington, 
in  that  province. 

Mr.  Hooper  now  devoted  himself  with  great  zeal  to  his 
professional  duties.  He  early  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  his 
fellow  citizens,  and  was  highly  respected  by  his  brethren  at 
the  bar,  among  whom  he  occupied  an  enviable  rank. 

In  the  year  1773,  he  was  appointed  to  represent  the  town 
of  Wilmington,  in  which  he  resided,  in  the  general  assembly. 
In  the  following  year  he  was  elected  to  a  seat  in  the  same 
body,  soon  after  taking  which,  he  was  called  upon  to  assist 
in  opposing  a  most  tyrannical  act  of  the  British  government, 
in  respect  to  the  laws  regulating  the  courts  of  justice  in  the 
province. 

The  former  laws  in  relation  to  these  courts  being  abc^t  to 
expire,  others  became  necessary.  Accordingly,  a  bill  was 
brought  forward,  the  provisions  of  which  were  designed  to 


424  NORTH  CAROLINA  DELEGATION. 

regulate  the  courts  as  formerly.  But  the  advocates  of  the 
British  government  took  occasion  to  introduce  a  clause  into 
the  bill,  which  was  intended  to  exempt  from  attachment  all 
species  of  property  in  North  Carolina,  which  belonged  to 
non-residents.  This  bill  having  passed  the  senate,  and  been 
approved  of  by  the  governor,  was  sent  to  the  house  of  repre 
sentatives,  where  it  met  with  a  most  spirited  opposition.  In 
this  opposition  Mr.  Hooper  took  the  lead.  In  strong  and 
animated  language,  he  set  forth  the  injustice  of  this  part  of 
the  bill,  and  remonstrated  against  its  passage  by  the  house. 
In  consequence  of  the  measures  which  were  pursued  by  the 
respective  houses  composing  the  general  assembly,  the  pro 
vince  was  left  for  more  than  a  year  without  a  single  court  of 
law.  Personally  to  Mr.  Hooper,  the  issue  of  this  business 
was  highly  injurious,  since  he  was  thus  deprived  of  the  prac 
tice  of  his  profession,  upon  which  he  depended  for  his  sup 
port.  Conscious,  however,  of  having  discharged  his  duty, 
he  bowed  in  submission  to  the  pecuniary  sacrifices  to  which 
he  was  thus  called,  preferring  honourable  poverty  to  the  * 
greatest  pecuniary  acquisitions,  if  the  latter  must  he  made  at 
the  expense  of  principle. 

On  the  twenty-fifth  of  August,  1774,  Mr.  Hooper  was  elect 
ed  a  delegate  to  the  general  congress,  to  be  held  at  Philadel 
phia.  Soon  after  taking  his  seat  in  this  body,  he  was  placed 
upon  several  important  committees,  and  when  occasion  re 
quired,  took  a  share  in  the  animated  discussions,  which  were 
had  on  the  various  important  subjects  which  came  before 
them.  On  one  occasion,  and  the  first  on  which  he  addressed 
the  house,  it  is  said,  that  he  so  entirely  rivetted  the  attention 
of  the  members  by  his  bold  and  animated  language,  that  many 
expressed  their  wonder  that  such  eloquence  should  flow  forth 
from  a  member  from  North  Carolina. 

In  the  following  year,  Mr.  Hooper  was  again  appointed  a 
delegate  to  serve  in  the  second  general  congress,  during  whose 
session  he  was  selected  as  the  chairman  of  a  committee  ap 
pointed  to  report  an  address  to  the  inhabitants  of  Jamaica. 
The  draught  was  the  production  of  his  pen.  It  was  charac 
terized  for  great  boldness,  and  was  eminently  adapted  to  pro- 


WILLIAM    HOOPER.  425 

duce  a  strong  impression  upon  the  people  for  whom  it  was 
designed.  In  conclusion  of  the  address,  Mr.  Hooper  used 
the  following  bold  and  animated  language  : 

"  That  our  petitions  have  been  treated  with  disdain,  is  now 
become  the  smallest  part  of  our  complaint :  ministerial  inso 
lence  is  lost  in  ministerial  barbarity.  It  has,  by  an  exertion 
peculiarly  ingenious,  procured  those  very  measures,  which  it 
laid  us  under  the  hard  necessity  of  pursuing,  to  be  stigma 
tized  in  parliament  as  rebellious :  it  has  employed  additional 
fleets  and  armies  for  the  infamous  purpose  of  compelling  us 
to  abandon  them  :  it  has  plunged  us  in  all  the  horrors  and  ca 
lamities  of  a  civil  war :  it  has  caused  the  treasure  and  blood 
of  Britons  (formerly  shed  and  expended  for  far  other  ends)  to 
be  spilt  and  wasted  in  the  execrable  design  of  spreading 
slavery  over  British  America :  it  will  not,  however,  accom 
plish  its  aim  ;  in  the  worst  of  contingencies,  a  choice  will  still 
be  left,  which  it  never  can  prevent  us  from  making." 

In  January,  1776,  Mr.  Hooper  was  appointed,  with  Dr. 
Franklin  and  Mr.  Livingston,  a  committee  to  report  to  con 
gress  a  proper  method  of  honouring  the  memory  of  General 
Montgomery,  who  had  then  recently  fallen  beneath  the  walls 
of  Quebec.  This  committee,  in  their  report,  recommended 
the  erection  of  a  monument,  which,  while  it  expressed  the  re 
spect  and  affection  of  the  colonies,  might  record,  for  the  be 
nefit  of  future  ages,  the  patriotic  zeal  and  fidelity,  enterprise 
and  perseverance  of  the  hero,  whose  memory  the  monument 
was  designed  to  celebrate.  In  compliance  with  the  recom 
mendation  of  this  committee,  a  monument  was  afterwards 
erected  by  congress  in  the  city  of  New-York. 

In  the  spring,  1776,  the  private  business  of  Mr.  Hooper  so 
greatly  required  his  attention  in  North  Carolina,  that  he  did 
not  attend  upon  the  sitting  of  congress.  He  returned,  how 
ever,  in  season  to  share  in  the  honour  of  passing  and  pub 
lishing  to  the  world  the  immortal  declaration  of  independence. 

On  the  twentieth  of  December,   1776,  he  was  elected  a  de 
legate  to  congress  for  the  third  time.     The  embarrassed  situ 
ation  of  his  private  affairs,  however,  rendered  his  longer  ab- 
cnce  from  Carolina  inconsistent  with  his  interests.     Accord 
31  36* 


426  NORTH  CAROLINA    DELEGATION. 

ingly,  in  February,  1777,  he  relinquished  his  seat  in  con 
gress,  and  not  long  after  tendered  to  the  general  assembly  his 
resignation  of  the  important  trust. 

But,  although  he  found  it  necessary  to  retire  from  this  par 
ticular  sphere  of  action,  he  was  nevertheless  usefully  employed 
in  Carolina.  He  was  an  ardent  friend  to  his  country,  zeal 
ously  attached  to  her  rights,  and  ready  to  make  every  required 
personal  sacrifice  for  her  good.  Nor  like  many  other  patriots 
of  the  day,  did  he  alfow  himself  to  indulge  in  despondency. 
While  to  others  the  prospect  appeared  dubious,  he  would  al 
ways  point  to  some  brighter  spots  on  the  canvass,  and  upon 
these  he  delighted  to  dwell. 

In  1786,  Mr.  Hooper  was  appointed  by  congress  one  of  the 
judges  of  a  federal  court,  which  was  formed  for  the  purpose 
of  settling  a  controversy  which  existed  between  the  states  of 
New-York  and  Massachusetts,  in  regard  to  certain  lands,  the 
jurisdiction  of  which  each  pretended  to  claim.  The  point  at 
issue  was  of  great  importance,  not  only  as  it  related  to  a  con 
siderable  extent  of  territory,  but  in  respect  of  the  people  of 
these  two  states,  among  whom  great  excitement  prevailed  on 
the  subject.  Fortunately,  the  respective  parties  themselves 
appointed  commissioners  to  settle  the  dispute,  which  was,  at 
length,  amicably  done,  and  the  above  federal  court  were  saved 
a  most  difficult  and  delicate  duty. 

In  the  following  year,  the  constitutional  infirmities  of  Mr. 
Hooper  increasing,  his  health  became  considerably  impaired. 
He  now  gradually  relaxed  from  public  and  professional  exer 
tions,  and  in  a  short  time  sought  repose  in  retirement,  which 
he  greatly  coveted.  In  the  month  of  October,  1790,  at  the 
early  age  of  forty-eight  years,  he  was  called  to  exchange 
worlds.  He  left  a  widow,  two  sons,  and  a  daughter,  the  last 
of  whom  only,  it  is  believed,  still  lives. 

In  his  person,  Mr.  Hooper  was  of  middle  stature,  well 
formed,  but  of  delicate  and  slender  appearance.  He  carried 
a  pleasing  and  intelligent  countenance.  In  his  manners  he 
was  polite  and  engaging,  although  towards  those  with  whom 
he  was  not  particularly  acquainted,  he  was  somewhat  re 
served.  He  was  distinguished  for  his  powers  of  conversa- 


JOSEPH  HEWES.  427 

tion ;  in  point  of  literary  merit  he  had  but  few  rivals  in  the 
neighbourhood  in  which  he  dwelt. 

As  a  lawyer,  he  was  distinguished  for  his  professional 
knowledge,  and  indefatigable  zeal  in  respect  to  business  with 
which  he  was  entrusted.  Towards  his  brethren  he  ever 
maintained  a  high  and  honourable  course  of  conduct,  and 
particularly  towards  the  younger  members  of  the  bar.  As  a 
politician,  he  was  characterized  for  judgment,  ardour,  and 
constancy.  In  times  of  the  greatest  political  difficulty  and 
danger,  he  was  calm,  but  resolute.  He  never  desponded ; 
but  trusting  to  the  justice  of  his  country's  cause,  he  had 
an  unshaken  confidence  that  heaven  would  protect  and  de 
liver  her. 


JOSEPH  HEWES. 

JOSEPH  HEWES  was  born  near  Kingston,  in  New-Jersey, 
in  the  year  1730.  His  parents  were  Aaron  and  Providence 
Hevves,  who  were  members  of  the  society  of  friends,  and 
who  originally  belonged  to  the  colony  of  Connecticut.  They 
were  induced,  however,  to  remove  from  New-England,  on 
account  of  the  prejudices  which  existed  among  the  descen 
dants  of  the  puritans  against  those  who  adopted  the  quaker 
dress,  or  professed  the  quaker  faith. 

At  the  period  of  their  removal,  many  parts  of  New-Eng 
land  were  suffering  from  the  frequent  hostilities  of  the  in- 
dians,  who,  roving  through  the  forests  in  their  vicinity,  often 
made  sudden  incursions  upon  the  inhabitants  of  those  colo 
nies,  and  generally  marked  their  route  with  the  most  shock 
ing  barbarities.  The  murderous  spirit  of  the  indians  was 
.  also,  at  this  time,  much  inflamed  by  an  act  of  the  govern 
ment  of  Massachusetts,  which  had  increased  the  premium  on 
Indian  scalps  and  indian  prisoners  to  a  hundred  pounds  for 
each.  By  way  of  retaliation,  the  indians  often  made  their 


428  NORTH  CAROLINA  DELEGATION. 

sanguinary  incursions  into  the  territory  of  Massachusetts, 
and  not  unfrequently  extended  their  journies  among  the  in 
offensive  farmers  of  Connecticut.  Hence,  many  of  the  latter, 
desirous  of  a  more  quiet  and  secure  life,  were  induced  to 
seek  a  permanent  residence  in  the  remoter  parts  of  the 
country. 

Among  those  who  thus  fled  from  the  annoyance  of  preju 
dice,  and  from  the  deeper  wrath  of  a  savage  foe,  were  the 
parents  of  Joseph  Hewes.  But  even  in  their  flight  they  nar 
rowly  escaped  the  death  which  they  wished  to  avoid.  On 
passing  the  Housatonic  River,  a  party  of  the  indians  came  so 
nearly  upon  them,  that  Mrs.  Hewes  was  wounded  in  the  neck 
by  a  ball  shot  from  the  gun  of  a  savage. 

In  New-Jersey,  however,  where  they  at  length  arrived, 
they  found  a  peaceful  and  secure  home.  Here,  some  time 
after  their  settlement,  their  son  Joseph  Hewes  Avas  born.  Of 
the  incidents  of  his  younger  days  we  know  but  little.  At  a 
proper  age  he  became  a  member  of  Princeton  College,  from 
which,  having  graduated  in  due  course,  he  was  placed  in  the 
counting-house  of  a  gentleman  at  Philadelphia,  to  be  educated 
as  a  merchant. 

On  leaving  the  counting-house  of  his  employer,  he  entered 
into  the  mercantile  business  for  himself,  and  soon  became 
an  active  and  thrifty  merchant. 

At  the  age  of  thirty  he  removed  to  North  Carolina,  and 
settled  in  the  village  of  Edenton.  The  same  prosperity 
which  had  attended  him  at  Philadelphia,  followed  him  to  a 
more  southern  province,  and  in  a  few  years  he  acquired  a 
handsome  fortune. 

Mr.  Hewes,  both  before  and   after  his  removal  to  North 
Carolina,  sustained  the  reputation  of  a  man   of  probity  and 
honour.     He  acquired  the  confidence  and  esteem  of  the  peo 
pie  among  whom  he  lived,  and  was  soon  called  to  represent 
them  in  the  colonial  legislature  of  the  province.     This  dis 
tinction  was  conferred  upon  him  for  several  successive  years 
•with  increasing  usefulness  to  his  constituents,  and  increasing 
credit  to  himself. 

At  length,  in  the  year  1774,  a  congress,  well  known  in  the 


JOSEPH    HEWES.  429 

annals  of  the  American  colonies,  assembled  in  Philadelphia. 
In  that  body  were  three  delegates  from  North  Carolina,  of 
whom  Mr.  Hewes  was  one. 

The  instructions  and  powers  given  to  the  delegates  of  this 
congress  by  the  people  of  the  several  colonies,  were  consider 
ably  diversified.  No  public  body,  at  that  time,  contemplated 
a  separation  from  the  mother  country,  and  with  no  powers 
to  this  effect  were  any  of  the  delegates  to  the  congress  of 
1774  invested.  Their  object  respected  the  means  most 
proper  to  restore  harmony  between  themselves  and  Great 
Britain,  to  obtain  redress  of  grievances  which  the  colonies 
suffered,  and  to  secure  to  them  the  peaceful  enjoyment  of 
their  unalienable  rights,  as  British  subjects. 

No  delegates  to  this  congress  carried  with  them  credentials 
of  a  bolder  stamp,  than  those  from  North  Carolina.  They 
were  invested  with  such  powers  as  might  "  make  any  acts 
done  by  them,  or  consent  given  in  behalf  of  this  province, 
obligatory  in  honour  upon  any  inhabitant  thereof,  who  is  not 
an  alien  to  his  country's  good,  and  an  apostate  to  the  liberties 
of  America." 

On  the  meeting  of  this  congress,  two  important  committees 
were  appointed  ;  the  one,  to  "  state  the  rights  of  the  colonies 
in  general,  the  several  instances  in  which  these  rights  are 
violated  or  infringed,  and  the  means  most  proper  to  be  pur 
sued  for  obtaining  a  restoration  of  them ;"  the  other,  to 
"  examine  and  report  the  several  statutes  which  affect  the 
trade  and  manufactures  of  the  colonies."  Of  the  former  of 
these  committees,  Mr.  Hewes  was  appointed  a  member,  and 
assisted  in  preparing  their  celebrated  report. 

This  report  contained  a  temperate,  but  clear  declaration 
of  the  rights  of  the  English  colonies  in  North  America,  which 
were  expressed  in  the  following  language  : 

"  1.  That  they  are  entitled  to  life,  liberty,  and  property; 
and  they  have  never  ceded  to  any  sovereign  power  whatever 
a  right  to  dispose  of  either,  without  their  consent. 

"  2.  That  our  ancestors,  who  first  settled  these  colonies, 
were,  at  the  time  of  their  emigration  from  the  mother  coun- 


430  NORTH  CAROLINA  DELEGATION. 

try,  entitled  to  all  the  rights,  liberties,  and  immunities  of  free 
and  natural  born  subjects,  within  the  realm  of  England. 

"3.  That  by  such  emigration  they  by  no  means  forfeited, 
surrendered,  or  lost,  any  of  those  rights  ;  but  that  they  were, 
and  their  descendants  now  are,  entitled  to  the  exercise  and 
enjoyment  of  all  such  of  them  as  their  local  and  other  cir 
cumstances  enable  them  to  exercise  and  enjoy. 

"4.  That  the  foundation  of  English  liberty,  and  of  free  go 
vernment,  is  a  right  in  the  people  to  participate  in  their  legisla 
tive  council ;  and  as  the  English  colonists  are  not  represented, 
and,  from  their  local  and  other  circumstances,  cannot  pro 
perly  be  represented  in  the  British  parliament,  they  are  enti 
tled  to  a  free  and  exclusive  power  of  legislation  in  their  seve 
ral  provincial  legislatures,  where  their  right  of  representation 
can  alone  be  pursued  in  all  cases  of  taxation  and  internal  po 
lity,  subject  only  to  the  negative  of  their  sovereign,  in  such 
manner  as  has  been  heretofore  used  and  accustomed ;  but  if 
from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  and  a  regard  to  the  mutual 
interests  of  both  countries^  we  cheerfully  consent  to  the  ope 
ration  of  such  acts  of  the  British  parliament  as  are  bona 
fide  restrained  to  the  regulation  of  our  external  commerce, 
for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  commercial  advantages  of  the 
whole  empire  to  the  mother  country,  and  the  commercial  be 
nefit  of  its  respective  members  ;  excluding  every  idea  of  taxa 
tion.  internal  or  external,  for  raising  a  revenue  on  the  subjects 
in  America,  without  their  consent. 

"  5.  That  the  respective  colonies  are  entitled  to  the  common 
law  of  England,  and,  more  especially,  to  the  great  and  inesti 
mable  privilege  of  being  tried  by  their  peers  of  the  vicinage, 
according  to  the  course  of  that  law. 

"6.  That  they  are  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  such  of  the  Eng 
lish  statutes  as  existed  at  the  time  of  their  colonization,  and 
which  they  have,  by  experience,  respectively  found  applica 
ble  to  their  several  local  and  other  circumstances. 

"7.  That  these  his  majesty's  colonies  are  likewise  entitled 
to  all  the  immunities  and  privileges  granted  and  confirmed 
to  them  by  royal  charters,  or  secured  by  their  several  codes 
of  provincial  laws. 


JOSEPH  HEWES.  431 

"  8.  That  they  have  a  right  peaceably  to  assemble,  consider 
ry(  their  grievances,  and  petition  the  king ;  and  that  all  pro 
secutions,  prohibitory  proclamations,  and  commitments  for 
the  same,  are  illegal. 

"  9.  That  the  keeping  a  standing  army  in  these  colonies  in 
times  of  peace,  without  consent  of  the  legislature  of  that  co 
lony  in  which  such  army  is  kept,  is  against  the  law. 

"  10.  It  is  indispensably  necessary  to  good  government,  and 
rendered  essential  by  the  English  constitution,  that  the  con 
stituent  branches  of  the  legislature  be  independent  of  each 
other;  and  therefore  the  exercise  of  legislative  power  in  seve 
ral  colonies  by  a  council  appointed  during  pleasure  by  the 
crown,  is  unconstitutional,  dangerous,  and  destructive  to  the 
freedom  of  American  legislation. 

"All  and  each  of  which  the  aforesaid  deputies,  in  behalf  of 
themselves  and  their  constituents,  do  claim,  demand,  and  in 
sist  on,  as  their  indisputable  rights  and  liberties,  which  can 
not  be  legally  taken  from  them,  altered,  or  abridged,  by  any 
power  whatever,  without  their  consent,  by  their  representa 
tives  in  their  several  provincial  legislatures." 

To  the  above  declaration  of  rights  was  added  an  enumera 
tion  of  the  wrongs  already  sustained  by  the  colonies ;  after 
stating  which,  the  report  concluded  as  follows : 

"  To  these  grievous  acts  and  measures,  Americans  cannot 
submit ;  but  in  hopes  their  fellow  subjects  in  Great  Britain 
will,  on  a  revision  of  them,  restore  us  to  that  state  in  which 
both  countries  found  happiness  and  prosperity,  we  have,  for 
the  present,  only  resolved  to  pursue  the  following  peaceable 
measures  :  1.  To  enter  into  a  non-importation,  non-con 
sumption,  and  non-exportation  agreement,  or  association. 
2.  To  prepare  an  address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  and 
a  memorial  to  the  inhabitants  of  British  America.  And,  3.  to 
prepare  a  loyal  address  to  his  majesty,  agreeably  to  resolu 
tions  already  entered  into." 

Few  measures  adopted  by  any  session  of  congress  during 
the  revolutionary  struggle,  were  more  remarkable  than  that 
of  the  congress  of  1774,  which  recommended  the  system  of 
non-importation.  It  was  a  measure  dictated  by  the  highest 


432  NORTH  CAROLINA  DELEGATION. 

patriotism,  and  proceeded  upon  the  acknowledged  fact,  that 
the  same  exalted  patriotism  which  existed  among  them,  exist 
ed,  also,  among  the  American  people.  The  efficiency  of  the 
measure,  it  was  obvious,  must  lie  in  the  union  of  the  people 
to  support  it.  They  must  adopt  and  persevere  in  a  system 
of  privation.  A  willingness  to  do  this  generally  prevailed 
throughout  the  colonies ;  and  to  the  government  of  Great 
Britain  was  presented  the  spectacle  of  thirteen  colonies 
adopting  a  measure,  novel,  perhaps,  in  the  history  of  the 
world,  and  supporting  it  at  the  sacrifice  of  a  great  portion  of 
those  comforts  which  they  had  been  accustomed  to  enjoy. 

Although  a  merchant,  and  one  who  had  been  engaged  in 
commercial  transactions  with  England  for  the  space  of  twenty 
years,  Mr.  Hewes  cheerfully  assisted  in  forming  a  plan  of  the 
non-importation  association,  and  most  readily  became  a 
member  of  it. 

The  manner  in  which  Mr.  Hewes  had  acquitted  himself 
during  the  session  of  this  congress,  was  so  acceptable  to  the 
people  of  North  Carolina,  that  he  was  again  appointed  to  the 
same  high  office,  and  in  the  month  of  May,  1775,  again  ap 
peared  at  Philadelphia,  and  continued  in  congress  until  the 
adjournment  of  that  body,  on  the  last  day  of  July.  During 
the  recess  of  congress,  between  July  and  September,  he  made 
a  visit  to  his  friends  in  New-Jersey,  and  in  the  latter  month 
again  resumed  his  place.  From  this  date  until  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  October,  1779,  Mr.  Hewes  continued  to  represent 
the  state  of  North  Carolina,  with  the  exception  of  something 
more  than  a  year,  during  which  he  devoted  himself  to  his 
private  affairs,  and  to  the  interests  of  his  state  at  home. 

The  last  time  that  he  appeared  in  congress  was  on  the 
twenty-ninth  of  October,  of  the  year  last  mentioned,  after 
which,  an  indisposition  under  which  he  had  laboured  for 
some  time  confined  him  to  his  chamber,  and  at  length,  on  the 
tenth  of  November,  terminated  his  life,  in  the  fiftieth  year  of* 
his  age.  His  funeral  was  attended  on  the  following  day  by 
congress,  by  the  general  assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  the  presi 
dent  and  supreme  executive  council,  the  minister  plenipoten 
tiary  of  France,  and  a  numerous  assemblage  of  citizens.  In 


JOHN    PENN,  433 

testimony  of  their  respect  for  his  memory,  congress  resolved 
to  wear  a  crape  around  the  left  arm,  and  to  continue  in  mourn 
ing  for  the  space  of  one  month. 

Although  the  events  in  the  life  of  Mr.  Hewes,  which  we 
have  been  able  to  collect,  are  few,  they  perhaps  sufficiently 
speak  his  worth,  as  a  man  of  integrity,  firmness,  and  ardent 
patriotism.  To  this  may  be  added,  that  in  personal  appear 
ance  he  was  prepossessing,  and  characterized  in  respect  to  his 
disposition  for  great  benevolence,  and  in  respect  to  his  man 
ners  for  great  amenity.  He  left  a  large  fortune,  but  no  chil 
dren  to  inherit  it. 


JOHN  PENN. 

JOHN  PENN,  was  a  native  of  the  county  of  Caroline,  in  the 
province  of  Virginia,  where  he  was  born  on  the  seventeenth 
day  of  May,  1741.  He  was  the  only  child  of  his  parents, 
Moses  and  Catharine  Penn. 

The  early  education  of  young  Penn  was  greatly  neglected 
by  his  parents,  who  appear  in  no  degree  to  have  appreciated 
the  value  of  knowledge.  Hence,  on  his  reaching  the  age  of 
eighteen,  he  had  only  enjoyed  the  advantages  conferred  by  a 
common  school,  and  these  for  the  space  of  but  two  or  three 
years. 

The  death  of  Mr.  Penn  occurred  in  the  year  1759,  on  which 
event  his  son  became  his  own  guardian,  and  the  sole  mana 
ger  of  the  fortune  left  him,  which,  though  not  large,  was  com 
petent.  It  was  fortunate  that  his  principles,  at  this  early  age, 
were  in  a  good  degree  established;  otherwise  he  might,  at 
this  unguarded  period  of  life,  left  as  he  was  without  pater 
nal  counsel  and  direction,  have  become  the  dupe  of  the  un 
principled,  or  giving  loose  to  licentious  passions,  have  ruined 
himself  by  folly  and  dissipation. 

Although  the  cultivation  of  his  mind  had  been  neglected  in 
3K  37 


434  NORTH  CAROLINA  DELEGATION. 

the  manner  we  have  stated,  he  possessed  intellectual  powers 
of  no  ordinary  strength  ;  and,  as  he  now  enjoyed  a  competent 
fortune,  and  possessed  a  disposition  to  cultivate  those  powers, 
it  is  not  surprising  that  his  progress  should  have  been  rapid. 

Fortunately  he  lived  in  the  vicinity  of  Edmund  Pendleton, 
a  gentleman  of  rare  endowments,  highly  distinguished  for  his 
legal  attainments,  and  well  known  as  one  of  the  most  accom 
plished  statesmen  of  Virginia.  Mr.  Pendleton  being  a  rela 
tive,  young  Penn  sought  access  to  his  library,  which  was  one 
of  the  best  in  the  province.  The  privilege  which  was  thus 
freely  and  liberally  granted  him,  was  by  no  means  neglected. 
By  means  of  reading,  the  powers  of  his  mind  soon  began  to 
unfold  themselves,  and  he,  at  length,  determined  to  devote 
himself  to  the  study  of  law. 

Such  a  project,  on  the  part  of  a  young  man  whose  early 
education  had  been  so  greatly  neglected,  and  whose  only 
guide  through  the  labyrinth  that  lay  before  him,  was  to  be 
his  own  good  sense,  was  indicative  of  powers  of  no  ordina 
ry  character.  Our  country  has  furnished  examples  of  a  simi 
lar  kind  ;  and  to  the  obscure  and  neglected,  they  present  the 
most  powerful  motives  to  exertion  and  perseverance.  The 
author  of  our  being  has  prescribed  no  narrow  limits  to  human 
genius,  nor  conferred  upon  any  one  class  of  persons  the  exclu 
sive  privilege  of  becoming  intellectually  great. 

At  the  age  of  twenty-one,  Mr.  Penn  reaped  in  part  the  re 
ward  of  his  toil  and  indefatigable  industry,  in  being  licensed 
as  a  practitioner  of  law.  The  habits  of  study  and  application 
which  he  had  now  formed,  were  of  great  advantage  to  him  in 
pursuing  the  business  of  his  profession.  He  rose  with  great 
rapidity  into  notice,  and  soon  equalled  the  most  distinguished 
at  the  bar.  As  an  advocate,  in  particular,  there  were  few 
who  surpassed  him. 

In  1774,  Mr.  Penn  moved  to  the  province  of  North  Caroli 
na,  where  he  soon  occupied  as  distinguished  a  place  at  the 
bar,  as  he  had  done  in  Virginia;  although  by  his  removal  to 
another  province  it  was  necessary  to  understand  and  apply  a 
new  code  of  laws.  With  these  he  made  himself  acquainted 
with  ease  and  celerity 


JOHN    FENN.  435 

In  1775,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  continental  con 
gress,  in  which  body  he  took  his  seat  on  the  twelfth  of  Octo 
ber.  He  was  successively  re-elected  to  congress,  in  the 
years  1777,  1778,  and  1779,  in  which  body  he  was  distin 
guished  for  his  promptitude  and  fidelity.  He  was  seldom  ab 
sent  from  his  seat,  and  hesitated  not,  either  from  want  of 
firmness  or  patriotism,  to  urge  forward  those  measures,  which 
were  calculated  to  redress  the  wrongs,  and  establish  and  per 
petuate  the  rights  of  his  country. 

After  the  return  of  peace,  Mr.  Penn  retired  to  the  enjoy 
ment  of  private  life.  The  incidents  in  the  remaining  portion 
of  his  history  were,  therefore,  probably  few ;  and  differed  in 
nothing  from  those  which  usually  belong  to  individuals  of 
respectability,  in  the  shades  of  peaceful  retreat.  His  death 
occurred  in  the  month  of  September,  1788,  at  the  age  of  forty- 
six  years.  He  had  three  children,  two  of  \vhom  died  un 
married. 


THE 


SOUTH  CAROLINA  DELEGATION 


EDWARD  RUTLEDGE, 
THOMAS  HEYWARD, 
THOMAS  LYNCH,  JUN. 
ARTHUR  MIDDLETON. 


EDWARD  RUTLEDGE. 

EDWARD  RUTLEDGE,  the  first  of  the  South  Carolina  dele 
gation,  who  affixed  his  name  to  the  Declaration  of  Indepen 
dence,  was  born  in  the  city  of  Charleston,  November,  1741$. 
lie  was  the  youngest  son  of  Doctor  John  Rutledge,  who  emi 
grated  from  Ireland  to  South  Carolina,  about  the  year  1755, 
His  mother  was  Sarah  Hert,  a  lady  of  respectable  family,  am! 
large  fortune.  At  the  age  of  twenty-seven,  she  became  a 
widow  with  seven  children.  Her  eldest  son  was  John  Rut- 
ledge,  distinguished  for  his  patriotic  zeal  during  the  revolu 
tion.  Her  youngest  son  was  the  subject  of  the  present  me 
moir. 

Of  the  early  years  of  Edward  Rutledge  we  have  little  to 
record.  He  was  placed  under  the  care  of  David  Smith,  of 
New-Jersey,  by  whom  he  was  instructed  in  the  learned  lan 
guages  ;  but  he  appears  not  to  have  made  as  rapid  attainments 
as  some  others,  although,  as  a  scholar,  he  was  respectable. 
Before  he  had  devoted  as  much  time  to  academic  studies,  as 


EDWARD    RUTLEDGE.  427 

•s  *mld  have  been  desirable,  he  commenced  the  study  of  law 
with  his  elder  brother,  who,  at  that  time,  was  becoming  the 
most  eminent  advocate  at  the  Charleston  bar.  Although  at 
this  time  he  was  still  young,  he  was  capable  of  appreciating 
the  advantages  which  he  enjoyed,  and  was  strongly  impelled 
to  exertion,  by  the  brilliant  and  successful  example  which 
his  brother  held  constantly  before  him. 

In  1769,  at  the  age  of  twenty  years,  he  sailed  for  England, 
to  complete  his  legal  education.  He  became  a  student  at  the 
Temple.  He  derived  great  advantage  from  an  attendance 
upon  the  English  courts,  and  houses  of  parliament.  In  the 
latter  place,  he  had  an  opportunity  of  listening  to  the  elo 
quence  of  some  of  the  most  distinguished  orators  who  lived 
at  that  day. 

In  1773,  he  returned  to  his  native  country,  and  entered 
upon  the  duties  of  his  profession.  He  was  at  this  time  distin 
guished  for  his  quickness  of  apprehension,  fluency  of  speech, 
£iid  graceful  delivery.  Hence  he  early  excited  the  admiration 
of  those  who  heard  him,  and  gave  promise  of  that  future  emi 
nence  to  which  he  was  destined  to  arrive. 

The  general  esteem  in  which  he  was  held,  was  evinced  in 
1774,  by  his  appointment  to  the  distinguished  congress  which 
assembled  at  Philadelphia  in  that  year.  He  was  at  this  time 
but  twenty-five  years  of  age.  It  was  a  high  honour  for  so 
young  a  man  to  be  called  to  serve  in  the  national  council, 
with  men  of  exalted  powers  and  pre-eminent  experience.  It 
furnished  unquestionable  pro,of  of  the  estimation  in  which  he 
was  held,  and  strong  presumptive  evidence  that  this  estima 
tion  of  his  talents  and  moral  worth  was  not  unjust.  As  the 
proceedings  of  the  congress  of  1774  were  conducted  with 
closed  doors,  and  an  injunction  of  secrecy  laid  upon  its  mem 
bers,  it  is  impossible,  at  this  day,  to  ascertain  the  precise 
share  of  influence  which  the  individual  members  exerted,  on 
all  the  measures  which  they  advocated.  Mr.  Rutledge  was, 
however,  with  the  other  delegates  of  South  Carolina,  for 
mally  thanked  by  the  provincial  congress,  for  the  spirited 
and  independent  course  he  had  pursued,  and  was  again  elected 
to  the  important  station  which  he  held. 

37* 


43?  SOUTH  CAROLINA  DELEGATION. 

In  ine  congress  of  1776,  he  took  an  active  part  in  the  dis 
cussions  which  preceded  the  declaration  of  independence. 
He  is  said  to  have  proposed  some  alterations  in  the  original 
draught  of  that  celebrated  instrument :  but  the  precise  nature 
of  them  it  is  now  impossible  to  ascertain.  The  merit  of  the 
instrument  doubtless  wholly  belongs  to  Mr.  Jefferson.  Some 
alterations,  indeed,  were  made  in  it ;  but  they  were  chiefly 
verbal,  while  the  spirit  and  texture  remained  untouched. 

At  a  subsequent  date,  Mr.  Rutledge  was  appointed,  with 
Dr.  Franklin  and  John  Adams,  as  commissioners  to  wait  upon 
Lord  Howe,  who  had  requested  congress  to  appoint  such  a 
committee  to  enter  with  him  into  negotiations  for  peace.  In 
a  former  page  we  had  occasion  to  allude  to  the  appointment 
of  these  commissioners,  and  to  state  that  the  conference  was 
productive  of  no  beneficial  results. 

On  the  breaking  up  of  the  conference,  Lord  Howe  despatch 
ed  his  own  barge  to  convey  the  commissioners  from  Long 
Island  to  New-York.  A  little  before  reaching  the  shore. 
Doctor  Franklin,  putting  his  hand  in  his  pocket,  began  chink 
ing  some  gold  and  silver  coin.  This,  when  about  leaving  the 
boat,  he  offered  to  the  sailors,  who  had  rowed  it.  The  Bri 
tish  officer,  however,  who  commanded  the  boat,  prohibited 
the  sailors  accepting  it.  After  the  departure  of  the  boat,  one 
of  the  commissioners  inquired  why  he  had  offered  money  to 
the  sailors.  "  Why,"  said  the  doctor,  in  reply,  "  the  British 
think  we  have  no  hard  money  in  the  colonies,  and  I  thought 
I  would  show  them  to  the  contrary.  I  risked  nothing,"  added 
he,  "  for  I  knew  that  the  sailors  would  not  be  permitted  to 
accept  it." 

Mr.  Rutledge  was  again  appointed  to  congress,  in  the  year 
1779  ;  but  in  consequence  of  ill  health  he  was  unable  to  reach 
the  seat  of  government,  and  returned  home.  In  1780,  during 
the  investment  of  Charleston  by  the  British,  Mr.  Rutledge 
was  taken  prisoner  by  the  enemy,  and  sent  to  St.  Augustine 
as  a  prisoner,  where  he  was  detained  nearly  a  year  before  he 
was  exchanged.  Soon  after  his  exchange  was  effected,  he 
landed  at  Philadelphia,  near  which  he  resided,  until  a  short 
time  before  the  city  of  Charleston  was  evacuated  by  the  Bri- 


EDWARD  RTJTLEDGE.  439 

tish,  when  he  returned  to  the  place  of  his  nativity,  and  to  the 
enjoyment  of  the  society  of  his  friends  and  relations. 

From  this  period,  for  the  space  of  seventeen  years,  Mr. 
Rutledge  was  successfully  engaged  in  the  practice  of  his  pro 
fession,  and  from  time  to  time  in  important  services  which 
he  rendered  to  the  state,  as  a  member  of  her  legislature. 

In  1708,  he  relinquished  his  station  at  the  bar,  and  was 
elected  the  chief  magistrate  of  South  Carolina.  His  consti 
tution,  however,  became  much  impaired  in  consequence  of 
severe  and  repeated  attacks  of  the  gout,  to  which  he  was  sub* 
ject.  He  continued,  however,  to  perform  his  official  duties 
until  within  a  short  time  before  his  death.  This  event  is 
supposed  to  have  been  somewhat  hastened,  by  a  necessary 
attendance  upon  the  sitting  of  the  legislature  at  Columbia, 
and  an  unfortunate  exposure  to  rain  and  cold  during  his  re 
turn  from  the  latter  place  to  Charleston.  On  reaching  home, 
he  was  confined  by  a  severe  illness,  which  terminated  his  life 
on  the  23d  day  of  January,  1800. 

The  death  of  Mr.  Rutledge  was  felt  to  be  a  severe  loss,  both 
by  the  people  of  Charleston  and  by  the  state  at  large.  Few 
men  were  more  deservedly  respected ;  no  one  could  be  more 
generally  beloved.  Military  and  other  funeral  honours  were 
paid  to  him  on  the  occasion  of  his  being  carried  to  his  long 
home ;  and  the  universal  regret  expressed  at  his  departure, 
showed  full  well  how  sincerely  he  was  lamented. 

Both  in  his  public  and  private  character,  Mr.  Rutledge  was 
adorned  with  many  virtues.  In  his  disposition,  he  was  un 
commonly  benevolent ;  he  entered  with  great  feeling  into  the 
sufferings  of  his  fellow  men,  and  felt  it  not  only  his  duty,  but 
his  pleasure,  to  administer  to  their  necessities.  His  deeds  of 
kindness  were  many,  were  widely  extended,  and  are  still  re 
membered  with  affection  and  gratitude. 

As  an  orator,  he  was  deservedly  eminent.  He  had  fault?, 
indeed,  both  in  point  of  manner  and  style,  being  too  studied 
in  respect  to  the  former,  and  too  metaphorical,  and  sometimes 
inaccurate,  in  respect  to  the  latter.  He  also,  it  is  said,  ad 
dressed  himself  rather  to  the  passions  than  to  the  under 
standing;  yet,  with  these  faults  there  were  few  speakers  who 


440  SOUTH  CAROLINA  DELEGATION. 

commanded  greater  attention,  or  were  more  successful.  He 
was  Jess  impetuous,  and  perhaps  less  commanding,  than  his 
brother  John  Rutledge ;  but  he  possessed  more  of  the  style 
of  Cicero.  There  was  a  suavity  in  his  manner,  a  conciliatory 
attraction  in  his  arguments,  which  had  frequently  the  effect 
of  subduing  the  prejudices  of  the  unfriendly,  and  which  sel 
dom  failed  to  increase  the  ardour  and  inflexibility  of  steady 
friends.  The  eloquence  of  John  Rutledge,  like  that  of  Pat 
rick  Henry  of  Virginia,  was  as  a  mountain  torrent;  that  of 
Edward  Rutledge,  that  of  a  smooth  stream  gliding  along  the 
plain  ;  the  former  hurried  you  forward  with  a  resistless  im 
petuosity  ;  the  latter  conducted  you  with  fascinations,  that 
made  every  progressive  step  appear  enchanting. 

In  his  person,  Mr.  Rutledge  was  above  the  middle  size,  and 
of  a  florid,  but  fair  complexion.  His  countenance  expressed 
great  animation  ;  and,  on  account  of  his  intelligent  and  bene 
volent  aspect,  was  universally  admired. 

On  his  return  from  Europe,  Mr.  Rutledge  married  the 
daughter  of  Henry  Middleton,  by  whom  he  left  a  son,  Ma 
jor  Henry  M.  Rutledge,  of  Tennessee  ;  and  a  daughter,  who, 
it  is  believed,  now  resides  at  Charleston.  Upon  the  death  of 
his  first  wife,  he  married  the  widow  of  Nicholas  Eveleigh, 
comptroller  of  the  treasury  of  the  United  States,  in  the  time 
of  Washington's  administration.  This  lady  is  supposed  to  be 
etill  living. 


THOMAS    HEYWARD. 

THOMAS  HEYWARD  was  born  in  St.  Luke's  parish,  in  the 
province  of  South  Carolina,  in  the  year  1746.  His  father, 
Colonel  Daniel  Heyward,  was  a  planter  of  great  wealth,  which 
he  had  chiefly  acquired  by  his  industry. 

Unlike  many  gentlemen  of  fortune,  Mr.  Heyward  did  not 
appear  to  idolize  his  possessions  ;  at  least,  convinced  of  the 
importance  of  intellectual  cultivation,  he  determined  to  be- 


THOMAS  HEYWARD.  441 

stow  upon  his  son  all  the  advantages  which  a  thorough  edu 
cation  might  impart.  Accordingly,  the  best  school  in  the 
province  was  selected  for  young  Heyward,  who,  by  his  dili 
gence,  became  well  acquainted  with  the  Latin  language,  and 
with  such  other  branches  as  were  at  that  time  taught  in  the 
most  respectable  provincial  seminaries. 

Having  finished  his  scholastic  studies,  he  entered  the  law 
office  of  a  Mr.  Parsons,  a  gentleman  who  at  that  time  was  dis 
tinguished  for  his  professional  learning  and  practical  skill. 
On  accomplishing  the  usual  term  of  study,  young  Mr.  Hey 
ward,  according  to  the  fashion  adopted  by  families  of  fortune, 
was  sent  to  England  to  complete  his  legal  preparation.  He 
was  entered  as  a  student  in  one  of  the  Inns  of  Court.  Al 
though  he  had  in  expectancy  a  large  fortune,  he  devoted  him 
self  with  great  ardour  to  the  study  of  law,  emulating  the  dili 
gence  of  those  who  expected  to  derive  their  subsistence  froru 
the  practice  of  the  profession. 

On  completing  his  studies  in  England,  he  commenced  the 
tour  of  Europe,  which  occupied  him  several  years.  This 
was  an  advantage  which  he  enjoyed  beyond  most  of  the 
youth  of  the  colonies  ;  nor  did  he  neglect  to  improve  the  su- 
periour  means  which  were  thus  allowed  him  of  gaining  a 
knowledge  of  the  different  countries  of  Europe.  He  enjoyed 
a  rare  opportunity  of  contrasting  the  industry  and  simplicity 
of  his  countrymen,  with  the  indolence,  and  luxury,  and  li 
centiousness,  the  pride  and  haughtiness,  so  prevalent  on  the 
old  continent. 

At  length,  satisfied  with  the  observations  which  he  had 
made  of  men  and  manners  abroad,  he  returned,  with  pleasure, 
to  his  native  country;  and  impressed  with  the  obligations  of 
application  to  some  honest  calling,  he  devoted  himself,  with 
great  zeal  for  a  man  of  fortune,  to  the  labours  of  the  law. 

In  1775,  Mr.  Heyward  was  elected  to  supply  a  vacancy  in 
congress,  occasioned  by  the  recall  of  the  distinguished  John 
Rutledge,  whose  presence  was  required  at  home  to  assist  in 
defending  the  state  against  a  threatened  invasion.  This 
honour,  owing  to  his  peculiar  modesty,  he  at  first  declined. 
He  was,  however,  at  length  induced  to  enter  upon  the  duties 
3L 


442  SOUTH  CAROLINA  DELEGATION. 

of  his  appointment,  and  arrived  in  Philadelphia  in  season  to 
attend  upon  the  discussion  of  the  great  question  of  American 
independence. 

In  the  year  1778,  Mr.  Heyward  was  appointed  a  judge  of 
the  criminal  courts  of  the  new  government.  A  sense  of  duty 
alone  prompted  him  to  accept  of  this  arduous  and  responsible 
station.  Soon  after  his  elevation  to  the  bench,  he  was  called 
to  the  painful  duty  of  presiding  at  the  trial  and  condemnation 
of  several  persons  charged  with  a  treasonable  correspondence 
with  the  British  army,  which,  at  that  time,  was  in  the  vicinity 
of  Charleston.  The  condemnation  of  these  persons  was  fol 
lowed  by  their  execution,  which  took  place  within  view  of 
the  enemy,  and  which  served  to  render  the  judge  most  ob 
noxious  to  the  British. 

In  the  spring  of  1780,  the  city  of  Charleston  was  besieged 
by  General  Clinton,  and  was  taken  possession  of  by  him,  on 
the  12th  of  May.  Judge  Heyward,  at  this  time,  had  com 
mand  of  a  battalion.  On  the  reduction  of  the  place,  he  be 
came  a  prisoner  of  war.  As  he  had  been  one  of  the  leaders 
of  the  revolution,  he,  with  several  others  who  had  acted  a 
similarly  distinguished  part,  were  transported  to  St.  Augustine, 
while  the  other  prisoners  were  confined  on  board  some  prison 
ships  in  the  harbour  of  Charleston.  During  his  absence,  be 
suffered  greatly  in  respect  to  his  property;  his  plantation 
being  much  injured  by  a  party  of  marauders,  and  all  his  slaves 
seized  and  carried  away.  Some  of  his  slaves  were  after 
wards  reclaimed ;  but  one  hundred  and  thirty  were  finally 
lost,  being  transported,  as  was  supposed,  for  the  benefit  of 
the  sugar  planters  on  the  island  of  Jamaica. 

Judge  Heyward,  and  his  fellow  prisoners  at  St.  Augustine, 
at  length  had  leave  to  return  to  Philadelphia.  On  his  passage 
thither,  he  narrowly  escaped  a  watery  grave.  By  some  acci 
dent  he  fell  overboard ;  but,  fortunately,  kept  himself  from 
sinking  by  holding  to  the  rudder  of  the  ship,  until  assistance 
could  be  rendered  to  him. 

On  returning  to  Carolina,  he  resumed  his  judicial  duties ; 
in  the  exercise  of  which  he  continued  till  179S.  During  this 
interval,  he  acted  as  a  member  of  a  convention  for  forming 


THOMAS  LYNCH.  443 

the  state  constitution,  in  1790.  In  the  following  year,  he 
retired  from  all  public  labours  and  cares,  except  those  which 
were  attached  to  his  commission  as  judge. 

Mr.  Hey  ward  was  twice  married ;  in  1773,  to  a  Miss  Mat 
thews,  a  lady  of  affectionate  disposition,  and  great  personal 
charms.  Sometime  after  her  death,  he  was  again  connected 
in  marriage  with  a  Miss  Savage.  By  both  of  these  wives  he 
had  children,  the  history  of  whom,  however,  we  have  not  as 
certained.  Judge  Heyward  died  in  March,  1809,  in  the  sixty- 
fourth  year  of  his  age. 

Although  we  have  been  able  to  collect  but  few  incidents  in 
the  life  of  Thomas  Heyward,  our  readers  may  be  assured  that 
he  was  among  the  most  estimable  of  the  men  who  lived  in  his 
time,  and  one  of  the  most  firm,  honest,  intelligent,  and  fear 
less,  who  embarked  in  the  revolution.  He  was  characterized 
for  sound  judgment,  and  an  ardent  disposition.  Possessing 
such  a  character,  he  naturally  acquired,  and  was  justly  enti 
tled  to,  the  confidence  and  esteem  of  his  fellow-citizens. 

It  was  happy  for  America,  happy  for  the  cause  of  freedom, 
that  the  God  of  heaven  raised  up  such  a  generation  of  men  at 
a  time  when  the  civil  and  religious  liberties  of  the  country  de 
manded  their  wisdom,  fortitude,  and  patriotism  ;  and  at  a 
time,  too,  when,  without  their  existence,  and  without  their 
exalted  virtues,  the  world  had  never  seen  so  brilliant  an  ex 
hibition  of  political  liberty,  order,  and  peace,  as  is  presented 
in  the  government  of  republican  America. 


THOMAS  LYNCH. 


THOMAS  LYNCH  was  the  son  of  a  gentleman  of  the  same 
name,  and  was  born  on  the  fifth  of  August,  1749,  at  Prince 
George's  Parish,  in  the  province  of  South  Carolina.  The 
family  was  an  ancient  one,  and  is  said  to  have  originally  emi 
grated  from  Austria  to  England,  where  they  settled  in  the 


444  SOUTH  CAROLINA  DELEGATION. 

county  of  Kent;  sometime  after  which,  a  branch  passed  over 
to  Ireland,  and  thence  some  of  the  descendants  removed  to 
South  Carolina.  The  name  of  the  family  is  said  to  have  been 
derived  from  a  field  of  pulse  called  lince,  upon  which  the 
inhabitants  of  a  certain  town  in  Austria  lived,  for  some  time, 
during  a  siege  which  was  laid  to  it;  and  from  which  circum 
stance  they  changed  the  name  of  the  town  to  Lince  or  Lintz, 
which  name  was  adopted  by  the  principal  family  of  the  place. 

The  precise  period  when  Jonack  Lynch,  the  great  grand 
father  of  Thomas  Lynch,  the  subject  of  the  present  memoir, 
emigrated  from  Ireland  to  America  is  uncertain,  but,  proba 
bly,  at  an  early  period  after  the  settlement  of  the  colony.  At 
his  death,  he  left  his  son  Thomas  a  slender  patrimony,  which, 
however,  by  his  industry,  and  especially  by  the  purchase  of  a 
large  tract  of  land,  which  he  devoted  to  the  cultivation  of 
rice,  was  increased  to  a  princely  fortune.  This  fortune,  at  his 
death,  was  left  to  a  son  by  the  name  of  Thomas,  father  of  the 
subject  of  the  present  sketch. 

At  an  early  age,  young  Thomas  Lynch  was  sent  to  a  flou 
rishing  school,  at  that  time  maintained  at  Georgetown,  South 
Carolina.  Before  he  had  reached  his  thirteenth  year,  his  fa 
ther  removed  him  from  this  school  and  sent  him  to  England, 
to  enjoy  those  higher  advantages,  which  that  country  pre 
sented  to  the  youth  of  America.  Having  passed  some  time 
in  the  collegiate  institution  of  Eaton,  he  was  entered  a  mem 
ber  of  the  university  of  Cambridge,  the  degrees  of  which  in 
stitution  he  received  in  due  course.  On  leaving  the  universi 
ty,  he  sustained  a  high  reputation,  both  in  respect  to  his  clas 
sical  attainments,  and  for  the  virtues  which  adorned  his  cha 
racter. 

This  intelligence,  communicated  by  some  friend  to  his  fa 
ther,  was  so  highly  flattering,  that  he  was  induced  to  continue 
his  son  abroad  for  some  years  longer,  and  wrote  to  him,  ex 
pressing  his  wish  that  he  should  enter  his  name  at  the  tem 
ple,  with  a  view  to  the  profession  of  law.  This  he  accord 
ingly  did,  devoting  himself  with  his  characteristic  zeal  to  the 
philosophy  of  jurisprudence,  and  to  the  principles  of  the  Bri 
tish  constitution. 


THOMAS  LYNCH. 


445 


About  the  year  1772,  after  an  absence  of  eight  or  nine 
years,  young  Mr.  Lynch  returned  to  South  Carolina.  He 
returned  an  eminently  accomplished  man ;  in  his  manners 
graceful  and  insinuating,  and  with  a  mind  enriched  with 
abundant  stores  of  knowledge,  justly  the  pride  of  his  father, 
and  an  ornament  to  the  society  in  which  he  was  destined  to 
move. 

Although  he  was  eminently  qualified  to  enter  upon  the  pro 
fession  of  law,  he  succeeded  in  persuading  his  father  to  allow 
him  to  relinquish  the  pursuit  of  a  profession  which  his  for 
tune  rendered  it  unnecessary  for  him  to  pursue.  Such  a  pre 
liminary  course  was  unnecessary  to  entitle  him  to  the  confi 
dence  and  esteem  of  his  fellow-citizens.  These  he  at  once 
enjoyed. 

In  1775,  on  the  raising  of  the  first  South  Carolina  regiment 
of  provincial  regulars,  he  was  appointed  to  the  command  of 
a  company.  Having  received  his  commission,  he  soon  en 
listed  his  quota  of  men,  in  some  of  the  neighbouring  coun 
ties,  and  at  the  head  of  them  took  up  his  march  for  Charles 
ton.  Unfortunately,  during  the  march  he  was  attacked  by  a 
violent  bilious  fever,  which  greatly  injured  his  constitution, 
and  from  the  effects  of  which  he  never  afterwards  entirely  re 
covered. 

On  his  recovery,  he  joined  his  regiment,  but  was  at  this 
time  unable,  from  the  feeble  state  of  his  health,  to  perform 
the  duties  of  his  station  according  to  his  wishes.  Added  to 
this  affliction,  the  unwelcome  intelligence  was  received  of  the 
dangerous  illness  of  his  father,  who  was  at  that  time  attend 
ing  in  his  place  upon  congress  in  Philadelphia.  He  imme 
diately  made  the  necessary  arrangements  to  hasten  to  a  dying 
father,  if  possible  to  administer  to  him  the  support  and  con 
solation  which  an  affectionate  son  only  could  impart.  To 
his  surprise,  his  application  for  a  furlough  for  this  purpose 
was  denied  by  the  commanding  officer,  Col.  Gadsden.  This 
disappointment,  however,  and  the  controversy  whicli  grew 
out  of  the  above  refusal,  were  terminated  by  his  election  to 
congress,  as  the  successor  of  his  father.  He  now  lost  no  time 
in  hastening  to  Philadelphia,  where  he  found  his  father  still 


44C  SOUTH  CAROLINA  DELEGATION. 

living,  and  so  far  recovered  that  the  hope  was  indulged  that 
he  might  yet  be  able  to  reach  Carolina. 

The  health  of  the  younger  Mr.  Lynch,  soon  after  joining 
congress,  began  also  to  decline  with  the  most  alarming  ra 
pidity.  He  continued,  however,  his  attendance  upon  that 
body,  until  the  declaration  of  independence  had  been  voted, 
and  his  signature  affixed  to  that  important  instrument.  He 
then  set  out  for  Carolina  in  company  with  his  father,  who 
had  hitherto  been  detained  by  feeble  health  in  Philadelphia  ; 
but  the  father  lived  only  to  reach  Annapolis,  when  a  second 
paralytic  attack  terminated  his  valuable  life. 

After  this  afflicting  event,  the  son  proceeded  to  Carolina  ; 
but  such  was  his  own  enfeebled  state  of  health,  that  he  had 
little  reason  to  anticipate  the  long  continuance  of  life.  A 
change  of  climate,  in  the  view  of  his  physicians  and  friends, 
presented  the  only  hope  of  his  ultimate  recovery.  A  voyage 
to  Europe  was  at  that  time  eminently  hazardous,  on  account 
of  exposure  to  capture.  A  vessel,  however,  was  found  pro 
ceeding  to  St.  Eustatia,  on  board  of  which,  accompanied  by 
his  amiable  and  affectionate  wife,  he  embarked,  designing  to 
proceed  by  a  circuitous  route  to  the  south  of  France. 

From  the  time  of  their  sailing,  nothing  more  is  known  of 
their  fate.  Various  rumours  were  from  time  to  time  in  cir 
culation  concerning  the  vessel  in  which  they  sailed  ;  but  their 
friends,  after  months  of  cruel  suspense,  were  obliged  to  adopt 
the  painful  conclusion,  that  this  worthy  pair  found  a  watery 
grave  during  some  tempest,  which  must  have  foundered  the 
ship  in  which  they  sailed. 

Although  the  life  of  Mr.  Lynch  was  thus  terminated,  at  an 
early  age,  he  had  lived  sufficiently  long  to  render  eminent  ser 
vices  to  his  country,  and  to  establish  his  character  as  a  man 
of  exalted  views  and  exalted  moral  worth.  Few  men  pos 
sessed  a  more  absolute  control  over  the  passions  of  the  heart, 
and  few  evinced  in  a  greater  degree  the  virtues  which  adorn 
the  human  mind.  In  all  the  relations  of  life,  whether  as  a 
husband,  a  friend,  a  patriot,  or  the  master  of  the  slave,  he  ap 
peared  conscious  of  his  obligations,  and  found  his  pleasure  in 
discharging  them. 


ARTHUR  MIDDLETON.  447 

That  a  man  of  so  much  excellence,  of  such  ability  and  in 
tegrity,  such  firmness  and  patriotism,  so  useful  to  his  country, 
so  tender  and  assiduous  in  all  the  obligations  of  life,  should 
have  been  thus  cut  off,  in  the  midst  of  his  course,  and  in  a 
manner  so  painful  to  his  friends,  is  one  of  those  awful  dispen 
sations  of  HIM  whose  way  is  in  the  great  deep,  and  whose 
judgments  are  past  finding  out. 


ARTHUR  MIDDLETON. 

ARTHUR  MIDDLETON  was  the  son  of  Henry  Middleton,  and 
was  born  in  the  year  1743,  at  the  seat  of  his  father,  at  Mid 
dleton  place,  near  the  banks  of  the  Ashley. 

At  the  early  age  of  twelve  years,  he  was  sent  to  the  cele 
brated  school  of  Hackney,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  London  ; 
whence,  after  spending  two  years,  he  was  removed  to  the 
school  of  Westminster.  The  advantages  which  he  here  en 
joyed  resulted  in  a  thorough  acquaintance  with  the  Greek  and 
Roman  classics,  especially  in  a  knowledge  of  the  former,  in 
which  he  is  said  to  have  greatly  excelled.  The  taste  which 
he  acquired  for  classical  literature  he  preserved  through  life, 
and  from  the  indulgence  of  it  derived  an  exalted  pleasure, 
lost  to  minds  of  a  heavier  mould. 

At  the  age  of  eighteen  or  nineteen,  ydung  Middleton  be 
came  a  member  of  one  of  the  colleges  of  the  university  of 
Cambridge.  Having  for  his  companions  young  men  frequently 
of  dissipated  habits,  he  was  often  powerfully  tempted  to  en 
ter  into  their  youthful  follies  ;  but  fortunately  he  escaped  the 
contagion  of  their  pernicious  examples,  and  devoted  that  lei 
sure  to  the  improvement  of  his  mind,  which  the  less  reflect 
ing  devoted  to  amusements  and  vicious  indulgence.  In  his 
twenty-second  year,  he  was  graduated  bachelor  of  arts,  and 
left  the  university  with  the  reputation  of  an  accomplished 
scholar,  and  a  moral  man. 


448  SOUTH  CAROLINA  DELEGATION. 

By  means  of  his  father's  liberality,  he  was  now  enabled  to 
travel.  After  visiting  several  parts  of  England,  he  proceeded 
to  the  continent,  where  he  spent  two  years,  chiefly  in  the 
southern  parts  of  Europe.  At  Rome,  he  passed  several 
months  in  viewing  the  various  objects  of  taste  afforded  by 
that  ancient  and  splendid  spot.  He  here  greatly  improved 
his  taste  for  music  and  painting  ;  and  even  became  well  versed 
in  the  principles  of  sculpture  and  architecture. 

Soon  after  his  return  to  South  Carolina,  he  was  connected 
in  marriage  with  the  daughter  of  Walter  Izzard,  Esq.  Hav 
ing  still  a  fondness  for  travelling,  he,  soon  after  his  marriage, 
again  embarked  on  a  visit  to  Europe,  accompanied  by  his 
wife.  In  this  tour  he  visited  many  places  in  England,  whence 
proceeding  to  the  continent,  they  passed  through  several  of 
the  principal  cities  of  France  and  Spain.  In  1773,  Mr.  Mid- 
dleton  once  more  returned  to  America,  and  now  settled  down 
on  the  delightful  banks  of  the  Ashley. 

The  father  of  Mr.  Middleton  was,  at  this  time,  a  man  of 
great  wealth,  and  both  by  himself  and  family  the  approaching 
controversy  between  Great  Britain  and  her  American  colo 
nies  might  have  been  viewed  with  great  concern,  had  not  the 
patriotism  with  which  they  were  imbued  much  preferred  the 
welfare  of  their  country,  to  their  private  interests.  A  rupture 
with  the  mother  country  would  necessarily  put  to  hazard  the 
wealth  which  had  long  been  enjoyed  by  the  family,  and  might 
abridge  that  influence,  and  diminish  those  comforts,  which  that 
wealth  naturally  gave  them.  But  what  were  these  in  compari 
son  with  the  rights  and  liberties  of  a  country,  destined  to  em 
brace  millions  within  its  bosom  ?  Between  the  alternatives 
presented,  there  was  no  room  to  hesitate.  Both  father  and 
son,  in  the  spirit  which  had  long  characterized  the  family, 
stood  forth  in  the  defence  of  the  rights  of  America,  and  "left 
not  a  hook  to  hang  a  doubt  on,"  that  they  were  patriots  of 
the  noblest  stamp. 

In  the  spring  of  1775,  Mr.  Arthur  Middleton  was  chosen 
on  a  secret  committee,  who  were  invested  with  authority  to 
place  the  colony  in  a  state  of  defence.  In  the  exercise  of  the 
trust  with  which  they  were  charged,  they  immediately  took 


ARTHUR  MIDDLETON.  449 

possession  of  the  public  magazine  of  arms  and  ammunition, 
and  removed  its  contents  to  a  place  of  safety. 

In  the  following  June,  the  provincial  congress  of  South 
Carolina  proceeded  to  appoint  a  council  of  safety,  con 
sisting  of  thirteen  persons.  This  council,  of  which  Mr.  Mid- 
dleton  was  a  member,  took  measures  to  organize  a  military 
force,  the  officers  of  which  received  commissions  at  their 
hands,  and  under  their  signatures.  Among  the  members  of 
this  committee,  no  one  exhibited  more  activity,  or  manifested 
a  greater  degree  of  resolution  and  firmness,  than  did  Arthur 
Middleton. 

In  February,  1776,  the  provincial  legislature  of  South 
Carolina  appointed  a  committee  to  prepare  and  report  a  con 
stitution,  which  **  should  most  effectually  secure  peace  and 
good  order  in  the  colony,  during  the  continuance  of  the  dis 
pute  with  Great  Britain."  This  duty  was  assigned  to  Mr 
Middleton  and  ten  others. 

Having  discharged  the  duty  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  as 
sembly,  Mr.  Middleton  was  soon  after  elected  by  that  body 
a  representative  of  South  Carolina  in  the  congress  of  the 
United  States,  assembled  at  Philadelphia.  Here  he  had  an 
opportunity  of  inscribing  his  name  on  the  great  charter  of 
American  liberties.  At  the  close  of  the  year  1777,  Mr.  Mid 
dleton  relinquished  his  seat  in  congress,  and  returned  to 
South  Carolina,  leaving  behind  him,  in  the  estimation  of  those 
who  had  been  associated  with  him  in  the  important  measures 
of  congress,  during  the  time  he  had  been  with  them,  the  cha 
racter  of  a  man  of  the  purest  patriotism,  of  sound  judgment, 
and  unwavering  resolution. 

In  the  spring  of  1778,  the  assembly  of  South  Carolina  pro 
ceeded  to  the  formation  of  a  new  constitution,  differing,  in 
many  important  points,  from  that  of  1776.  On  presenting  it 
to  the  governor,  John  Rutledge,  for  his  approbation,  that 
gentleman  refused  to  assent  to  it.  But,  as  he  would  not 
embarrass  the  assembly  in  any  measures  which  they  might 
deem  it  expedient  to  adopt,  he  resigned  the  executive  chair, 
upon  which  the  assembly  proceeded  by  a  secret  ballot  again 
to  fill  it.  On  counting  the  votes,  it  was  found  that  Mr.  Mid- 
3M  38* 


450  SOUTH  CAROLINA  DELEGATION. 

dleton  was  elected  to  the  office  by  a  considerable  majority. 
But,  entertaining  similar  views  in  respect  to  the  constitution, 
expressed  by  the  distinguished  gentleman  who  had  vacated 
the  chair  of  state,  he  frankly  avowed  to  the  assembly,  that  he 
could  not  conscientiously  accept  the  appointment,  under  the 
constitution  which  they  had  adopted.  The  candour  with 
which  he  had  avowed  his  sentiments,  and  the  sterling  integ 
rity  of  the  man,  exhibited  in  refusing  an  honour  from  con 
scientious  scruples,  instead  of  diminishing  their  respect  for 
him,  contributed  to  raise  him  still  higher  in  the  confidence  of 
his  fellow-citizens.  The  assembly  proceeded  to  anothei 
choice,  and  elected  Mr.  Rawlins  Lowndes  to  fill  the  vacancy, 
who  gave  his  sanction  to  the  new  constitution. 

During  the  year  1779,  the  southern  states  became  the  prin 
cipal  theatre  of  the  war.     Many  of  the  plantations  were  wan 
tonly  plundered,  and  the  families  and  property  of  the  princi 
pal  inhabitants  were  exposed  to  the  insults  and   ravages  of 
the  invaders.     During  these  scenes  of  depredation,  Middle- 
ton    place  did   not   escape.     Although    the   buildings   were 
spared,  they  were  rifled  of  every  thing  valuable.     Sucli  arti 
cles  as  could  not  easily  be  transported  were  either  wantonly 
destroyed,  or  greatly  injured.     Among  those  which  were  in 
jured,  was  a  valuable  collection  of  paintings  belonging  to  Mr. 
Middleton.     Fortunately,   at  the  time  the   marauders  visited 
Middlcton  place,  the  family  had   made  their  escape  a  day's 
journey  to  the  north  of  Charleston. 

On  the  investment  of  the  latter  place,  in  the  following  year, 
Mr.  Middleton  was  present,  and  actively  engaged  in  the  de 
fence  of  the  city.  With  several  others,  on  the  surrender  of 
this  place,  he  was  taken  prisoner,  and  was  sent  by  sea  to  St. 
Augustine,  in  East  Florida,  where  he  was  kept  in  confinement 
for  nearly  a  year.  At  length,  in  July,  1781,  he  was  ex 
changed,  and  proceeded  in  a  cartel  to  Philadelphia.  On  his 
arrival  at  the  latter  place,  Governor  Rutledge,  in  the  exercise 
of  authority  conferred  upon  him  by  the  general  assembly  of 
South  Carolina,  appointed  him  a  representative  in  congress. 
To  this  office  he  was  again  elected  in  1782 ;  but  in  the  month 
of  November  of  that  year,  he  returned  to  South  Carolina  on 


ARTHUR  MIDDLETON.  451 

a  visit  to  his  family,  from  whom  he  had  been  separated  during 
a  long  and  anxious  period. 

On  the  signing  the  preliminaries  of  peace,  Mr.  Middleton 
declined  accepting  a  seat  in  congress,  preferring  the  pleasures 
of  retirement  with  his  family,  to  any  honour  which  could  be 
conferred  upon  him.  He  occasionally,  however,  accepted  of 
a  seat  in  the  state  legislature,  in  which  he  was  greatly  instru 
mental  in  promoting  the  tranquillity  and  happiness  of  his  fel 
low-citizens. 

The  life  of  Mr.  Middleton  was  terminated  on  the  1st  of 
January,  1787.  His  death  was  occasioned  by  an  intermittent 
fever,  which  he  took  in  the  preceding  month  of  November, 
by  an  injudicious  exposure  to  the  unsettled  weather  of  the 
autumnal  season. 

In  his  person,  Mr.  Middleton  was  of  ordinary  size,  sym 
metrically  proportioned,  with  fine  features,  and  countenance 
expressive  of  firmness  and  decision. 


THE 


GEORGIA  DELEGATION. 


BUTTON  GWINNETT, 
LYMAN  HALL, 

GEORGE  WALTON 


BUTTON  GWINNETT. 

BUTTON  GWINNETT  was  a  native  of  England,  where  he  wan 
horn  about  the  year  1732.  His  parents  were  respectable  in 
life,  and  gave  their  son  as  good  an  education  as  their  mode 
rate  circumstances  would  allow.  On  coming  of  age,  Mr. 
Gwinnett  became  a  merchant  in  the  city  of  Bristol. 

Some  time  after  his  marriage  in  England,  he  removed  to 
America,  and  selecting  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  as  a  place 
of  settlement,  he  continued  there  for  about  two  years ;  at  the 
expiration  of  which,  having  sold  his  stock  in  trade,  he  pur 
chased  a  large  tract  of  land  in  Georgia,  where  he  devoted 
himself  extensively  to  agricultural  pursuits. 

Mr.  Gwinnett  had  from  his  earliest  emigration  to  America 
taken  a  deep  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  colonies  ;  but,  from 
the  commencement  of  the  controversy  with  Great  Britain,  he 
had  few  anticipations  that  the  cause  of  the  colonies  could 
succeed.  A  successful  resistance  to  so  mighty  a  power  as 
that  of  the  United  Kingdoms,  to  him  appeared  extremely 


BUTTON    GWIXXETT.  453 

doubtful ;  and  such  continued  to  be  his  apprehensions,  until 
about  the  year  1775,  when  his  views  experienced  no  incon 
siderable  change. 

This  change  in  his  sentiments,  touching  the  final  issue  of 
the  controversy,  produced  a  corresponding  change  in  his  con 
duct.  He  now  came  forth  as  the  open  advocate  of  strong  and 
decided  measures,  in  favour  of  obtaining  a  redress,  if  possi 
ble,  of  American  grievances,  and  of  establishing  the  rights  of 
the  colonies  on  a  firm  and  enduring  basis.  In  the  early  part 
of  the  year  1776,  he  was  elected  by  the  general  assembly, 
held  in  Savannah,  a  representative  of  the  province  of  Georgia, 
in  congress.  Agreeably  to  his  appointment  he  repaired  to 
Philadelphia,  and  in  the  following  month  of  May,  for  the  first 
time,  took  his  seat  in  the  national  council.  In  October,  he 
was  re-elected  for  the  year  ensuing  to  the  same  responsible 
station. 

In  the  month  of  February,  1777,  a  convention  of  citizens 
from  Georgia  was  held  in  Savannah  to  frame  a  constitution 
for  the  future  government  of  the  state.  Of  this  convention 
Mr.  Gwinnett  was  a  member,  and  is  said  to  have  furnished 
the  outlines  of  that  constitution,  which  was  subsequently 
adopted. 

Shortly  after  the  above  convention,  occurred  the  death  of 
Mr.  Bullock,  the  president  of  the  provincial  council.  To  this 
office  Mr.  Gwinnett  was  immediately  elevated.  Unfortu 
nately,  while  he  represented  the  colony  in  congress,  he  was  a 
competitor  with  Colonel  Lackland  M'Intosh,  for  the  office  of 
brigadier  general  of  the  continental  brigade,  about  to  be  levi 
ed  in  Georgia,  to  which  office  the  latter  was  appointed.  The 
success  of  his  rival,  Mr.  Gwinnett  bore  with  little  fortitude. 
His  ambition  was  disappointed,  and  being  naturally  hasty  in 
his  temper,  and  in  his  conclusions,  he  seems,  from  this  time, 
to  have  regarded  Colonel  M'Intosh  as  a  personal  enemy. 

On  becoming  president  of  the  executive  council,  Mr.  Gwin- 
aett  adopted  several  expedients  by  which  to  mortify  his  ad- 
rersary.  Among  these,  one  was  the  assumption  of  great 
power  over  the  continental  army  in  Georgia,  in  consequence 


454  GEORGIA  DELEGATION. 

of  which  General  M'lntosh  was  treated  with  much  disrespect 
by  a  part  of  his  officers  and  soldiers.  To  humble  his  adver 
sary  still  further,  Mr.  Gwinnett,  in  an  expedition  which  he  had 
projected  against  East  Florida,  designed  to  command  the  con 
tinental  troops  and  the  militia  of  Georgia  himself,  to  the  ex 
clusion  of  General  M'lntosh  from  the  command  even  of  his 
own  brigade. 

Just  at  this  period,  it  became  necessary  to  convene  the  le 
gislature  for  the  purpose  of  organizing  the  new  government. 
In  consequence  of  the  station  which  Mr.  Gwinnett  held  as 
president  of  the  council,  he  was  prevented  from  proceeding 
at  the  head  of  the  expedition  destined  against  East  Florida. 
The  troops,  therefore,  were  by  his  orders  placed  under  the 
command  of  a  subordinate  officer  of  M'Intosh's  brigade.  The 
expedition  entirely  failed,  and  probably  contributed  to  the 
failure  of  Mr.  Gvvinnett's  election  to  the  office  of  governor,  in 
May,  1777. 

This  failure  blasted  the  hopes  of  Mr.  Gwinnett,  and  brought 
his  political  career  to  a  close.  In  the  disappointment  and 
mortification  of  his  adversary,  General  M'lntosh  foolishly 
exulted.  The  animosity  between  these  two  distinguished 
men,  from  this  time,  continued  to  gather  strength,  until  Mr. 
Gwinnett,  unmindful  of  the  high  offices  which  he  had  held, 
of  his  obligations  to  society,  and  of  his  paramount  obligations 
to  the  author  of  his  being,  presented  a  challenge  to  General 
M'lntosh.  They  fought  at  the  distance  of  only  twelve  feet. 
Both  were  severely  wounded.  The  wound  of  Mr.  Gwinnett 
proved  mortal ;  and  on  the  27th  of  May,  1777,  in  the  forty- 
fifth  year  of  his  age,  he  expired. 

Thus  fell  one  of  the  patriots  of  the  revolution;  and  though 
entitled  to  the  gratitude  of  his  country,  for  the  services  which 
he  rendered  her,  her  citizens  will  ever  lament  that  he  fell  a 
victim  to  a  false  ambition,  and  to  a  false  sense  of  honour.  No 
circumstances  could  justify  an  action  so  criminal,  none  can 
ever  palliate  one  so  dishonourable. 

In  his  person,  Mr.  Gwinnett  was  tall,  and  of  noble  and 
commanding  appearance.  In  his  temper,  lie  was  irritable  ; 


LYMAN    HALL.  456 

yet  in  his  language  he  was  mild,  and  in  his  manners  polite 
and  graceful.  Happy  had  it  been  for  him,  had  his  ambition 
been  tempered  with  more  prudence ;  and  probably  happy  for 
his  country,  had  his  political  career  not  been  terminated  in 
the  prime  of  life. 


LYMAN  HALL. 

LYMAN  HALL  was  a  native  of  Connecticut,  where  he  was 
born  about  the  year  1731.  After  receiving  a  collegiate  edu 
cation,  and  having  acquired  a  competent  knowledge  of  the 
theory  and  practice  of  medicine,  he  removed,  in  1752,  to 
South  Carolina.  He  was  induced,  however,  during  the  same 
year,  to  remove  to  Georgia,  where  he  established  himself  at 
Sunbury,  in  the  district  of  Medway.  In  this  place  he  con 
tinued  attending  to  the  duties  of  his  profession,  until  the  com 
mencement  of  the  revolutionary  contest. 

On  the  arrival  of  this  important  crisis  in  the  history  of  the 
colonies,  the  patriotism  of  Doctor  Hall  became  greatly  excited 
to  the  interests  and  dangers  of  his  country.  He  perceived 
that  the  approaching  storm  must  necessarily  be  severe  ;  but 
with  the  kindred  spirits  of  the  north,  he  was  determined  to 
meet  it  with  patriotic  firmness  and  resolution.  Having  ac 
cepted  of  a  situation  in  the  parish  of  St.  John,  which  was  a 
frontier  settlement,  both  his  person  and  property  were  ex 
posed  to  great  danger,  from  his  proximity  to  the  Creek  in- 
dians  and  to  the  royal  province  of  Florida. 

The  parish  of  St.  John,  at  an  early  period  of  the  contest, 
entered  with  great  spirit  into  the  general  opposition  of  the 
country  against  Great  Britain,  while  a  majority  of  the  inhabi 
tants  of  Georgia  entertained  different  sentiments.  So  widely 
different  were  the  views  and  feelings  of  the  people  of  this  pa 
rish  from  those  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  province  generally 
that  an  almost  entire  separation  took  place  between  them. 


456  GEORGIA   DELEGATION. 

In  July,  1774,  the  friends  of  liberty  held  a  general  meeting 
at  Savannah,  where  Doctor  Hall  appeared  as  a  representative 
of  the  parish  of  St.  John.  The  measures,  however,  adopted 
at  that  time,  fell  far  short  of  the  wishes  both  of  this  patriot 
and  his  constituents.  In  January,  1775,  another  meeting 
was  held  at  Savannah,  at  which  it  was  agreed  to  petition  the 
king  for  a  redress  of  grievances,  and  for  relief  from  the  arbi 
trary  acts  of  the  British  ministry. 

The  parish  of  St.  John,  dissatisfied  with  the  temporizing 
policy  of  the  Savannah  convention,  in  the  following  month 
made  application  to  the  committee  of  correspondence  in 
Charleston,  South  Carolina,  to  form  an  alliance  with  them,  by 
which  their  trade  and  commerce  should  be  conducted  on  the 
principles  of  the  non-importation  association.  The  patriotic 
views  and  feelings  of  this  independent  people  were  highly  ap 
plauded  by  the  committee,  but  they  found  themselves  under 
the  necessity,  by  the  rules  of  the  continental  association,  of 
declining  the  alliance. 

Upon  receiving  this  denial,  the  inhabitants  of  St.  John 
agreed  to  pursue  such  independent  measures  as  the  patriotic 
principles  which  they  had  adopted  should  appear  to  justify. 
Accordingly,  they  resolved  not  to  purchase  slaves  imported 
into  Savannah,  nor  to  hold  any  commercial  intercourse  with 
that  city,  nor  with  surrounding  parishes,  unless  for  the  neces 
saries  of  life,  and  these  to  be  purchased  by  direction  of  a  com 
mittee.  Having  taken  this  independent  stand,  they  next  pro 
ceeded  to  choose  a  representative  to  congress,  and  on  count 
ing  the  votes,  it  was  found  that  Doctor  Hall  was  unanimously 
elected. 

In  the  following  May,  Doctor  Kail  appeared  in  the  hall  of 
congress,  and  by  that  body  was  unanimously  admitted  to  a 
seat.  But,  as  he  represented  not  the  colony  of  Georgia,  bu* 
only  a  parish  of  the  colony,  it  was  at  the  same  time  resolved 
to  reserve  the  question  as  to  his  right  to  vote  for  the  further 
deliberation  of  the  congress. 

The  above  question  at  length  coming  before  the  house,  on 
the  occasion  of  congress  taking  the  opinions  of  its  members 
by  colonies,  Doctor  Hall  expressed  his  willingness  to  give  his 


LYMAN    HALL.  457 

vote  only  in  those  cases  in  which  the  sentiments  of  congress 
were  not  taken  by  colonies. 

Fortunately  for  the  cause  of  liberty,  or.  tne  15th  of  July, 
1775,  the  convention  of  Georgia  acceded  to  the  general  con 
federacy,  and  proceeded  to  the  appointment  of  five  delegates 
to  congress,  three  of  whom  attended  at  the  adjourned  meeting 
of  that  body,  September  13,  1775. 

Among  the  delegates  thus  appointed,  Dr.  Hall  was  one. 
To  this  station  he  was  annually  re-elected  until  1780,  at  the 
close  of  which  year  he  finally  retired  from  the  national  legis 
lature. 

At  length  Georgia  fell  temporarily  into  the  power  of  the 
British.  On  this  event,  Doctor  Hall  removed  his  family  to  the 
north,  and  suffered  the  confiscation  of  all  his  property  by  the 
British  government  established  in  the  state.  In  1782,  he  re 
turned  to  Georgia,  and  in  the  following  year  was  elected  to 
the  chief  magistracy  of  the  state. 

After  enjoying  this  office  for  a  time,  he  retired  from  the 
cares  of  public  life,  and  about  the  sixtieth  year  of  his  age, 
died  at  his  residence  in  the  county  of  Burke,  whither  he  had 
removed. 

Doctor  Hall  in  hi*  person,  was  tall  and  well  proportioned. 
In  hie  manners  he  was  easy,  and  in  his  deportment  dignified 
and  courteous.  He  was  by  nature  characterised  for  a  warm 
and  enthvsiastic  disposition,  which,  however,  was  under  the 
guidance  of  a  sound  discretion.  His  mind  was  active  and 
discriminating.  Ardent  in  his  own  feelings,  he  possessed  the 
power  of  exciting  others  to  action;  and  though  in  congress 
he  acted  n.jt  so  conspicuous  a  part  as  many  others,  yet  his 
example  and  his  exertions,  especially  in  connexion  with  those 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  circumscribed  parish  of  St.  John, 
powerfully  contributed  to  the  final  accession  of  the  whole  co 
lony  of  Georgia  to  the  confederacy  ;  thus  presenting  in  array 
against  the  mother  country  the  whole  number  of  her  Ameri 
can  colonies. 

3  N  39 


45S  GEORGIA    DELEGATION. 

GEORGE  WALTON. 

GEORGE  WALTON,  the  last  of  the  Georgia  delegation,  who 
signed  the  declaration  of  independence,  and  with  an  account 
of  \vhom  we  shall  conclude  these  biographical  notices,  was 
born  in  the  county  of  Frederick,  Virginia,  about  the  year 
1740.  He  was  early  apprenticed  to  a  carpenter,  who  being  a 
man  of  selfish  and  contracted  views,  not  only  kept  him  closely 
at  labour  during  the  day,  b.ut  refused  him  the  privilege  of  a 
candle,  by  which  to  read  at  night. 

Young  Walton  possessed  a  mind  by  nature  strong  in  its 
powers,  and  though  uncultivated,  not  having  enjoyed  even 
the  advantages  of  a  good  scholastic  education,  he  was  ardently 
bent  on  the  acquisition  of  knowledge  ;  so  bent,  that  during 
the  day,  at  his  leisure  moments,  he  would  collect  light  wood, 
which  served  him  at  night  instead  of  a  candle.  His  applica 
tion  was  close  and  indefatigable ;  his  acquisitions  rapid  and 
valuable. 

At  the  expiration  of  his  apprenticeship,  he  removed  to  the 
province  of  Georgia,  and  entered  the  office  of  a  Mr.  Young, 
with  whom  he  pursued  the  preparatory  studies  of  the  profes 
sion  of  law,  and  in  1774,  he  entered  upon  its  duties. 

At  this  time  the  British  government  was  in  the  exercise  of 
.full  power  in  Georgia.  Both  the  governor  and  his  council 
were  firm  supporters  of  the  British  ministry.  It  was  at  this 
period  that  George  Walton,  and  other  kindred  spirits,  assem 
bled  a  meeting  of  the  friends  of  liberty,  at  the  liberty  pole,  at 
Tondee's  tavern  in  Savannah,  to  take  into  consideration  the 
means  of  preserving  the  constitutional  rights  and  liberties  of 
the  people  of  Georgia,  which  were  endangered  by  the  then 
recent  acts  of  the  British  parliament. 

At  this  meeting,  Mr.  Walton  took  a  distinguished  part. 
Others,  also,  entered  with  great  warmth  and  animation  into 
the  debate.  It  was.  at  length,  determined,  to  invite  the  dif 
ferent  parishes  of  the  province,  to  come  into  a  general  union 
and  co-operation  with  the  other  provinces  of  America  to  se 
cure  their  constitutional  rights  and  liberties. 


GEORGE  WALTON.  45$ 

In  opposition  to  this  plan,  the  royal  governor  and  his  coun 
cil  immediately  and  strongly  enlisted  themselves,  and  so  far 
succeeded  by  their  influence,  as  to  induce  another  meeting, 
which  was  held  in  January,  1775,  to  content  itself  with  pre 
paring  a  petition  to  be  presented  to  the  king.  Of  the  com 
mittee  appointed  for  this  purpose  Mr.  Walton  was  a  member. 
The  petition,  however,  shared  the  fate  of  its  numerous  pre 
decessors. 

In  February,  1775,  the  committee  of  safety  met  at  Savan 
nah.  But  notwithstanding  that  several  of  the  members  advo 
cated  strong  and  decisive  measures,  a  majority  were  for  pur 
suing,  for  the  present,  a  temporising  policy.  Accordingly, 
the  committee  adjourned  without  concerting  any  plan  for  the 
appointment  of  delegates  to  the  continental  congress.  This 
induced  the  people  of  the  parish  of  St.  John,  as  noticed  in  the 
preceding  memoir,  to  separate,  in  a  degree,  from  the  provin 
cial  government,  and  to  appoint  Mr.  Hall  a  delegate  to  repre 
sent  them  in  the  national  legislature. 

In  the  month  of  July,  1775,  the  convention  of  Georgia  ac 
ceded  to  the  general  confederacy,  and  five  delegates,  Lyman 
Hall,  Archibald  Bullock,  John  Houston,  John  J.  Zubly,  and 
Noble  W.  Jones,  were  elected  to  represent  the  state  in  con 
gress. 

In  the  month  of  February,  1776,  Mr.  Walton  was  elected 
to  the  same  honourable  station,  and  in  the  following  month  of 
October,  was  re-elected.  From  this  time,  until  October,  1781, 
he  continued  to  represent  the  state  of  Georgia  at  the  seat  of 
government,  where  he  displayed  much  zeal  and  intelligence, 
in*  the  discharge  of  the  various  duties  which  were  assigned 
him.  He  was  particularly  useful  on  a  committee,  of  which 
Robert  Morris  and  George  Clymer  were  his  associates,  ap 
pointed  to  transact  important  continental  business  in  Phila 
delphia,  during  the  time  that  congress  was  obliged  to  retire 
from  that  city. 

In  December,  1778,  Mr.  Walton  received  a  colonel's  com 
mission  in  the  militia,  and  was  present  at  the  surrender  of 
Savannah  to  the  British  arms.  During  the  obstinate  defence 
of  that  place,  Colonel  Walton  was  wounded  in  the  thigh,  in 


460  GEORGIA    DELEGATION. 

consequence  of  which  he  fell  from  his  horse,  and  was  made  3 
prisoner  by  the  British  troops.  A  brigadier-general  was  de 
manded  in  exchange  for  him  ;  but  in  September,  1779,  he  was 
exchanged  for  a  captain  of  the  navy. 

In  the  following  month,  Colorrel  Walton  was  appointed 
governor  of  the  state ;  and  in  the  succeeding  January,  was 
elected  a  member  of  congress  for  two  years. 

The  subsequent  life  of  Mr.  Walton  was  filled  up  in  the 
discharge  of  the  most  respectable  offices  within  the  gift  of 
the  state.  In  what  manner  he  was  appreciated  by  the  peo 
ple  of  Georgia,  may  be  learnt  from  the  fact  that  he  was 
at  six  different  times  elected  a  representative  to  congress ; 
twice  appointed  governor  of  the  state  ;  once  a  senator  of 
the  United  States ;  and  at  four  different  periods  a  judge 
of  the  superiour  courts,  which  last  office  he  held  for  fifteen 
years,  and  until  the  time  of  his  death. 

It  may  be  gathered  from  the  preceding  pages,  respect 
ing  IYII:.  VtVitCn,  ^at  he  was  no  ordinary  man.  He  rose 
into  distinction  by  the  force  of  his  native  powers.  In 
his  temperament  he  was  ardent,  and  by  means  of  his  en 
thusiasm  in  the  great  cause  of  liberty,  rose  to  higher  emi 
nence,  and  secured  a  greater  share  of  public  favour  and  con 
fidence,  than  he  would  otherwise  have  done. 

Mr.  Walton  was  not  without  his  faults  and  weaknesses. 
He  was  accused  of  a  degree  of  pedantry,  and  sometimes 
indulged  his  satirical  powers  beyond  the  strict  rules  of  pro 
priety*  He  was  perhaps,  also,  too  contemptuous  of  public 
opinion,  especially  when  that  opinion  varied  from  his  own. 

The  death  of  Mr.  Walton  occurred  on  the  second  day  of 
February,  1804.  During  the  latter  years  of  his  life,  he  suf 
fered  intensely  from  frequent  and  long  continued  attacks  of 
the  gout,  which  probably  tended  to  undermine  his  constitu 
tion,  and  to  hasten  the  event  of  his  dissolution.  He  had  at 
tained  however  to  a  good  age,  and  closed  his  life,  happy  in 
having  contributed  his  full  share  towards  the  measure  of  his 
country's  glory.. 


SKETCH 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  the  third  son  of  Augustine  Wash 
ington,  was  born  Feb.  22,  1782,  near  the  banks  of  the  Po- 
lomac,  in  the  county  of  Westmoreland,  Virginia.  When 
but  ten  years  old,  he  was  deprived  of  his  father,  in  conse 
quence  of  which  the  care  of  his  improvement  devolved  ex 
clusively  upon  his  remaining  parent,  who  admirably  fulfilled 
her  duty  towards  him ;  but,  from  the  limited  extent  of  her 
fortune,  his  education  was  confined  to  the  strictly  useful 
branches  of  knowledge.  In  1743,  his  elder  brother  mar 
ried  a  connexion  of  lord  Fairfax,  the  proprietor  of  the 
northern  neck  of  Virginia ;  in  consequence  of  which  George 
was  introduced  to  the  acquaintance  of  that  nobleman,  who 
gave  him,  when  in  his  eighteenth  year,  an  appointment  as 
surveyor  in  the  western  part  of  the  territory  mentioned. 
In  1751,  his  military  bent  induced  him  to  accept  the  station 
of  one  of  the  adjutant-generals  of  Virginia,  with  the  rank 
of  major.  Soon  afterwards,  he  was  sent,  by  governor  Din- 
kiddie,  on  a  perilous  mission,  in  consequence  of  the  French 
troops  having  taken  possession  of  a  tract  of  country  claim 
ed  by  Virginia,  and  commenced  the  erection  of  a  line  of 
posts,  to  be  extended  from  the  lakes  to  that  river.  After 
£reat  toil  and  danger,  he  reached  the  station  of  the  French 


462  SKETCH    OF    THE 

commander,  to  whom  he  delivered  the  governor's  letter ; 
and,  having  received  an  answer  from  him,  he  returned. 
As  no  disposition  was  indicated  to  comply  with  the  requisi 
tion  which  had  been  made,  a  regiment  was  raised  to  main 
tain  the  rights  of  the  British  crown,  and  Mr.  Washington 
was  appointed  its  lieutenant-colonel.  On  the  death  of  the 
colonel,  Mr.  Fry,  he  succeeded  to  the  command,  and  great 
ly  distinguished  himself  by  his  defence  of  fort  Necessity 
against  a  very  superior  French  force.  He  was  obliged,  at 
length,  to  capitulate,  but  on  highly  favorable  terms,  and  the 
legislature  of  Virginia  passed  a  vote  of  thanks  to  him  for 
his  conduct  on  the  occasion.  In  the  course  of  the  winter 
of  1754,  orders  were  received  from  England  for  settling 
the  rank  of  the  officers  of  his  majesty's  forces ;  and,  those 
who  were  commissioned  by  the  king  being  directed  to  take 
rank  of  the  provincial  officers,  colonel  Washington  resign 
ed  his  commission  in  disgust.  He  then  retired  to  a  country- 
seat,  which  he  had  acquired  by  the  death  of  his  brother, 
who,  having  served  in  the  expedition  against  Carthagena, 
had  named  it  Mount  Vernon,  in  honor  of  the  admiral  who 
commanded  the  fleet  in  that  enterprise.  He  did  not,  how 
ever,  remain  long  in  private  life.  In  the  spring  of  1755,  he 
was  invited,  by  general  Braddock,  to  enter  his  family  as  a 
volunteer  aid-de-camp,  in  his  expedition  to  the  Ohio.  The 
history  of  this  disastrous  expedition,  and  the  admirable  con 
duct  of  Washington,  are  too  well  known  to  need  repetition  : 
had  his  counsels  been  followed,  the  result,  in  all  probability, 
would  have  been  different.  In  the  battle  with  the  Indians, 
he  had  two  horses  killed  under  him,  and  four  balls  passed 
through  his  coat;  but,  to  the  astonishment  of  all,  he  escap 
ed  unhurt,  while  every  other  officer  on  horseback  was  either 
killed  or  wounded.  His  reputation  was  now  established,. 
and  he  was  immediately  appointed  to  the  command  of  a 
regiment,  consisting  of  sixteen  companies,  raised  by  the 
legislature  of  Virginia,  for  the  defence  of  the  province,  after 
the  intelligence  of  the  defeat  of  Braddock,  and  the  retreat 
of  Dunbar,  had  been  received.  He  was  also  designated,  in< 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


463 


his  commission,  as  the  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces 
raised  and  to  be  raised  in  the  colony  j  and,  as  a  still  further 
proof  of  the  public  confidence,  he  was  intrusted  with  the 
unusual  privilege  of  selecting  his  field-officers. 

During  the  years  1755  — 1758,  he  was  engaged  in  protect 
ing  the  frontier  from  the  incursions  of  the  French  and  Indians 
— a  duty  from  which  he  was  at  length  relieved  by  the  capture 
of  fort  Duquesne.  After  this  expulsion  of  the  French  from 
the  Ohio,  the  hostile  operations  of  the  Indians  ceased,  and 
Virginia  was  relieved  from  the  dangers  with  which  she  had 
been  threatened;  and,  as  the  health  of  colonel  Washington 
had  been  much  impaired  by  his  arduous  labors,  and  his  do 
mestic  affairs  required  his  attention,  he  resigned  his  com 
mission,  having  established  an  exactness  of  discipline  in  his 
regiment,  which  reflected  the  grearest  credit  on  his  military 
character.  He  soon  afterwards  married  Mrs.  Custis,  a 
young  lady  to  whom  he  had  been  long  attached,  and  who, 
besides  a  large  fortune,  possessed  great  personal  attractions 
arid  accomplishments  of  mind.  Previously  to  his  resigna 
tion,  he  had  taken  his  seat  in  the  general  assembly,  of  which 
he  had  been  elected  a  member  by  the  county  of  Frederick. 
For  several  years  after  his  marriage,  the  attention  of  colonel 
Washington  was  principally  directed  to  the  management  of 
his  estate.  He  continued  a  most  respectable  member  of  the 
legislature  of  the  province,  and  took  an  early  and  decided 
part  against  the  claims  of  supremacy  asserted  by  the  British 
parliament. 

As  hostilities  approached,  he  was  chosen  by  the  inde 
pendent  companies  formed  through  the  northern  parts  of 
Virginia  to  command  them,  and  was  also  elected  a  member 
of  the  first  congress  which  met  at  Philadelphia.  Here  he 
was  placed  on  all  those  committees  whose  duty  it  was  to 
make  arrangements  for  defence.  When  it  became  neces 
sary  to  appoint  a  commander-in-chief,  his  military  charac 
ter,  the  solidity  of  his  judgment,  the  steady  firmness  of  hi& 
temper,  the  dignity  of  his  person  and  deportment,  the  con 
fidence  inspired  by  his  patriotism  and  rectitude,  and  the  in- 


464 


SKETCH    OF    THE 


dependence  of  his  fortune,  combined  to  designate  him,  in 
the  opinion  of  all,  for  that  important  station;  and,  accord 
ingly,  on  the  fourteenth  of  June,  1775,  he  was  unanimously 
chosen  "  general  and  commander-in-chief  of  the  armies  of 
the  United  Colonies,  and  all  the  forces  now  raised  or  to  be 
raised  by  them."  After  expressing  his  high  sense  of  the 
honor  conferred  upon  him,  his  firm  determination  to  exert 
every  power  he  possessed  in  the  service  of  his  country,  and 
her  "glorious  cause,"  and  his  diffidence  of  his  abilities 
and  experience,  and  declining  all  compensation  for  his  ser 
vices,  at  the  same  time  avowing  an  intention  to  keep  an 
exact  account  of  his  expenses,  which  he  should  rely  on 
congress  to  discharge,  he  proceeded,  as  soon  as  the  neces 
sary  arrangements  could  be  made,  to  the  head-quarters  of 
the  American  army,  thefc  at  Cambridge,  in  the  neighbor' 
hood  of  Boston.  On  arriving  there,  he  bent  the  whole 
force  of  his  mind  to  overcome  the  great  difficulties  with 
which  he  was  obliged  to  struggle,  in  consequence  of  the 
want  of  ammunition,  clothing  and  magazines,  the  deficien 
cy  of  arms  and  discipline,  and  the  evils  of  short  enlistments. 
The  history  of  this  campaign  before  Boston  is  a  history 
of  successive  exertions  to  surmount  almost  insuperable  ob 
stacles,  by  one  who  was  solicitous,  in  the  extreme,  to  per 
form  some  great  and  useful  achievement,  in  order  to  prove 
himself  worthy  of  his  high  station.  In  one  of  his  letters  to 
congress,  at  this  period,  he  says,  "  I  cannot  help  acknowl 
edging  that  I  have  many  disagreeable  sensations  on  account 
of  my  situation ;  for  to  have  the  eyes  of  the  whole  conti 
nent  fixed  upon  me,  with  anxious  expectation  of  hearing  of 
some  great  event,  and  to  be  restrained  in  every  military 
operation,  for  want  of  the  necessary  means  to  carry  it  on, 
is  not  very  pleasing,  especially  as  the  means  used  to  conceal 
my  weakness  from  the  enemy,  conceal  it  also  from  our 
friends  and  add  to  their  wonder."  This  was  written  in 
February,  after  a  council  of  war  had  expressed  an  opinion, 
chiefly  on  account  of  the  want  of  ammunition  for  the  artil 
lery,  against  the  execution  of  a  bold  plan  which  he  had 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  465 

formed  of  crossing  the  ice,  and  attacking  general  Howe, 
in  Boston.  He  then  took  possession  of  the  heights  of  Dor 
chester,  in  the  persuasion  that  a  general  action  would  ensue, 
as  the  position  enabled  him  to  annoy  the  ships  in  the  harbor 
and  the  soldiers  in  the  town. 

The  British  general,  in  consequence,  was  reduced  to  the 
alternative  of  either  dislodging  the  Americans  or  evacuating 
the  place,  and  endeavored  to  accomplish  the  former  ;  but 
the  troops  which  were  embarked  for  the  purpose  were  scat 
tered  by  a  furious  storm,  and  disabled  from  immediately 
prosecuting  the  enterprise.  Before  they  could  be  again  in 
readiness  for  the  attack,  the  American  works  were  made 
so  strong  that  an  attempt  upon  them  was  thought  unadvisa- 
ble ;  and  the  evacuation  could  no  longer  be  delayed.  It 
took  place  on  the  seventeenth  of  March,  and  gave  great  joy 
to  the  United  Colonies.  Congress  passed  a  vote  of  thanks 
to  the  general  and  his  army,  "  for  their  wise  and  spirited 
coiiduct  in  tne  seige  and  acquisition  of  Boston,"  and  direct 
ed  a  medal  of  gold  to  be  struck  in  commemoration  of  the 
event. 

As  soon  as  the  British  fleet  had  put  to  sea,  the  American 
army  proceeded,  by  divisions,  to  New  York,  where  it  arriv 
ed  on  the  fourteenth  of  April.  Every  effort  was  made  by 
Washington  to  fortify  the  city,  before  the  appearance  of  the 
enemy.  In  the  beginning  of  July,  the  British  troops  were 
landed  on  Staten  island,  and  some  efforts  were  made  by  lord 
Howe,  who  commanded  the  fleet,  to  open  negotiations  for 
the  restoration  of  peace;  but  they  failed,  in  consequence 
of  the  refusal  of  the  American  commander  to  receive  any 
communication  not  addressed  to  him  in  such  a  way  as  to 
acknowledge  his  public  character.  The  English  com 
mander  had  directed  his  letters  to  "  George  Washington, 
esquire,"  and  then  to  "George  Washington,  &c.,  &c., 
&c.,"  but  declining  an  unequivocal  recognition  of  his  sta 
tion.  The  disastrous  affair  of  Lono-  island  soon  afterwards 

O 

occurred,  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  August,  in  which  Washi 
ngton  was  obliged  to  behold  the  carnage  of  his  troops 


466  SKETCH    OF    THE 

without  being  able  to  assist  them.  It  constrained  him  to 
withdraw  his  forces  entirely  from  the  island,  which  he  ac 
complished  on  the  night  of  the  twenty-eighth,  with  such 
secrecy,  that  all  the  troops  and  military  stores,  with  the 
greater  part  of  the  provisions,  and  all  the  artillery,  except 
such  heavy  pieces  as  could  not  be  drawn  through  the  roads, 
rendered  almost  impassable  by  rains,  were  carried  over  in 
safety.  From  the  commencement  of  the  action,  on  the 
morning  of  the  twenty-seventh,  until  the  American  forces 
had  passed  the  East  river,  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty- 
ninth,  his  exertions  and  fatigues  were  unremitted.  Through 
out  that  time,  he  was  almost  constantly  on  horseback,  and 
never  closed  his  eyes.  The  manner  in  which  this  operation 
was  performed,  greatly  enhanced  his  military  reputation, 
and  it  may  justly  be  ranked  among  those  skilful  manoeuvres 
which  distinguish  a  master  in  the  art  of  war.  No  ordinary 
talents,  certainly,  are  requisite  to  withdraw,  without  loss,  a 
defeated,  dispirited  and  undisciplined  army  from  the  view 
of  an  experienced  and  able  enemy,  and  to  transport  them 
in  safety  across  a  large  river,  while  watched  by  a  numerous 
and  vigilant  fleet. 

In  consequence  of  the  operations  of  the  British  general, 
it  soon  became  indispensable  to  evacuate  New  York.  This 
was  done  on  the  fifteenth  of  September,  with  an  inconsider 
able  loss  of  men.  The  strongest  point  of  the  position  which 
Washington  then  took,  was  at  Kingsbridge;  but  it  was  soon 
afterwards  deemed  necessary  to  withdraw  altogether  from 
York  island,  and  the  army  moved  towards  the  White  Plains. 
General  Howe  followed,  and  the  battle  of  the  White  Plains 
ensued,  in  which  a  portion  of  the  American  forces,  occupy 
ing  a  hill  on  the  right  of  the  army,  under  the  command  of 
general  MacDougal,  were  driven  from  their  station  after  an 
animated  engagement.  Washington  then  changed  his  posi 
tion  for  another,  and  Howe,  considering  this  too  strong  to 
be  attempted  with  prudence,  retired  down  the  North  river, 
for  the  purpose  of  investing  fort  Washington,  on  York 
island.  It  was  taken,  and  its  garrison  made  prisoners  of 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  467 

war ;  on  which  the  American  general  retreated  into  New 
Jersey. 

His  situation  now  was  gloomy  in  the  extreme.  All  his 
efforts  to  raise  the  militia  had  been  ineffectual ;  and  no 
confidence  could  be  entertained  of  receiving  reinforcements 
from  any  quarter.  But  that  unyielding  rirmness,  which 
constituted  one  of  the  most  valuable  and  prominent  traits 
of  his  character,  enabled  him  to  bear  up  against  every  diffi 
culty.  "  Undismayed,"  says  Marshall,  "  by  the  dangers 
which  surrounded  him,  he  did  not,  for  an  instant,  relax  his 
exertions,  nor  omit  any  thing  which  could  obstruct  the  pro 
gress  of  the  enemy,  or  improve  his  own  condition.  He  did 
not  appear  to  despair  of  the  public  safety,  but  struggled 
against  adverse  fortune,  with  the  hope  of  yet  vanquishing 
the  difficulties  which  surrounded  him,  and  constantly  show 
ed  himself  to  his  harassed  and  enfeebled  army,  with  a  serene, 
unembarrassed  countenance,  betraying  no  fears  in  himself, 
and  invigorating  and  inspiring  with  confidence  the  bosoms 
of  others.  To  this  unconquerable  firmness,  to  this  perfect 
self-possession,  under  the  most  desperate  circumstances,  is 
America,  in  a  great  degree,  indebted  for  her  independence." 

In  his  retreat  through  New  Jersey,  Washington  was  fol 
lowed  by  the  British  army,  flushed  with  victory,  highly  dis 
ciplined,  and  perfectly  equipped,  whilst  his  own  troops  were 
dispirited,  destitute,  and  daily  decreasing  by  the  expiration 
of  their  terms  of  service.  In  December,  the  British  gene 
ral  made  an  attempt  to  get  possession  of  a  number  of  boats 
for  the  transportation  of  his  forces  over  the  Delaware  ;  but, 
having  failed,  he  went  into  quarters.  Washington,  having, 
about  the  same  time,  been  joined  by  some  effective  rein 
forcements,  meditated  a  blow  on  the  enemy  while  distribu 
ted  in  their  cantonments,  which  might  retrieve,  in  a  meas 
ure,  the  disastrous  posture  of  American  affairs,  relieve 
Philadelphia  from  immediate  danger,  and  rouse  the  droop 
ing  spirits  of  his  countrymen.  He  accordingly  formed  the 
plan  of  attacking  all  the  British  posts  on  the  Delaware  at 
the  same  instant ;  but  only  that  part  of  it  succeeded  which 


468 


SKETCH    OF    THE 


was  conducted  by  him  in  person.  It  is  unnecessary  to  give 
the  particulars  of  the  successes  at  Trenton  and  Princeton* 
Besides  the  immediate  advantages  accruing  from  them  in 
saving  Philadelphia,  and  recovering  New  Jersey,  the  moral 
effects  which  they  produced  in  re-animating  the  spirit  of 
the  people,  were  incalculable.  Confidence  in  the  com- 
mander-in-chief  became  universal.  Immediately  afterwards, 
congress  declared,  that,  in  the  then  state  of  things,  the  very 
existence  of  civil  liberty  depended  on  the  right  execution 
of  military  powers,  to  a  vigorous  direction  of  which,  distant, 
numerous  and  deliberative  bodies  were  unequal,  and  author 
ized  general  Washington  to  raise  sixteen  additional  regi 
ments,  conferring  upon  him,  at  the  same  time,"  for  six 
months,  dictatorial  power,  for  the  conduct  of  the  war. 

In  the  beginning  of  1777,  Washington  caused  all  his 
soldiers  to  be  inoculated,  as  the  small-pox  had  proved  more 
fatal  in  his  camp  than  the  sword  of  the  enemy.  During 
this  winter,  while  the  two  armies  were  in  their  respective 
quarters,  he  used  every  exertion  to  raise  a  powerful  force 
for  the  ensuing  campaign;  but  his  efforts  were  not  attended 
with  corresponding  success.  Not  allowing  himself  to  be 
dispirited,  he  endeavored  to  make  the  most  of  the  means  in 
his  hands,  which,  however,  so  far  from  enabling  him  to 
carry  into  effect  the  offensive  operations  he  had  meditated, 
were  unequal  even  to  defensive  war. 

In  July,  general  Howe  embarked  his  forces ;  and,  it 
having  been  ascertained  that  the  destination  of  the  fleet 
was  against  Philadelphia,  Washington  moved  southward  to 
the  Delaware.  On  the  twenty-fifth  of  August,  the  British 
disembarked  at  the  ferry  of  Elk  river,  and,  on  the  tenth  of 
September,  the  battle  of  Brandywine  was  fought,  in  which 
the  Americans  were  defeated.  It  opened  the  way  to  Phila 
delphia  for  the  enemy ;  and,  on  the  twenty-sixth,  they  en 
tered  the  city,  though  not  before  Washington  had  made  an 
effort  to  engage  them  again  on  the  sixteenth,  which  was 
frustrated  by  a  violent  rain,  that  rendered  the  fire-arms  of 
the  Americans  unfit  for  use,  and  obliged  them  to  retreat, 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  469 

without  any  thing  more  than  a  skirmish  between  the  advan 
ced  parties.  "  From  the  twenty-fifth  of  August,"  says  Mar 
shall,  "when  the  British  army  landed  at  the  head  of  Elk, 
until  the  twenty-sixth  of  September,  when  it  entered  Phila 
delphia,  the  campaign  had  been  active,  and  the  duties  of 
the  American  general  uncommonly  arduous.  The  best 
English  writers  bestow  high  encomiums  on  sir  William 
Howe  for  his  military  skill  and  masterly  movements  during 
this  period.  At  Brandywine,  especially,  Washington  is 
supposed  to  have  been  '  out-generalled,  more  out-generalled 
than  in  any  action  of  the  war.'  If  all  the  operations  of  this 
trying  period  be  examined,  and  the  means  in  possession  of 
both  be  considered,  the  American  chief  will  appear  in  no 
respect  inferior  to  his  adversary.  With  an  army  decidedly 
inferior,  not  only  in  numbers,  but  in  every  military  requi 
site,  except  courage,  in  an  open  country,  he  employed  his 
enemy  near  thirty  days  in  advancing  about  sixty  miles.  In 
this  time,  he  fought  one  general  action,  and,  though  defeat 
ed,  was  able  to  re-assemble  the  same  undisciplined,  un 
clothed,  and  almost  unfed,  army,  and,  the  fifth  day  after 
wards,  again  to  offer  battle.  When  the  armies  were  sepa 
rated  by  a  storm,  which  involved  him  in  the  most  distress 
ing  circumstances,  he  extricated  himself  from  them  and  still 
maintained  a  respectable  and  imposing  countenance.  The 
only  advantage  which  he  is  supposed  to  have  given  was  at 
the  battle  of  Brandywine  ;  and  that  was  produced  by  the 
contrariety  and  uncertainty  of  the  intelligence  received.  In 
a  new  army,  where  military  talent  has  not  been  well  tried, 
the  general  is  peculiarly  exposed  to  the  chance  of  employ 
ing  not  the  best  instruments.  In  a  country,  too,  which  is 
covered  with  wood,  precise  information  of  the  numbers 
composing  different  columns  is  to  be  gained  with  difficulty." 
After  the  occupation  of  Philadelphia,  the  British  gene 
ral  having  divided  his  force,  so  as  to  give  Washington  a  fair 
opportunity  to  engage  him  with  advantage,  he  determined 
to  avail  himself  of  it  by  surprising  the  camp  which  had  been 

formed  at  Germantown,  and  attacking  both  wings,  in  front 

40 


470  SKETCH    OF    THE 

and  rear,  at  the  same  time.  He  made  all  his  arrangements 
with  his  wonted  caution  and  address;  and,  on  the  fourth  of 
October,  the  enterprise  was  carried  into  effect,  and,  for  a 
time,  seemed  certain  of  a  successful  issue ;  but  the  dark 
ness  of  the  morning,  produced  by  a  fog  of  uncommon  den 
sity,  introducing  confusion  into  the  American  troops,  Wash 
ington  was  compelled  to  relinquish  his  hopes,  and  to  direct 
his  attention  to  secure  the  retreat  of  his  men.  This  he  did 
without  loss.  Decided  approbation  was  expressed  by  con 
gress,  both  of  the  plan  of  this  enterprise,  and  of  the  courage 
with  which  it  was  executed ;  and  their  thanks  were  voted 
to  the  general  and  the  army. 

Having  taken  all  possible  measures  to  cut  off  the  enemy 
from  supplies,  Washington  took  post  at  White  Marsh,  where 
an  attempt  to  surprise  him  was  made  by  general  Howe;  but 
it  was  disconcerted,  intelligence  having  reached  him  of  the 
intended  stroke.  He  then  distributed  his  soldiers  in  winter 
quarters  at  Valley  Forge,  where  their  sufferings  were  ex 
cessive  in  consequence  of  the  intense  severity  of  the  season, 
and  their  want  of  most  of  the  necessaries  for  comfort,  and 
even  for  existence.  Every  effort  was  made  by  him  to  im 
prove  their  condition,  and  augment  their  numbers ;  and  for 
these  ends,  he  exercised,  though  with  caul  ion,  the  dictato 
rial  powers  entrusted  to  him  by  congress. 

His  incessant  labors  and  unyielding  patriotism  could  not, 
however,  save  him  from  the  imputations  which  want  of 
success,  even  though  occasioned  by  insuperable  obstacles, 
always  engenders ;  and  a  combination  was  formed  to  de 
prive  him  of  his  command,  and  substitute  in  his  place  the 
victor  of  Saratoga,  general  Gates.  But  to  weaken  his  hold 
upon  the  confidence  and  affection  of  the  great  body  of  the 
people  and  the  army,  was  found  impossible  ;  and  even  the 
troops  who  had  conquered  under  Gates  received  the  idea  of 
the  change  with  indignation.  The  machinations  of  his  en 
emies  were  frustrated  without  any  efforts  on  his  part,  and 
only  did  injury  to  themselves.  They  made  no  undue  im 
pression  on  his  steady  mind,  nor  did  they  change  one  of  his 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


471 


measures.  His  sensibilities  were  for  his  country,  and  not 
for  himself. 

In  June,  1778,  the  British  evacuated  Philadelphia,  which 
was  rendered  a  dangerous  position  for  them  by  the  part  it 
was  now  evident  that  France  was  about  to  take  in  the  war, 
and  the  naval  force  which  had  been  prepared  by  that  power 
before  she  declared  herself.  They  retreated  upon  New 
York,  through  Jersey,  followed  by  Washington,  who,  in 
opposition  to  the  opinion  of  a  council  of  general  officers, 
and  taking  his  measures  on  his  own  responsibility,  brought 
them  to  an  action  on  the  24th  of  the  month,  at  Monmouth, 
which,  though  not  a  decided  victory,  was  yet  favorable  to 
the  American  arms,  and  productive  of  great  satisfaction  to 
congress  and  the  country.  He  passed  the  night  in  his 
cloak,  in  the  midst  of  his  soldiers,  intending  to  renew  the 
engagement  on  the  following  morning ;  but,  before  the  re 
turn  of  the  day,  the  enemy  had  marched  off  in  silence,  and 
effected  their  retreat  to  New  York.  Marshall  has  given  an 
extract  from  a  letter  of  Lafayette  to  him  respecting  this 
battle,  in  which  he  says,  "  Never  was  general  Washington 
greater  in  war  than  in  this  action  :  his  presence  stopped 
the  retreat;  his  dispositions  fixed  the  victory.  His  fine 
appearance  on  horseback,  his  calm  courage,  roused  by  the 
animation  produced  by  the  vexation  of  the  morning  (16 
depit  de  la  matinee,)  gave  him  the  air  best  calculated  to 
excite  enthusiasm." 

In  the  year  1779,  congress  had  formed  the  plan  of  an  in 
vasion  of  Canada,  which  was  deemed  altogether  inexpedi 
ent  by  Washington  ;  and,  in  consequence,  he  requested  a 
personal  interview.  This  was  acceded  to ;  and,  on  his 
arrival  in  Philadelphia,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  con 
fer  with  him  on  that  particular  subject,  and  on  the  general 
state  of  the  army  and  the  country.  The  result  of  their  con 
ferences  was,  that  the  expedition  against  Canada  was  aban 
doned  ;  and  every  arrangement  recommended  by  the  com- 
mander-in-chief  received  the  attention  to  which  all  his 
opinions  were  entitled.  From  this  period  to  the  siege  of 


472  SKETCH    OF    THE 

Yorktown,  no  incident  calling  for  particular  mention  occur 
red  in  Washington's  career.  He  remained  in  the  neighbor 
hood  of  New  York,  watching  the  enemy,  and  taking  every 
measure  for  the  welfare  of  the  country,  without  being  able 
to  perform  any  striking  exploit.  He  had  to  contend  with 
difficulties  the  mastering  of  which  required  higher  qualities 
than  are  necessary  to  gain  a  brilliant  victory.  His  soldiers 
could  scarcely  be  kept  from  perishing  with  cold  and  hunger, 
or  from  dispersing  and  living  on  plunder.  They  were  daily 
leaving  the  service  :  some  regiments  mutinied ;  others  re 
volted  and  marched  home ;  and  he  could  obtain  no  compli 
ance  with  his  urgent  requisitions  for  recruits.  Nothing 
could  be  looser  and  more  precarious  than  the  thread  by  which 
the  army  was  kept  together ;  and  in  any  other  hands  than 
his,  it  must  inevitably  have  been  broken.  But,  in  spite  of 
every  obstacle  and  disaster,  he  prevented  the  enemy  from 
accomplishing  any  thing  material,  and  adopted  such  prepa 
ratory  steps  as  might  enable  him  to  turn  to  advantage  any 
fortunate  incident  which  might  occur. 

In  1781,  he  planned,  in  conjunction  with  count  de  Ro- 
chambeau,  a  grand  enterprise  against  New  York  ;  but  cir 
cumstances  concurred  to  induce  an  alteration  in  his  views, 
and  to  direct  them  to  operations  in  the  south.  He  contin- 
ed,  however,  arrangements  for  the  attempt  on  the  city,  in 
order  to  deceive  sir  Henry  Clinton  as  to  his  real  intentions, 
which  he  did  with  considerable  address.  In  August,  he 
commenced  his  movement;  and,  having  taken  measures  for 
the  transportation  of  his  army  down  the  Chesapeake,  he 
proceeded  to  Virginia  with  De  Rochambeau  and  the  cheva 
lier  de  Chatelleux.  On  the  14th  of  September,  he  reached 
Williamsburg,  and  had  an  immediate  interview  with  count 
de  Grasse,  the  admiral  of  the  French  fleet,  which  was  lying 
in  the  bay  at  the  time,  for  the  purpose  of  adjusting  a  plan  of 
co-operation  with  regard  to  the  investment  of  the  British  in 
Yorktown,  to  which  they  had  retired.  The  siege  com 
menced  on  the  28th  of  September;  and,  on  the  19th  of 
October,  after  severe  fighting,  lord  Cornwallis  was  reduced 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  473 

to  the  necessity  of  surrendering  the  posts  of  Yorktown  and 
Gloucester  Point,  with  their  garrisons,  and  the  ships  in  the 
harbor,  with  their  seamen,  to  the  land  and  naval  forces  of 
America  and  France. 

The  capture  of  Cornwall  is  was  generally  considered  as 
the  finishing  stroke  of  the  war  ;  but  it  produced  no  disposi. 
tion  in  the  American  commander-in-chief  to  relax  in  those 
exertions  which  might  yet  be  necessary  to  secure  the  great 
object  of  the  contest.  He  hastened  to  Philadelphia  to  con 
fer  with  congress  respecting  the  military  establishment  of 
the  succeeding  year.  He  addressed  a  circular  to  all  the 
state  sovereignties,  pressing  the  importance  of  supplies. 
He  promised  and  made  all  possible  exertions  towards  ex 
pelling  the  British  from  New  York  and  Charleston.  He 
felt  alarm;  and  proclaimed  increased  danger,  lest  the  de 
bates  in  the  British  parliament  concerning  peace  should 
beget  supineness  in  America.  During  the  winter-quarters, 
when  the  military  situation  of  affairs  in  general  would  have 
allowed  of  his  absence  from  camp,  he  remained  there  in 
order  to  watch  and  allay  the  discontents  of  the  American 
troops,  who  supposed  themselves  ill-treated  by  congress  and 
the  states.  After  the  treaty  of  peace  was  signed,  those  dis 
contents,  which  he  knew  at  least  to  be  plausible,  gave  him 
much  trouble  and  disquietude.  He  added  to  his  reputation 
by  the  manner  in  which  he  noticed  and  counteracted  the 
famous  Newburgh  letters,  and  suppressed  the  mutiny  of  the 
Philadelphia  line.  While,  however,  he  vindicated  disci 
pline,  and  enforced  subordination  to  the  civil  authorities, 
he  deeply  sympathized  with  the  suffering  troops,  and  used 
every  lawful  means  of  procuring  redress  for  their  grievances. 

On  the  25th  of  November,  1783,  peace  and  independence 
being  achieved,  the  British  forces  evacuated  New  York, 
and  Washington  made  his  public  entry  into  that  city,  at 
tended  by  a  splendid  volunteer  retinue.  On  the  4th  of  De 
cember,  he  took  his  solemn  farewell  of  the  principal  offi 
cers  of  the  American  army,  assembled  in  a  hotel  at  New 

York.     On  the  19th  of  that  month,  at  Annapolis,  where 
40* 


474  SKETCH    OF    THE 

congress  was  then  in  session,  he  resigned,  in  form,  to  that 
body,  the  commission  which  he  had  so  long  and  gloriously 
borne,  and  returned  to  private  life,  which  he  so  much  loved- 
After  peace  was  proclaimed,  congress  unanimously  passed 
a  resolution  for  the  erection  of  an  equestrian  statue  of  their 
general,  at  the  place  which  should  be  established  for  the 
seat  of  government.  Te  legislature  of  Virginia  also  de 
creed  to  him  "  a  statue  of  the  finest  marble  and  best  work 
manship,"  with  an  appropriate  inscription.  It  was  placed 
in  the  capitol  of  Virginia. 

Washington  took  great  interest  in  the  navigation  of  the 
Virginia  rivers  :  he  exerted  himself  to  procure  joint  legisla 
tive  acts  of  Virginia  and  Maryland  for  the  improvement  of 
the  Potomac.  He  negotiated  with  the  latter  on  the  part  of 
the  former  state  ;  and  the  legislature  of  Maryland,  anxious 
to  bear  some  testimony  to  his  worth,  unanimously  passed  a 
bill  authorizing  the  treasurer  to'fcbscribe,  "  for  the  benefit 
of  general  Washington,"  the  same  number  of  shares  in  each 
of  the  navigation  companies  to  be  formed,  as  were  to  be 
taken  for  the  state.  Washington  was  embarrassed  by  this 
generous  and  honorable  proceeding.  In  a  fine  letter  of 
acknowledgment,  he  declined  the  large  donation  for  him 
self,  but  asked  it  for  some  objects  of  a  public  nature.  The 
shares  were  then  reserved  for  the  use  of  a  seminary  of 
learning  established  in  the  vicinity  of  James  and  Potomac 
rivers. 

In  1787,  the  legislature  of  Virginia  unanimously  elected 
him  one  of  their  delegates  to  the  convention  to  be  held  at 
Philadelphia  for  the  revisal  of  the  federal  system.  He  final 
ly  consented  to  serve,  making  a  painful  sacrifice  of  his 
plans  and  expectations  of  uninterrupted  retirement,  in  order 
to  assist  in  "  averting  the  contemptible  figure  which  the 
American  communities  were  about  to  make  in  the  annals  of 
mankind,  with  their  separate,  'independent,  jealous  state 
sovereignties."  The  convention,  when  assembled  at  Phila 
delphia,  unanimously  chose  him  for  their  president ;  and  no 
member  of  that  august  body  more  decidedly  approved  the 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  475 

constitution  which  they  gave  to  the  country.  All  America, 
as  soon  as  it  was  adopted,  looked  to  him  as  the  first  presi 
dent  under  it,  with  an  eye  of  affectionate  confidence  and 
desire  which  could  not  be  resisted.  His  reluctance  to  quit 
his  retreat  was  extreme.  The  expression  of  his  feelings  on 
this  head,  in  his  private  letters,  is  a  striking  mixture  of  gen 
uine  diffidence,  personal  disappointment  and  elevated  patri 
otism.  Neither  the  animosity  of  parties,  nor  the  prepon 
derance  of  the  enemies  of  the  new  system  in  some  of  the 
states,  could  deprive  him  of  a  single  vote  for  the  station  of 
president.  From  Mount  Vernon  to  New  York,  when  con 
gress  was  in  session,  the  journey  of  Washington  had  the 
character  of  a  triumph.  He  delivered  his  inaugural  address 
on  the  30th  of  April,  1789,  and,  throughout  his  administra 
tion,  acted  up  to  the  principles  and  promises  therein  con 
tained.  As  before  in  his  military  capacity,  so  now  in  his 
civil,  he  declined  receiving  any  thing  beyond  his  actual  ex 
penditures,  in  his  official  character.  We  need  not  repeat 
the  names  of  the  eminent  men  whom  he  associated  with 
him,  in  the  arduous  business  of  putting  the  government  into 
successful  operation.  The  machinery  of  the  system  was  to 
be  contrived,  adapted,  set  in  motion,  and  gave  rise  contin 
ually  to  the  most  important  questions  to  be  decided,  and  a 
conflict  of  strong  prejudices,  keen  jealousies,  partial  inter 
ests,  and  untried  theories.  Washington  was  chosen  as  the 
man  of  the  nation,  the  guardian  of  the  universal  weal  :  in 
no  instance  did  he  act  or  appear  otherwise.  His  incessant 
application  to  business  impaired  his  robust  constitution^ 
Successive  attacks  of  a  severe  disease  compelled  him,  in 
1790,  to  retire,  for  a  short  time,  to  Mount  Vernon.  On  all 
points  of  consequence  connected  with  domestic  or  foreign 
affairs,  he  consulted  his  able  cabinet  with  much  deference, 
collected  their  opinions  anxiously,  and  decided  only  after 
mature  deliberation. 

The  occurrence  and  progress  of  the  French  revolution 
occasioned  that  complete  division  of  parties,  and  those  bit 
ter  animosities,  which  engendered  the  most  perplexity  and 


476  SKETCH    OF    THE 

chagrin  for  Washington,  and  emboldened  or  exasperated  men 
to  impeach,  in  the  end,  even  his  spirit  of  impartiality  and 
love  of  freedom.  In  the  outset,  he  felt  a  lively  interest  in  the 
success  of  that  revolution:  he  did  not  hesitate  to  avow  his 
sympathies  and  wishes;  but  when  the  reign  of  terror  and 
the  order  of  Jacobins  were  established,  he  experienced  re 
pugnance  and  horror,  in  common  with  so  many  other  true 
friends  of  liberty  and  humanity  throughout  the  civilized 
world.  In  his  circular  of  17S3,  he  had  said,  "  There  is  a 
natural  and  necessary  progression  from  the  extreme  of  an 
archy  to  the  extreme  of  tyranny ;  and  arbitrary  power  is 
most  easily  established  on  the  ruins  of  liberty  abused  to 
licentiousness;"  and  in  1793,  he  perceived  that  this  maxim 
was  to  be  verified  in  the  case  of  France.  The  result  justi 
fied  the  caution  with  which  he  avoided  an  alliance  with  that 
power ;  but,  independent  of  the  fatal  character  of  French 
affairs,  he  knew  that  peace  was  indispensable  for  the  United 
States,  in  the  infancy  of  their  national  existence  and  union. 
The  proclamation  of  neutrality,  and  his  resolute  enforce 
ment  of  it ;  Jay's  treaty  with  Great  Britain  ;  and  the  gene 
ral  firmness  of  Washington's  opinions  and  proceedings,  sus 
tained  by  the  unequalled  favor  and  authority  of  his  name 
with  the  people,  saved  our  young  republic  from  being  hur 
ried  into  a  dreadful  vortex.  The  vigor  and  lenity  of  Wash 
ington's  government  were  exemplified  in  the  manner  in 
which  the  insurrection  in  the  western  parts  of  Pennsylva 
nia,  in  1794,  were  suppressed  :  not  a  drop  of  blood  was 
shed. 

At  the  expiration  of  eight  years,  having  served  two  terms, 
Washington  retired  from  the  presidency,  though,  had  he 
consented  to  retain  the  station,  there  can  be  no  doubt  he 
would  have  been  unanimously  re-elected.  His  valedic 
tory  address  to  the  nation  is  too  well  known  for  com 
ment.  His  last  speech  to  congress  was  delivered  on  the  7th 
of  December,  1790.  He  returned  to  Mount  Vernon  to 
enjoy  the  pleasures  of  retirement ;  but  he  was  not  left  to 
perfect  repose.  No  sooner  had  war  with  France  become 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  477 

probable  (1798,)  than  all  eyes  were  directed  to  him  as  the 
person  to  lead  the  American  army.  President  Adams  nom 
inated  him  to  the  chief  command  of  all  the  land  forces,  and 
the  senate  unanimously  confirmed  the  appointment.  He 
accepted  it,  asking  only  riot  to  be  called  into  the  field  until 
his  presence  should  be  required,  and  refusing  to  receive 
any  emoluments  annexed  to  it  before  he  was  in  a  situation 
to  incur  expense.  The  occasion  for  his  services,  which  was 
anticipated,  did  not  happen.  His  devotedness  to  the  cause 
of  his  country  was  not  the  less  appreciated. 

His  public  toils  were  now  finished ;  but  the  period  allow 
ed  him  for  the  enjoyment  of  a  private  life  was  short.  On 
Friday,  the  13th  of  December,  1799,  exposure  to  rain  pro 
duced  an  inflammatory  affection  of  his  throat.  He  expired 
in  the  night  of  Saturday,  having  been  early  aware  of  the 
certainty  of  his  fate.  He  manifested  an  equanimity,  in  his 
last  moments,  suitable  to  the  whole  tenor  of  his  life.  Fune 
ral  honors  were  paid  to  him  in  every  part  of  his  country, 
with  the  most  sincere  and  impressive  manifestations  of  sor 
row.  His  character  is  thus  drawn  by  chief  justice  Mar 
shall  . 

"  General  Washington  was  rather  above  the  common 
size ;  his  frame  was  robust,  and  his  constitution  vigorous, 
capable  of  enduring  great  fatigue,  and  requiring  a  considera 
ble  degree  of  exercise  for  the  preservation  of  his  health.  His 
exterior  created  in  the  beholder  the  idea  of  strength  united 
with  manly  gracefulness.  His  manners  were  rather  reserv 
ed  than  free,  though  they  partook  nothing  of  that  dryness 
and  sternness  which  accompany  reserve  when  carried  to  an 
extreme  ;  and,  on  all  proper  occasions,  he  could  relax  suffi 
ciently  to  show  how  highly  he  was  gratified  by  the  charms 
of  conversation  and  the  pleasures  of  society.  His  person 
and  whole  deportment  exhibited  an  unaffected  and  indescri 
bable  dignity,  unmingled  with  haughtiness,  of  which  all  who 
approached  him  were  sensible;  and  the  attachment  of  those 
who  possessed  his  friendship,  and  enjoyed  his  intimacy,  was 
ardent,  but  always  respectful.  His  temper  was  humane, 


478  SKETCH    OF    THE 

benevolent  and  conciliatory  ;  hut  there  was  a  quickness  in 
his  sensibility  to  any  thing  apparently  offensive,  which  ex 
perience  had  taught  him  to  watch  and  to  correct.     In  the 
management  of  his  private  affairs,   he  exhibited  an   exact, 
yet  liberal  economy.     His  funds  were  not  prodigally  wasted 
on  capricious  and  ill-examined  schemes,  nor  refused  to  ben 
eficial  though  costly  improvements.     They  remained,  there 
fore,  competent  to  that  expensive   establishment  which  his 
reputation,  added  to  a  hospitable  temper,  had  in  some  meas 
ure  imposed  upon  him,  and  to  those  donations  which  real 
distress  has  a  right  to  claim  from  opulence.     He  made  no 
pretensions  to  that  vivacity  which  fascinates,  or  to  that  wit 
which  dazzles  and  frequently  imposes  on  the  understanding. 
More  solid  than  brilliant,  judgment  rather  than  genius  con 
stituted  the  most  prominent  feature  of  his  character.     As  a 
military  man,  he  was  brave,  enterprising  and  cautious.    That 
malignity  which  has  sought  to  strip  him  of  all  the  higher 
qualities  of  a  general,  has  conceded  to  him  personal  cour 
age,  and  a  firmness  of  resolution  which  neither  dangers  nor 
difficulties  could  shake.     But  candor  will  allow  him  other 
great  and  valuable  endowments.     If  his  military  course  does 
not  abound  with  splendid  achievements,  it  exhibits  a  series 
of  judicious  measures,   adapted  to  circumstances,    which 
probably  saved  his  country.     Placed,  without  having  studi 
ed  the  theory,  or  been  taught  in  the  school  of  experience  the 
practice  of  war,  at  the  head  of  an  undisciplined,  ill-organi 
zed  multitude,  which  was  unused  to  the  restraints  and  un 
acquainted  with  the  ordinary  duties  of  a  camp,  without  the 
aid  of  officers  possessing  those  lights  which  the  commander- 
in-chief  was  yet  to  acquire,  it  would  have  been  a  miracle, 
indeed,  had  his  conduct  been    absolutely  faultless.     But, 
possessing  an  energetic  and  distinguishing  mind,  on  which 
the  lessons  of  experience  were  never  lost,  his  errors,  if  he 
committed  any,  were  quickly  repaired  ;   and  those  measures 
which  the  state  of  things  rendered  most   advisable  were 
seldom,  if  ever,  neglected.     Inferior  to  his  adversary  in  the 
numbers,  in  the  equipment,  and  in  the  discipline  of  his 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  479 

troops,  it  is  evidence  of  real  merit,  that  no  great  and  deci 
sive  advantages  were  ever  obtained  over  him,  and  the  oppor 
tunity  to  strike  an  important  blow  never  passed  away  unused. 
He  has  been  termed  the  American  Fabius  ;  but  those  who 
compare  his  actions  with  his  means,  will  perceive  at  least 
as  much  of  Marcellus  as  of  Fabius  in  his  character." 

It  was  a  habit  adopted  by  general  Washington,  at  an 
early  stage  of  his  life,  to  preserve  copies  of  all  his  impor 
tant  letters,  as  well  those  of  a  private  as  those  of  a  public 
nature.  The  transcripts  of  his  revolutionary  papers  occupy 
forty-four  large  folio  volumes.  Each  class  of  subjects  is 
brought  together  in  a  strict  chronological  order,  and  a  co 
pious  index  is  added  to  every  volume.  After  the  revolution 
had  terminated,  and  he  was  settled  on  his  farm,  though  re 
lieved  from  public  duties,  his  correspondence  continued  to 
be  very  extensive  with  eminent  persons  in  this  country  and 
in  Europe ;  and  from  that  time  till  his  acceptance  of  the 
presidency,  his  copied  letters  fill  six  folio  volumes ;  and, 
even  during  the  period  of  his  presidency,  his  habits  of  indus 
try  enabled  him  to  find  leisure  for  preparing  seven  volumes 
of  recorded  letters,  besides  many  others  of  which  press 
copies  were  taken,  and  which  are  not  preserved  in  books. 
There  are  fourteen  other  volumes,  in  which  are  recorded 
the  transactions  of  the  president  with  congress  and  the 
heads  of  departments,  and  which  consist  of  letters  that 
passed  between  him  and  the  secretaries,  on  special  subjects; 
also  opinions,  reports  and  intelligence  from  the  secretaries? 
Among  other  records  is  a  private  journal  kept  by  him,  in 
which  his  official  acts  and  intercourse  with  the  departments 
are  daily  noted  down.  His  letters  remained  numerous  and 
important  to  the  end  of  his  life.  This  great  collection 
shows,  in  a  striking  light,  the  industrious,  methodical  and 
careful  habits  of  Washington. 


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